The  inscription  on  the  portrait  reads  as  follows: 

"Effigies  Seb.  Caboti  Angli,  filii  Johannis  Caboti  Veneti 
Militis  Aurati,  Primi  Inventoris  Terrae  Novae  sub  Henrico  VII. 
Angliae  Rege." 


PORTRAIT  OF  SEBASTIAN  CABOT 

From  a  copy  of  the  original  portrait  purchased  by 
Richard  Biddle  (author  of  this  Memoir)  from  the 
heirs  of  Charles  Joseph  Harford  of  Bristol,  England. 


In  the  great  fire  at  Pittsburgh  in  1845,  Mr.  Biddle's  Library 
and  with  it  the  "  Harford  picture  "  were  completely  destroyed. 
Fortunately  two  copies  of  the  Cabot  portrait  had  been  already 
made.  One  in  1838  by  John  G.  Chapman  with  Mr.  Biddle's 
permission  for  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  and 
another  in  1841,  with  like  permission,  by  Cephas  G.  Thompson 
for  the  New  York  Historical  Society.  It  is  from  the  latter 
copy  that  the  illustration  for  this  book  has  been  made. 


MEMOIR 


SEBASTIAN    CABOT; 


WITH 


A  REVIEW 


OF 


THE  HISTORY  OF  MARITIME  DISCOVERY. 
ILLUSTRATED  BY  DOCUMENTS  FROM  THE  ROLLS, 

NOW  FERST  PUBLISHED. 


PUBLISHED  BY  CAREY  AND  LEA. 
1831. 

REPRINTED  BY  J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY 

1915. 


Philadelphia: 

Printed  by  James  Kay,  Jun.  &  Co. 
No.  4,  Minor  Street. 

Reprinted  by 

J.  B.  Lippincott  Company 

1915. 


ACIFIC  CCAST 
HiSTOHY 


CONTENTS. 

INTBODUCTION     .  .  •  •          *  •  •  •         1 

BOOK  I. 

CHAP.  I. 

-The  highest  Northern  Latitude  reached  by  Cabot— Authorities  collected  by 
Hakluyt— Attempt  to  explain  their  supposed  discrepance  .  .  7 

CHAP.  H. 

The  subject  continued — Gomara     .  .  «  •  •          .*       20 

CHAP*  HI. 

Cabot  penetrated  into  Hudson's  Bay  ,.          «,         '..      .•  .  .        26 

CHAP..  IV. 

First  Work  of  Hakluyt — Maps  and  Discourses  left  by  Sebastian  Cabot  at  his 
death  ready  for  Publication  .  .  .  .  .  .  37 

CHAP.  V. 
Comparative  Agency  of  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  .'          .  .        41 

CHAP.  VI. 

First  point  seen  by  Cabot— Not  Newfoundland       •.  .  .  .        51 

CHAP.  VH. 
Cabot ^d  not  confer  the  name  Prima  Vista  ....        57 

CHAP.  vra. 

Richard  Eden's  «  Decades  of  the  New  World"— Cabot's  own  statement  as  to 
the  Place  of  his  Birth  .  .  .  .  .  .61 

CHAP.  IX. 

Patents  of  5th  March,  1496,  and  3rd  February,  1498— The  latter  now  first 
published  from  the  Rolls— Total  misconception  heretofore  as  to  its  Terms  70 

CHAP.  X. 

Name  of  the  English  Ship  which  first  reached  the  Continent  of  America- 
How  far  Cabot  proceeded  to  the  Southward  along  the  Coast— Subsequent 
Voyage  of  1498  .  .78 


IV  CONTENTS. 

CHAP.  XI. 

Voyage  to  Maracaibo,  in  1499      ^    .          » 

CHAP.  XH. 

Correspondence  between  Ferdinand  of  Spain  and  Lord  Willoughby  de 
Broke — Cabot  enters  the  service  of  Spain  13th  September,  1512 — Revi 
sion  of  Maps  and  Charts  in  1515 — Appointed  a  Member  of  the  Council  of 
the  Indies — Projected  Expedition  to  the  North  under  his  Command  to 
Sail  in  March,  1516 — Death  of  Ferdinand  in  January,  1516 — Intrigues — 
Cabot  returns  to  England  ...  .  .  .  96 

CHAP.  XIII. 

Cabot's  Voyage  of  1517  from  England  in  search  of  the  North-West  Passage      102 

CHAP.  XIV. 

Hakluyffc  error  with  regard  to  the  Voyage  of  1517  .  .  .108 

CHAP.  XV. 

Voyage  of  15 17,  the  one  referred  to  by  Cabot  in  his  Letter  to  Ranrosio      .      1 15 

CHAP.  XVI. 

Cabot  appointed,  in  1518,  Pilot-Major  of  Spain — Summoned  to  attend  the 
Congress  at  Badajos  in  1524— Projected  Expedition  under  his  Command 
tothe  Moluccas  .  ..  .  .  ..  .  •  .118 

CHAP.  XVH. 

Jealousy  of  the  contemplated  .Expedition  on  the  part  of  Portugal— Mission 
of  Diego  Garcia,  a  Portuguese  ...  .  .  .  123 

CHAP.  XVIH. 

Interference  with  the  arrangements  for  the  Voyage — Mendez  appointed 
second  in  Command  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  Cabot— De  Rojas — The 
Sealed  Orders— Prejudices  of  the  Spanish  Historians— Expedition  sails  129 

CHAP.'  XIX. 

Complaints  in  the  Squadron— Pretended  Causes  of  Dissatisfaction — Mutiny 
— Quelled  by  the  Energy  of  Cabot — Happy  Results — His  conduct  justi 
fied  to  the  Emperor — Ridiculous  charges  suggested  by  Diego  Garcia  .  134 

CHAP.  XX. 

Cabot  enters  the  La  Plata — Necessity  for  caution — His  Predecessor  as  Pilot- 
Major  killed  in  attempting  to  explore  that  River — Carries  the  Island  of 
St  Gabriel— His  progress  to  St  Salvador  where  a  Fort  is  erected — Its 
position — Loss  in  taking  possession  .....  145 

CHAP.  XXI. 

Cabot  proceeds  up  the  Parana — Erects  another  Fort,  called  Santus  Spiritus, 
and  afterwards  Fort  Cabot — Its  Position — Continues  to  ascend — Curiosity 
of  the  Natives  as  to  the  Expedition — Passes  the  Mouth  of  the  Parana- 
Enters  the  Paraguay— Sanguinary  Battle  thirty-four  leagues  up  that  River 
—Three  Hundred  of  the  Natives  killed,  with  a  loss  to  Cabot  of  Twenty, 
five  of  his  Party— Maintains  his  Position— Garcia  enters  the  River— In. 


CONTENTS.  V 

terview  with  Cabot— Mistakes  of  Charlevoir,  Scc.t— Cabot  returns  to  the 
Fort  Santos  Spiritus          .  .  •  .  150 

CHAP.  XXII 

Report  to  Charles  V.— Its  Contents — Prospect  which  it  held  out — Peru  con 
templated  in  Cabot's  original  Plan  of  1524— Specimens  found  by  him  of  the 
precious  metals  obtained  thence  by  the  Guafanis — Emperor  resolves  on  a 
great  Expedition — His  pecuniary  embarrassments — Pizarro  offers  to  make 
the  Conquest  of  Peru  at  his  own  Expense — Reflections — the  Name  Rio  de 
La  Plata  not  conferred  by  Cabot — Misrepresentation  on  this  and  other 
points  .  .......  156 

CHAP.  XXIII. 

Cabot's  residence  in  the  La  Plata— Subjection  of  remote  tribes— Claims  of 
Spain  rested  on  this  Expedition — Treaty  with  the  Guaranis — Detailed  Re 
port  to  the  Emperor  as  to  the  productions,  &c.  of  the  country — Misconduct 
'of  the  followers  of  Garcia — Leads  to  a  general  attack  from  the  Natives— 
Return  to  Spain  .  .  *  .  .  .  •  163 

CHAP.  XXIV. 

Employment  of  Cabot  after  his  return— Resumes  his  functions  as  Pilot-Major 
—Makes  several  voyages— Fame  for  bravery  and  skill— Visit  of  a  learned 
Italian— Cabot's  allusion  to  Columbus  .  .  .  .  .1.67 

CHAP.  XXV. 

Perversion  of  facts  and  dates  by  Harris  and  Pinkerton— Cabot's  return  to  Eng 
land — Probable  inducements — Erroneous  reason  assigned  by  Mr  Barrow- 
Charles  Vr  makes  a  demand  on  the  King  of  England  for  his  return — Refused 
—Pension  to  Cabot— Duties  confided  to  him— More  extensive  than  those 
belonging  to  the  office  of  Pilot-Major  .  .  .  *  171 

CHAP.  XXVI. 

Public  explanation  by  Cabot  to  Edward  VI.  of  the  phenomena  of  the  Varia 
tion  of  the  Needle — Statement  of  Livio  Sanuto — Point  of  No  Variation  fixed 
by  Cabot— Adopted  afterwards  by  Mercator  for  his  Great  Meridian— Refer 
ence  to  Cabot's  Map — Early  testimonials — Allusion  to  the  English  discove 
ries  in  the  edition  of  Ptolemy  published  at  Rome  in  1508 — Fournier — Atten 
tion  to  note  the  Variation  by  the  seamen  of  Cabot's  school — His  theory,  if  a 
narrow  one,  would  have  been  thus  exposed  •  .  .  175 

CHAP.  XXVH. 

Mistake  of  Purchas,  Pinkerton,  Dr  Henry  in  his  History  of  Great  Britain, 
Campbell  in  the  Lives  of  the  Admirals,  and  other  writers,  as  to  the  Knight- 
ing  of  John  or  Sebastian  Cabot  .  .  .  «  .179 

CHAP.  XXVHI. 

Stagnation  of  trade  in  England— Cabot  consulted  by  the  Merchants— Urges* 
the  enterprise  which  resulted  in  the  trade  to  Russia— Preliminary  difficulties 
— Struggle  with  the  Stilyard — That  Monopoly  broken  down — Earnestness 
of  Edward  VI.  on  the  subject — His  munificent  donation  to  Cabot  after  the 
result  was  declared  .  •  182 


VI  CONTENTS. 

CHAP.  XXIX. 

Preparations  for  the  Expedition— "Precautions  as  to  Timber— Sheathing  of  the 
vessels  now  first  resorted  to  in  England — Examination  of  two  Tartars — 
Chief  command  given  to  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby — Richard  Chancellor — 
Stephen  Burrough — William  Bui-rough — Arthur  Pet— This  Expedition  con 
founded  with  another  by  Strype  and  Campbell  .  .  .186 

CHAP.  XXX. 

Instructions  prepared  by  Cabot  for  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby      .  .  .190 

CHAP.  XXXI. 

The  Expedition  drops  down  to  Greenwich — Salutes — Animating  scene — Pro 
ceeds  to  sea— Vessels  separated— Fate  of  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby— Chancel- ' 
lor  reaches  Wardhouse — Earnestly  dissuaded  from  proceeding  further — 
His  gallant  resolution— Confidence  of  the  Crew  in  him— Reaches  Archangel 
—Excellent  effect  of  observing  Cabot's  Instructions  as  to  deportment  to 
wards  the  Na,tives— Success  of  Chancellor  .  .  .  .  193 

CHAP.  XXXII. 

Charter  to  the  Company  of  Merchant  Adventurers— Sebastian  Cabot  named 
Governor  for  Life — Grant  of  Privileges  by  the  Emperor  of  Russia  to  Sebas 
tian  Cabot  and  others— An  Ambassador  from  the  Emperor  embarks  with 
Richard  Chancellor— Shipwreck— Chancellor  perishes— Reception  and  en 
tertainment  of  the  Ambassador  in  London  •  •  •  •  197 

CHAP,  xxxra. 

View  of  the  Trade  opened  with  Russia  from  the  Letters  of  the  Company  to 
the  Agents — Prices  of  English  manufactured  goods — Articles  obtained  in 
return— Extensive  establishment  of  Englishmen  at  Moscow  when  that  city 
was  destroyed  by  the,  Tartars  .  .  .  •  •  .200 

CHAP.  XXXIV* 

The  Charter  of  Incorporation — Recites  preparations  actually  made  for  voyages 
to  the  North-East,  and  North- West— How  frustrated— Whale  Fishery- 
Newfoundland  Fishery— The  Ambassador  of  the  Sophy  of  Persia  at  Moscow 
—His  information  to  the  Emperor  of  Russia  about  England — Followed  up 
by  a  Messenger  to  Persia  from  England  with  a  Letter  proposing  commercial 
intercourse  ........  208 

CHAP.  XXXV. 

The  Search-thrift  despatched  to  the  North  in  1556,  under  Stephen  Burrough — 
Cabot's  entertainment  at  Gravesend — Influence  of  the  death  of  Edward  VI. 
on  his  personal  fortunes — Reviving  hopes  of  the  Stilyard  Merchants — their 
insolent  reference  to  the  Queen  in  a  memorial  addressed  to  Philip — The 
latter  reaches  London  20th  May,  1557— New  arrangements  as  to  Cabot's 
Pension  29th  May,  1557— William  Worthington  in  possession  of  his  papers 
—Account  of  that  person— Manner  in  which  the  Maps  and  Discourses  have 
probably  disappeared — Cabot's  Illness — Affecting  Account  of  his  Last  Mo 
ments,  by  the  Friend  who  attended  him  «  .;  .  .  .  213 


CONTENTS.  vii 

BOOK  II. 

CHAP.  I. 

Review  of  the  History  of  Maritime  Discovery,  so  far  as  may  be  necessary  to 
exhibit  the  pervading  influence  of  Cabot — Patent  of  19th  March  1501,  now 
first  published  from  the  Rolls,  to  three  Merchants  of  Bristol,  and  three  Por 
tuguese — Natives  brought  to  England  and  exhibited  at  Court — Erroneous 
reference  of  this  incident  to  Cabot — Hakluyt's  perversion — Second  Patent 
9th  December,  1502 — Dr  Robertson's  misconceptions — Probable  reasons 
for  the  abandonment  of  the  enterprise  .  .  ,  221 

CHAP.  n. 

First  visit  of  Columbus  to  Terra  Firma  on  his  third  voyage— Apprised  before 
leaving  Spain  of  Cabot's  Discovery  of  the  Continent — Projected  Expedition 
to  the  North  from  Spain  .....  231 

CHAP.  m. 

Expedition  from  Portugal— Cortereal— The  work  entitled  Paesi  novamente 
ritrovatif  &c. — Letters  of  the  Venetian  Ambassador  at  Lisbon  eleven  daya 
after  the  return  of  Courtereal — Reference  to  the  previous  voyage  of  Cabot 
— Trinkets  found  amongst  the  Natives— French  translation  of  the  Paesi, 
&c.in!516  .  .  .  .  .  ...  .  -233 

CHAP.  IV. 

The  region  visited  by  Cortereal— Statements  of  the  three-Portuguese  Histori- 
rians,  Damiano  Goes,  Osorius,  and  Galvano — Of  Gomara,  Herrera,  and  Fumee 
— Edition  of  Ptolemy,  published  at  Basle,  1540 — The  name  Labrador,  i.  e. 
Labourer  .  .  .  .  •  .  .  .  .241 

CHAP.  V. 

Circumstances  which  have  led  to  errors  as  to  the  voyage  of  Cortereal — The 
Portuguese  Maps — Isle  of  Demons — The  fraud  of  Madrignanon  in  the  Itine. 
rarium  Portugallensium — Mr  Barrow's  Chronological  History  of  Voyages, 
&c.— Dr  Lardner's  Cyclopaedia— The  Edinburgh  Cabinet  Library  .  245 

CHAP.  VI. 

Diffusive  mischief  of  the  Itinerarium  Portugallensium — Grynseus— Meusel— 
Fleurieu — Humboldt,  &c.  .......  352 

CHAP.  vn. 

Project  of  Cortes  in  1524.       .  „       ;    .  .  .  .  258 

CHAP.  VIII. 

Voyage  of  Stephen  Gomez  in  the  service  of  Spain    ....    261 

CHAP.  IX. 

Expedition  from  England  in  1527 — Erroneous  statement  that  one  of  the  vess 
els  was  named  Dominus  Pobiscum — Their  names,  The  Samson  and  The 
Mary  of  Guilford — Letters  from  the  Expedition  dated  at  Newfoundland, 
addressed  to  Henry  VIII.  and  Cardinal  Wolscy— The  Italian  Navigator,  Juan 
Verrazani,  accompanies  the  Expedition  and  is  killed  by  the  Natives— Loss 


Vlil  CONTENTS. 

of  the  Samson— The  Mary  of  GuiMbrd  visits  Brazil,  Porto  Rico,  &c.— Ar 
rives  in  England  October  1527— Robert  Thome  of  Bristol— His  letter  cfculd 
not  have  led  to  this  Expedition  .  .  .  .  .  .268 

CHAP.  X. 

Voyage  from  England  in  1536  .        '   .    .        .  .  .  .    278 

CHAP.  XI. 

Expedition  of  Cortereal  in  1574,  and  retrospect  to  a  pretended  voyage  by  a 
person  of  the  same  name  in  1464    .  .  .281 

CHAP.  XH. 

Frobisher     ,  .  .          .  .  •          .  .  .          •    285 

CHAP.  XHL 
Hudson  .    295 


APPENDIX. 

(A.) 

Fabyan's  Chronicle— AJiusion  to  Cabot          .  .  .  .  .299 

(B.) 
English  Expedition  said  to  have  been  found  by  Hojeda  at  Caquibacoa         .    301 

(C.) 

Wai  Cabot  appointed  Grand  Pilot       »          .          ,          .          <*          .    305 

(D.) 

Letters  Patent  now  first  published,  dated  19th  March  1501,  from  Henry  VII. 
to  Richard  Warde,  Thomas  Ashehurst,  John  Thomas,  of  Bristol,  and  John 
Fernandas,  Francis  Fernandus,  and  John  Gunsolus,  Portuguese  .  .  306 

(E.) 

Possible  origin  of  the  misconception  as  to  the  name  Domnus  vobiseum  erro 
neously  associated  with  the  voyage  of  1527  from  England— Forster^s  mis 
take  as  to  Nommbegar- Error  as  to  the  period  at  which  Newfoundland  was 
first  frequented  for  Fishing  .......  315 

(FO 

Portrait  of  Sebastian  Cabot  by  Holbein         .  .  .  .  .317 

(G.) 

Error  in  attributing  to  Cabot  the  work  entitled  "Navigatione  nelleparte  Set- 
tentrionale,"  published  at  Venice  in  1583  .  .  .  .320 


PREFACE. 


THIS  volume  is  a  reprint  from  the  original  American 
Edition,  published  by  Lea  and  Blanchard  of  Phila 
delphia,  in  the  year  1831.  An  English  Edition  appeared 
also  in  London  the  same  year  and  was  followed  by  a 
second  edition  issued  there  in  1832.  The  American 
Edition  and  the  first  English  Edition  are  precisely  alike 
in  all  respects.  In  the  second  London  Edition  a  quo 
tation  from  the  New  Interlude  No.  5  is  introduced  at 
page  77,  and  this  additional  matter  will  be  found  in 
an  appendix  printed  at  the  back  of  the  book. 

This  issue  of  a  modern  Edition  of  the  "Memoir  of 
Sebastian  Cabot"  is  undertaken  by  the  surviving  son 
of  the  author  in  testimony  of  his  affectionate  venera 
tion  for  his  father's  memory. 

Richard  Biddle,  at  his  death  in  1847,  was  in  his 
fifty-first  year.  A  son  of  Charles  Biddle  (1745-1821), 
Vice-President  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of 
Pennsylvania  when  Benjamin  Franklin  was  its  Presi 
dent,  Mr.  Biddle's  early  associations  were  connected 
with  Philadelphia,  and  his  legal  studies  pursued  in  his 
native  city.  In  the  same  year  of  his  admission  to  the 
Bar,  however,  he  removed  to  Pittsburgh  (Pa.),  where 
he  soon  became  distinguished  in  his  profession. 

In  a  Eulogy  delivered  in  1847,  the  year  of  Mr. 

ix 


Biddle's  death,  before  the  members  of  the  Pittsburgh 
Bar,  and  by  one  of  its  most  distinguished  members,  a 
very  vivid  portrayal  is  given  of  the  author's  career  at 
the  Bar.  The  qualities  of  his  indomitable  energy  are 
dwelt  upon,  and  one  sentence  in  the  address,  as  fore 
shadowing  his  labors  on  this  Memoir,  seems  apt  enough 
to  quote: — "his  mind  was  of  great  power  and  his  energy 
was  invincible — no  prospect  of  severe  and  interminable 
labor  made  him  hesitate  or  falter." 

After  ten  years  of  active  professional  life,  he  went 
abroad  in  1828  and  settled  himself  in  London.  Here 
he  continued  a  diligent  student,  frequenting  the  Courts 
and  Libraries.  Just  how  he  was  led  to  undertake  the 
farther  voyage — for  such  it  proved  itself — into  those 
unfathomed  depths  of  legend  and  fact  surrounding  at 
that  time  the  careers  of  the  Cabots,  it  may  not  be 
possible  to  determine.  In  his  own  preface  Mr.  Biddle 
draws  attention  to  some  very  loose  and  inaccurate 
statements  appearing  just  then  in  a  new  Edition  of  the 
"Biographic  Universelle."  It  is  entirely  possible  that 
the  erroneous  and  slighting  remarks  upon  the  voyages 
of  the  Cabots  to  which  he  adverts  may  have  been  the 
inducing  cause  for  the  exhaustive  researches  he  under 
took,  lasting  several  years,  and  resulting  in  what  has 
been  recognized  on  high  modern  authority  "as  the 
best  review  of  the  history  of  maritime  discovery  relating 
to  the  period  of  which  it  treats  that  had  appeared." 
(Deane  (Charles),  Voyages  of  the  Cabots.) 

The  book  on  its  appearance  made  a  deep  impression, 
and  although  published  anonymously  its  authorship  was 


XI 

no  secret.  From  many  reviews  and  notices  of  it  that 
appeared  at  the  time  in  English,  French,  Italian  and 
American  publications,  we  select  and  give  excerpts  from 
those  published  in  the  London  Westminster  Review, 
and  in  the  North- American  Review  in  this  country. 

In  its  issue  of  January,  1832,  the  Westminster 
Review  remarks: 

"This  book  is  a  phenomenon  among  the  productions 
of  the  day,  for  various  reasons — first,  it  is  not  a  catch 
penny,  next  it  is  written  with  the  motive  of  discovering 
truth;  again  it  is  the  result  of  hard  labor,  and  acute 
investigation  among  the  really  original  authorities;  it 
is  not  written  for  money;  it  springs  from  studies,  of 
such  accuracy  and  minuteness  as  no  ordinary  pecuniary 
reward  could  pay.  Again  its  title-page  is  much  less 
comprehensive  than  the  volume  and  altogether  from 
these  and  other  causes  it  forms  a  glorious  exception 
from  the  poor  and  paltry  spirit  which  actuates  nine 
publications  out  of  ten  of  those  that  load  the  counters 
of  the  modern  book-seller.  .  .  .  The  author  of  this 
volume  is  an  American,  he  does  honor  to  his  country, 
and  we  cannot  but  take  kindly  the  interest  he  has 
shown  in  vindicating  for  England  the  parentage  of  the 
land  of  his  birth." 

Quoting  from  the  North-American  Review  of  Jan 
uary,  1832: 

"The  author  has  well  kept  the  honorable  promise 
(contained  in  Preface)  which  he  has  thus  virtually 
made.  He  never  points  out  an  error  where  he  is  not 
able  to  substitute  the  truth,  and  never  sets  up  a  theory 


Xll 

or  conjecture  till  he  has  a  solid  foundation  of  fact  for 
it  to  rest  upon  j;  .  .  He  seems  perfectly  ac 
quainted  with  the  contents  of  many  rare  and  curious 
books  of  reference,  the  very  titles  of  which  are  probably 
new  to  ninety-nine  out  of  a  hundred  of  his  readers. 
.  .  .  He  has  dragged  into  light  manuscripts  with 
the  mould  of  centuries  upon  them,  and  forced  them 
to  give  their  tardy  testimony  in  favor  of  the  truth. 
.  .  .  Nothing  escapes  his  acuteness  and  penetra 
tion.  .  .  »•-  The  book  is  indeed  unrivalled  in  its 
way  and  is  well  worth  the  attentive  study  of  a  young 
lawyer  as  a  model  for  a  learned,  acute  and  profound 
argument  upon  certain  obscure  and  disputed  points  of 
history,  which  admits  nothing  that  is  irrelevant  and 
rejects  nothing  that  is  important,  and  by  which  a  cause 
that  looks  desperate  at  first  is  so  triumphantly  sup 
ported,  that  we  wonder  how  the  contrary  impression 
could  ever  have  prevailed."  . 

It  is  not  claiming  too  much  to  say  that  Richard 
Biddle's  "Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot"  was  the  pioneer 
in  the  work  of  investigation  and  verification  that  has 
resulted  in  the  mass  of  literature  issued  since  on  the 
early  voyages  of  the  Cabots.  His  discovery  among  the 
Manuscripts  in  the  Public  Record  Office,  London,  of 
the  text  of  Henry  VII's  second  letters  patent,  and  his 
distinguishing  thereby  for  the  first  time  that  there  were 
two  Cabot  voyages,  in  1497  and  1498,  was  an  immense 
contribution  to  the  subject.  In  fact  Mr.  G.  P.  Winship, 
in  his  exhaustive  treatise  on  the  literature  of  the  Cabot 
Voyages,  sums  up  his  notes  on  Mr.  Biddle's  Memoir 


Xlll 

by  saying  that  "The  strictly  historical  investigation 
into  the  careers  of  the  Cabots  dates  from  the  appear 
ance  of  Mr.  Biddle's  volume." 

In  a  preface  to  "John  and  Sebastian  Cabot"  by 
C.  Raymond  Beazley,  Fellow  of  Merton  College, 
Oxford,  appearing  in  1898,  the  author  in  noting  the 
changes  of  .opinion  in  Europe  and  America  on  certain 
points  of  history,  leads  off  by  saying,  "Since  the  modern 
Cabot  literature  began  with  the  appearance  of  R. 
Biddle's  (American)  Memoir  in  1831."  .<  .  .  Not 
a  work  on  the  Cabots  but  contains  references  to  the 
Biddle  Memoir  (Harrisse  has  36  references),  and  a  note 
in  Winship's  Cabot  Bibliography  mentions  that  an  ac 
count  of  Cabot  by  Errizo,  appearing  at  Venice  in  1855, 
"is  largely  drawn  from  Biddle." 

Mr.  Biddle  returned  to  Pittsburgh  in  1832,  after  an 
absence  of  four  years,  and  reengaged  in  the  practice 
of  the  law.  In  1837  he  was  elected  to  Congress,  and 
went  to  Washington  the  year  following  to  attend  its 
sessions.  Mr.  David  Ritchie,  when  speaking  of  his 
election  in  the  Eulogium  referred  to  at  the  beginning 
of  this  notice,  says:  "No  man  was  ever  elected  to 
that  place  with  less  intrigue  or  management  or  personal 
interference.  He  had  earned  such  a  position  in  this 
community  (Pittsburgh)  that  the  people  desired  his 
services  and  sent  him  to  Congress  without  any  solici 
tation  on  his  part.  .  .  .  He  had  not  been  long  in 
the  house  of  representatives  till  his  position  was  of 
the  highest."  He  was  reflected  in  1838,  and  served 
in  the  first  session  of  '39  and  '40,  but  in  this  year 


XIV 

resigned  "to  the  very  great  regret  of  his  constituents, 
to  whom  his  services  gave  almost  universal  satisfaction." 

On  the  17th  of  June,  1844,  he  was  married  to  Ann 
Eliza  Anderson,  eldest  daughter  of  John  Anderson  of 
Pittsburgh.  This  lady  survived  him  many  years,  and 
passed  the  latter  portion  of  her  life  in  Philadelphia, 
although  finally  removing  to  her  daughter's  house  in 
Pittsburgh,  where  she  died  May  6th,  1908. 

Two  children  were  born  of  this  marriage:  a  son, 
Richard,  now  a  resident  of  Tennessee,  and  a  daughter, 
Grace,  lately  deceased,  who  married  the  Rev.  J.  Hall 
Mcllvaine. 

EDWARD  BIDDLE. 

December,  1915. 

CORRECTION 

In  a  Note  at  foot  of  page  79,  a  printed  nought  should 
clearly  have  been  the  figure  9 — Thus  for  "  10th  August, 
1407,"  read  "10th  August,  1497.  To  hym  that  found 
the  New  Isle,  101" 


RICHARD  BIDDLE  (1796-1847) 
Author  of  a  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot. 

From  the  portrait  by  Thomas  Sully,  painted  in  1821. 


INTRODUCTION. 


THE  following  pages  lay  claim  to  the  share  of  merit 
that  may  be  due  to  a  spirit  of  diligent  research  which 
took  nothing  at  second  hand  where  an  original  writef, 
or  document,  could  be  consulted,  and  would  not  be 
turned  aside,  by  any  authority,  from  the  anxious  pur 
suit,  and  resolute  vindication,  of  the  Truth.  They  are 
offered,  therefore,  with  the  confidence  inspired  by  a 
consciousness  of  good  faith.  Yet  the  author  is  suffi 
ciently  aware  that  the  public  has  nothing  to  do  with  the 
integrity  of  his  purpose,  or  the  patient  industry  with 
which  it  has  been  followed  up,  except  so  far  as  a  valua 
ble  result  may  have  been  achieved. 

What  is  now  submitted  made  part,  originally,  of  a 
much  more  extensive  plan.  But  there  was  found,  at 
every  turn,  so  much  to  clear  up,  and  the  materials  for 
rectification  so  multiplied,  that  it  seemed  impossible  to 
treat  the  subject  satisfactorily  without  giving  to  it,  in 
connexion  with  any  other,  a  cumbrous  and  dispropor- 
tioned  air.  To  hazard  assertions,  and  to  venture  on 
the  requisite  plainness  of  criticism,  without  producing 
the  evidence  which  justified  a  departure  from  received 
opinions  could  have  effected  no  good  purpose,  and  would 
have  justly  incurred,  the  charge  of  presumption.  Error 

A 


11 

was  too  deeply  intrenched  to  permit  a  hope  of  dislodging 
it,  unless  through  the  regular,  though  tedious,  forms  of 
investment. 

The  author  is  very  sensible  of  the  dry  and  argumenta 
tive  manner  here  imparted  to  topics  which  have  usually 
been  viewed,  and  treated,  as  susceptible  of  the  highest 
embellishment.  He  can  only  hope  that  others  may 
catch  a  feeling,  such  as  gained  on  himself  at  every  step, 
which,  in  the  disentanglement  of  facts,  rejects  impa 
tiently,  rather  than  solicits,  whatever  does  not  conduce 
directly  to  the  result.  The  mind  seems  to  demand,  with 
sternness",  that  this  labour  shall  first  be  gone  through, 
as  the  eye  requires  a  solid  foundation,  and  an  assured 
elevation,  before  it  can  rest  with  complacency  on  the 
decorative  acanthus. 

Amidst  a  great  deal  of  undeniably  fine  writing  on  the 
subject  with  which  the  present  volume  is  connected,  it 
would  seem  to  have  secured  to  itself  less  tha&  any  other 
of  patient  and  anxious  labour.  The  task  of  setting 
facts  right  has  been  regarded  as  an  unworthy  drudgery, 
while  an  ambitious  effort  is  witnessed  to  throw  them 
before  the  public  eye  in  all  the  fantastic  shapes,  and 
deceptive  colouring,  of  error.  Gibbon  remarks  of  Tille- 
mont,  that  his  inimitable  Accuracy  "  almost  assumes  the 
character  of  Genius."  Many  writers  of  the  present  day 
seem  to  have  constantly  in  view  the  tendency  of  the 
public  mind  to  a  classification  of  powers,  and  to  dread 
lest  any  remarkable  display  of  the  quality  in  question, 
might  be  artfully  seized  on  as  characteristic,  and  thus 
prejudice  their  claims  to  the  highest  honours  of  au 
thorship. 

A  new  and  urgent  motive  may  be  suggested  for  en- 


Ill 

deavouring  to  clear  up,  as  speedily  as  possible,  the  con 
fusion  which  has  hence  heen  suffered  to  gather  round 
the  best  established  facts,  and  left  their  recognition  or 
denial  at  the  mercy  of  chance  or  caprice.  While  a 
salutary  jealousy  of  extensive  Combinations,  in  the 
Political  World,  distinguishes  the  present  age,  there  has 
been  organised  in  that  of  Letters,  almost  unobserved  in 
this  country,  a  confederacy  which  has  gradually  drawn 
to  itself,  and  skilfully  consolidated,  a  power  that  may 
now  be  pronounced  truly  formidable.  It  has  already 
begun  to  speak  out  plainly  the  language  of  dictation. 
The  great  literary  achievement  of  modern  France — 
the  "Biographie  Universelle" — is  at  length  brought  to  a 
close,  completing  by  the  fifty-second  volume  its  triumph 
over  the  alphabet.  It  is  a  work  destined,  unquestion 
ably,  to  exercise  an  important  influence  over  the  Rights 
of  the  Dead  of  all  Nations.  When  it  stated  that  the 
list  of  contributors  contains  the  names  of  more  than 
three  hundred  writers  of  the  highest  literary  eminence 
in  France,  from  the  year  1810,  when  the  first  volume 
appeared,  to  the  present  time,  that  every  article  is 
accompanied  by  the  name  of  the  author  to  whom  it 
had  been  assigned  in  reference  to  his  habitual  studies, 
and  that  not  a  line  appeared  without  having  been  pre 
viously  submitted  to  several  contributors  in  succession, 
it  must  be  obvious  that  the  character  of  such  a  work  is 
matter  of  deep  and  universal  interest. 

A  Supplement  is  announced,  in  which  notice  will 
be  taken  of  any  inaccuracy,  after  which  doubt  and 
controversy  must  cease. 

"  Les  assertions  ou  les  fails  qu'on"  n'y  pas  rectifies  ou  dementis  devront  par 
ce  tnoyen  ctre  regardes  comme  a  peu-pres  incontestables  et  sans  r^plique." 


IV 


Thus  The  Dead,  of  the  most  remote  age,  are  sum 
moned  to  appear  before  this  tribunal,  and  a  charge  is  to  be 
taken  for  confessed,  unless  an  Answer  be  put  in  before 
the  period  (which  yet  is  left  indefinite)  when  the  Sup 
plement  shall  go  to  press.  We  may  smile  at  this  sally 
of  self-importance,  but  ought  not  to  forget  that  the  au 
thority  of  these  volumes,  whether  for  good  or  evil,  will 
unquestionably  be  extensive  and  commanding.  Facts, 
and  with  them  reputation,  cannot,  it  is  true,  be  irre 
vocably  stereotyped;  yet  a  perilous  circulation  may 
be  given  to  the  erroneous  version,  and  a  work  which 
will  influence,  directly  or  indirectly,  a  majority  of  those 
whose  opinions  constitute  fame,  it  were  idle  to  treat 
with  contempt,  and  unjust  not  to  attempt  to  rectify, 
where  its  statements  disparage  a  national  benefactor. 

It  must  be  conceded  that  an  omission  of  names  can 
not  fairly  be  laid  to  the  charge  of  the  Biographic  Uni- 
verselle.  The  stream  of  time  has  been  dragged  with 
humane  perseverance,  and  many  who,  it  was  supposed, 
had  sunk  to  rise  no  more,  are  made  to  reappear  at  the 
surface.  As  to  the  more  important  question,  how  far, 
there  are  manifested,  in  general,  extent  and  accuracy  of 
knowledge,  and  skill  in  its  display,  it  might  be  unjust 
to  offer  an  opinion  without  going  into  much  greater 
detail  than  is  here  practicable.  But  it  is  quite  fair  to 
assert  that  the  many  shameful  marks  of  haste,  heedless- 
ness  and  gross  ignorance  which  it  falls  within  the  pre 
sent  limited  inquiry  to  expose — and  more  particularly 
in  bibliography  which  is  the  subject  of  especial  vaunt 
— may  suffice  to  show  how  idle  must  be  considered  its 
claim  to  infallibility,  even  after  the  appearance  of  the 
Supplement.  In  the  article  devoted  to  the  subject  of 


the  present  Memoir,  the  generous  conclusion  is  an 
nounced,  after  a  tissue  of  errors,  that  although  no  evi 
dence  exists  to  establish  the  scene  of  his  discoveries,  yet 
they  ought  not  to  be  deemed  altogether  fabulous,  as  some 
historians  would  represent  ("comme  fabuleuses  ainsi 
que  quelques  historiens  ont  ete  tentes  de  le  penser"). 
An  effort  is  now  made  finally  to  secure  his  fame  from 
the  effects  of  either  carelessness  or  malevolence. 


BOOK  I. 


CHAP.  I. 

THE  HIGHEST  NORTHERN  LATITUDE  REACHED  BY  CABOT— AUTHORITIES 
COLLECTED  BY  HAKLUYT— ATTEMPT  TO  EXPLAIN  THEIR  SUPPOSED 
DISCREPANCE. 

WITH  a  view  to  greater  clearness,  it  is  proposed  to  attempt, 
in  the  first  instance,  the  settlement  of  certain  points  around 
which  confusion  has  been  suffered  to  gather,  and  which,  de 
manding  only  a  careful  examination  of  authorities,  may  be 
advantageously  considered  apart  from  the  narrative. 

The  first  question — as  one  affecting  materially  the  claim  of 
Cabot  to  the  character  of  an  intrepid  navigator — is  as  to  the 
point  to  which  he  urged  his  way  in  the  north,  a  fact  with  re 
gard  to  which  statements  exist  seemingly  quite  irreconcilable. 

The  volumes  of  Hakluyt,  usually  regarded  as  of  the  high 
est  authority,  are  supposed  to  present,  on  this  subject,  a  chaos 
which,  so  far  from  lending  assistance  to  clear  up  difficulties, 
rather  dims,  and  threatens  every  moment  to  extinguish,  the 
feeble  light  supplied  from  other  quarters.  In  the  "  Chrono 
logical  History  of  Voyages  into  the  Arctic  Regions,  &c.  by 
John  Barrow,  F.  R.  S.,"  it  is  said  (p.  32),  "there  is  no 
possible  way  of  reconciling  the  various  accounts  collected  by 
Hakluyt,  and  which  amount  to  no  less  a  number  than  six,  but 
by  supposing  John  Cabot  to  have  made  one  voyage  at  least 


8 

previous  to  the  date  of  the  patent,  arid  some  time  between 
that  and  the  date  of  the  return  of  Columbus."  The  hypo 
thesis  thus  declared  to  be  indispensable  is  directly  at  variance 
with  the  terms  of  the  original  patent,  and  with  the  language 
ol  every  original  writer ;  and  an  effort  will,  therefore,  now  be 
made  to  show,  that  the  confusion  complained  of,  does  not  exist 
in  the  materials  for  forming  an  opinion,  but  arises  from  tbe 
hasty  and  superficial  manner  in  which  they  have  been  con 
sidered. 

Taking  up  the  accounts  in  the  order  in  which  they  stand, 
they  may  be  thus  stated  (Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  6). 

1.  "  An  extract  from  the  map  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  cut  by 
Clement  Adams,  concerning  his  discovery  of  the  West  Indies, 
which  is  to  be  seen  in  his  majesty's  privy  gallery,  at  West 
minster,  and  in  many  other  ancient  merchants'  houses."    No 
thing  is  said  in  this  as  to  the  latitude  reached. 

2.  "  A  discourse  of  Sebastian  Cabot,"  &c.,  wherein  the 
narrator  asserts,  that  he  heard  the  pope's  legate  say,  that  he 
had  heard  Cabot  state,  that  he  sailed  only  to  the  56°  of  lati* 
tude,  and  then  turned  about. 

3.  A  passage  in  the  preface  to  the  third  volume  of  Ramusio't 
Collection  of  Voyages.     In  this,  the  author  says  that  in  a 
written  communication  to  him  Sebastian  Cabot  stated  that  he 
reached  the  latitude  of  67°  and  a  half. 

4.  Part  of  the  sixth  chapter  of  the  third  decade  of  Peter 
Martyr  d'Angleria,  in  which  nothing  is  said  of  the  latitude 
reached,  but  the  fact  is  stated,  that  he  proceeded  so  far  north, 
that  it  was  "  in  manner  continually  day-light." 

5.  The  statement  of  Francis  Lopez  Gomara,  who,  accord 
ing  to  Hakluyt,  represents  Cabot  to  have  "  sailed  beyond  the 
Cape  of  Labrador,  until  he  found  himself  in  58°  and  better." 
Cabot  is  here  also  said  to  have  found  "the  days  very  long,  in 
a  manner  without  any  night,  and  for  that  short  night  that  they 
had,  it  was  very  clear." 

6.  An  extract  from  Robert  Fabyan's  Annals,  and  from  a 
letter  of  Robert  Thorn  of  Bristol,  containing  nothing  as  to 
the  point  under  consideration. 


Thus  it  is  apparenfr^that  the  discrepance  exists  on  a  com 
parison  of  the  second,  third  and  fifth  items. 

Postponing  Gomara  for  the  present,  we  pause  on  the  two 
passages  of  Ramusio  which  are  supposed  to  embody  contra 
dictory  statements. 

It  is  obvious  that  if  the  present  were  an  inquiry  in  a  court 
of  justice  affecting  the  reputation  or  property  of  a  living  per 
son,  the  evidence  which  limits  Cabot  to  56°  would  be  at  once 
rejected  as  incompetent.  The  alleged  communication  from 
him  is  exposed,  in  its  transmission,  not  only  to  all  the  chances 
of  misconception  on  the  part  of  the  pope's  legate,  but  admit 
ting  that  personage  to  have  truly  understood,  accurately  re 
membered,  and  faithfully  reported  what  he  heard,  we  are  again 
exposed  to  a  similar  series  of  errors  on  the  part  of  our  inform 
ant,  who  furnishes  it  to  us  at  second  hand.  But  the  dead 
have  not  the  benefits  of  the  rules  of  evidence ;  and  we  must, 
therefore,  look  to  the  circumstances  which  affect  its  credi 
bility.  It  appears  thus  in  Hakluyt: — 

"  A  discourse  of  Sebastian  Cabot  touching  his  discovery  of  part  of  the  West  India 
out  of  England  in  the  time  of  king  Henry  the  Seventh,  used  to  Galeacius  Bu- 
trigarius,  the  pope's  legate  in  Spaine,  and  reported  by  the  sayd  legate  in  this 
sort: 

"  Doe  you  not  understand,  sayd  he  (speaking  to  certaine  gentlemen  of  Venice), 
how  to  passe  to  India  toward  the  North-west,  as  did  of  late  a  citizen  of  Venice* 
so  valiant  a  man,  and  so  well  practised  in  all  things  pertaining  to  navigations, 
and  the  science  of  cosmographie,  that  at  this  present  he  hath  not  his  like  in 
Spaine,  insomuch  that  for  his  vertues  he  is  preferred  above  all  other  pilots  that 
saile  to  the  West  Indies,  who.  may  not  passe- thithgr_without  his  license,  and  is 
.therefore  called  Pilotct  Mayor,  that  is,  the  grand  pilot ?  And  when- wfi.  sayd  that 
•we  knew  him  not,  he  proceeded,  saying,  that  being  certaine  yeres  in  the  city  of 
Sivil,  and  desirous  to  have  some  knowledge  of  the  navigations  of  the  Spanyards, 
it  was  tolde  him  that  there  was  in  the  city  a  valiant  man,  a  Venetian  borne,  named 
Sebastian  Cabot,  who  had  the  charge  of  those  things,  being  an  expert  man  in  that 
science,  and  one  that  coulde  make  cardes  fof  the  sea  with  his  owne  hand,  and 
that  by  this  report,  seeking  his  acquaintance,  he  found  him  a  very  gentle  person, 
who  entertained  him  friendly,  and  shewed  him  many  things-,-  and  among  other  a 
large  mappe  of  the  world,  with  certaine  particuler  navigations,  as  well  of  the 
Portugals  as  of  the  Spanyards,  and  that  he  spake  further  unto  him  to  this  effect: 
"  When  my  father  departed  from  Venice,  many  yeeres  since,  to  dwell  in  Eng 
land,  to  follow  the  trade  of  marchandises,  hee  tooke  mee  with  him  to  the  citie  of 
London,  while  I  was  very  yong;  yet  having  neverthelesse  some  knowledge  of  let 
ters  of  humanitie,  and  of  the  sphere  And  when  my  father  died  in  that  time 

B 


10 

when  newcs  were  brought  that  Don  Christopher  Colanus  Genoese  had  discovered 
the  coasts  of  'India,  whereof  was  great  talke  in  all  the  court  of  king  Henry  the 
Seventh,  who  then  raigned,  insomuch  that  all  men  with  great  admiration  affirmed 
it  to  be  a  thing  more  divine  than  humane,  to  saile  by  the  West  into  the  East,  where 
spices  growe,  by  a  way  that  was  neuer  knowen  before,  by  this  fame  and  report 
there  increased  in  my  heart  a  great  flame  of  desire  to  attempt  some  notable  thing- 
And  understanding  by  reason  of  the  sphere,  that  if  I  should,  saile  by  way  of  the 
North-west,  I  should  by  a  shorter  tract  come  into  India,  I  thereupon  caused  the 
king  to  be  advertised  of  my  devise,  who  immediately  commanded  two  caravels  to 
bee  furnished  with  all  things  appertaining  to  the  voyage,  which  was  as  farre  as  I 
remember  in  the  yeere  1496,  in  the  beginning  of  sommer.  I  began  therefore  to 
saile  toward  the  North-west,  not  thinking  to  finde  any  other  lande  than -that  of 
Cathay,  and  from  thence  to  turn  toward  India;  but  after  certaine  dayes  I  found 
that  the  land  ranne  towards  the  north,  which  was  to  mee  a  great  displeasure.  Nev- 
erthelesse,  sayling  along  by  the  coast  to  see  if  I  coulde  finde  any  gulfe  that  turned, 
I  found  the  land  still  continent  to  the  56  degree  under  our  pole.  And  seeing  that 
there  the  coast  turned  toward  the  East,  despairing  to  finde  the  passage,  I  turned 
backe  againe,  and  sailed  downe  by  the  coast  of  that  land  toward  the  equinoctiall 
(ever  with  intent  to  finde  the  said  passage  t'o  India),  and  came  to  that  part  of  this 
firme  lande  which  is  now  called  Florida,  where  my  victuals  failing,  I  departed 
from  thence  and  returned  into  England,  where  I  found  great  tumults  among  the 
people,  and  preparation  for  warres  in  Scotland;  by  reason  whereof  there  was  no 
more  consideration  had  to  this  voyage. 

"  Whereupon  I  went  into  Spaine  to  the  Catholique  King,  and  Queene  Elizabeth, 
which  being  advertised  what  I  had  done,  entertained  me,  and  at  their  charges  fur 
nished  certaine  ships,  wherewith  they  caused  me  to  saile  to  discover  the  coastes  of 
Brasile,  where  I  found  an  exceeding  great  and  large  river,  named  at  this  present 
Rio  de  la  Plata,  that  is,  the  river  of  silver,  into  the  which  I  sailed  and  followed  it 
into  the  firme  land,  more  then  six  score  leagues,  finding  it  every  where  very  faire, 
and  inhabited  with  infinite  people,  which  with  admiration  came  running  dayly  to 
our  ships.  Into  this  river  runne  so  many  other  rivers,  that  it  is  in  maner  incre 
dible. 

"After  this  I  made  many  other  voyages,  which  I  no  we  pretermit,  and  waxing 
olde,  I  give  myself  to  rest  from  such  travels,  because  there  are  nowe  many  yong 
and  lustle  pilots  and  mariners  of  good  experience,  by  whose  forwardnesse  I  doe 
rejoyce  in  the  fruit  of  my  labours,  and  rest  with  the  charge  of  this  office,  as  you 
see." 

In  giving  this  conversation  to  his  readers,  Hakluyt  pro 
fesses  to  have  derived  it  from  the  second  volume  of  Ramusio, 
and  subsequent  compilers  have  assumed  the  accuracy  of  the 
reference.  It  seems,  for  the  first  time,  to  have  occurred  to 
the  writers  of  the  "  Biographic  Universelle,"  to  look  into  the 
original,  and  they  declare  that  no  such  passage  is  to  be  there 
found! 

"  Hakluyt  dans  sa  collection  nous  a  transmis  la  piece  ou  1'on  trouve  le  plus  de 
details  sur  la  navigation  et  la  vie  de  Sebastian  Cabot.  II  dit  1'avoir  tire*e  du  second 


11 

volume  de  la  collection  cle  Ramusio;  mais  nous  Vy  avons  cherchee  en  vain.  Cette 
piece  est  attribute  a  Galearius  Butrigarius  legat  du  pape  en  Espagne  qui  dit  tenir 
les  particularites  qu'elle  contient  d'un  habitant  de  Cadiz  lequel  avait  eu  plusieurs 
conversations  avec  Sebastian.'*  "Ramusio,  con nu  par  son  exactitude  n'a  donne" 
aucun  extrait  des  navigations  de  Sebastian  Cabot;  Use  contente  de  citer  dans  la 
preface  de  son  3e  volume  un  passage  d'une  Lettre  qu'il  avoit  rejue  de  lui. 

A  striking  proof  here  occurs  of  the  facility  with  which 
errors  are  fallen  into  in  reporting  even  the  written  expressions 
of  another  when  memory  is  relied  on.  The  Collator ateurs 
of  the  Biographic  Universelle  are  supposed  to  have  just 
turned  from  the  page  of  Hakluyt,  and  yet,  in  this  brief  state 
ment,  mark  the  changes !  Butrigarius  has  no  longer  the  con 
versation  with  Cabot,  but  gets  his  information  at  second  hand, 
and  this,  too,  from  an  inhabitant  of  Cadiz;  thus  utterly  con 
founding  both  place  and  person,  and  making:,  also,  the  com 
munication  to  have  been  the  result  of  "  many"  conversations 
held  with  Cabot  by  this  new  member  of  the  dramatis  person^ 
the  "  habitant  de  Cadiz."  All  this  too,  from  those  who  bit 
terly  denounce  their  predecessors  for  carelessness  and  inac 
curacy  ! 

But  we  have  a  yet  more  serious  complaint  to  urge.  When 
the  charge  is  preferred  against  Hakluyt,  of  having  made  a 
fraudulent  citation,  we  may  be  permitted  to  say,  with  some 
plainness,  that  after  the  lofty  eulogium  passed  on  Ramusio,  by 
the  associates  of  the  Biographic  Universelle,  not  only  inci 
dentally  here,  but  in  the  article  subsequently  devoted  to  him, 
it  is  .to  the  last  degree  discreditable,  that  a  mere  mistake  of 
reference  to  the  proper  Volume,  should  have  so  completely 
baffled  their  knowledge  of  the  work.  Nor  is  the  mention  of 
Cabot  confined,  as  they  suppose,  to  the  preface  of  the  third 
volume :  it  occurs  in  five  different  places,  as  will  be  hereafter 
shown. 

The  passage  immediately  in  question  will  be  found  not  in 
the  second  but  in  the  first  volume  of  Ramusio.  It  is  part  of 
the  interesting  article  entitled,  "  Disco rso  notabile  sopra  varii 
viaggi  per  liquali  sono  state  condotte  fino  a  tempi  nostri  le 
spetiarie,"  beginning  at  fol.  414.  D.  of  the  edition  of  1554, 
and  referred  to  in  the  index  of  all  the  editions  under  the  titles 


12 

"  Plata"  and  "  Florida."  Before  proceeding  to  note  the  cir 
cumstances  under  which  this  conversation  took  place,  it  is 
proper  to  correct  some  of  the  errors  of  the  translation  found 
in  Hakluyt. 

And  first,  surprise  must  have  been  felt  at  the  manner  in 
which  Cabot  speaks  as  to  the  date  of  his  own  celebrated 
voyage.  The  "-so  farre  as  I  remember"  seems  to  indicate  a 
strange  indifference  on  the  subject.  The  expression  has 
passed  into  Purchas  (vol.  iii.  p.  808),  and  all  the  subsequent 
authorities.  In  Harris's  account  (Voyages,  vol.  ii.  p.  190), 
adopted  by  Pinkerton  (vol.  xii.  p.  158),  it  is  said,  "  The 
next  voyage  made  for  discovery  was  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  the 
son  of  John ;  concerning  which,  all  our  writers  have  fallen 
into  great  mistakes,  for  want  of  comparing  the  several  accounts 
we  have  of  this  voyage,  and  making  proper  allowances  for- the 
manner  in  which  they  were  written,  since  I  cannot  find  there 
was  ever  any  distinct  and  clear  account  of  this  voyage  pub 
lished,  though  it  was  of  so  great  consequence.  On  the  con 
trary,  /  believe  that  Cabot  himself  kept  no  journal  of  it  by 
him,  since  in  a  letter  he  wrote  on  this  subject,  he  speaks 
doubtfully  of  the  very  year  in  which  it  was  undertaken." 
The  same  unlucky  phrase  continues  down  to  Barrow  (p.  33), 
and  to  a  work  published  during  the  present  year  (Lardner's 
Cyclopaedia,  History  of  Maritime  Discovery,  vol.  ii.  p.  137). 
.North  West  Foxe  (p.  16)  had  changed  it  to  what  seemed,  to 
that  critical  personage,  more  correct,  "  as  neere  as  I  can  re 
member." 

Now  there  is  not  a  syllable  in  the  original  to  justify  any 
such  expression. 

"  Feci  intender  questo  mio  pensiero  alia  Maesta  del  Re  il 
qual  fu  molto  contento  et  mi  armo  due  caravelle  di  tutto  cio 
che  era  dibisogno  et  fu  del  1496  net  principio  della  state" 

It  will  not  be  understood,  that  we  consider  Cabot  to 
have  named  the  year  1496;  but  it  is  only  important  here 
to  negative  an  expression  which  seems  to  argue  such  a 
looseness  of  feeling  as  to  this  memorable  incident. 


13 

It  may  not  be  without  interest  to  show  the  source  of 
Hakluyt's  error. 

The  first  English  writer  on  this  subject  is  RICHARD  EDEN, 
who  published,  in  1555,  a  black-letter  volume,  of  which  a 
good  deal  will  be  said  hereafter,  entitled,  «  Decades  of  the 
New  World,  &e."  It  consists  of  a  translation  of  the  three 
first  Books  of  Peter  Martyr  d'Angleria,  to  which  he  has 
subjoined  extracts  from  various  other  works  of  an  early  date 
on  kindred  subjects;  and  amongst  the  rest,  this  passage  of 
Ramusio  is  given  (fol.  251),  as  found  in  "  The  Italian  Hys- 
tories  of  Navigations."  Eden  was,  as  appears  from  his 
book,  a  personal  friend  of  Cabot;  and  [when  he  came  to  the 
round  assertion  as  to  the  date,  1496, 'which  he  knew  to  be 
incorrect,  he  qualified  it  by  introducing  (fol.  255)  the  words 
in  question. 

It  is  the  less  excusable  for  Hakluyt  £nd  the  rest,  to  have 
blindly  adopted  such  an  interpolation,  •  as  there  Were  other 
translations  within  reach,  in  which  a  correct  and  elegant 
version  is  given  of  the  passage.  The  "  Biographic  Univer- 
selle"  considers  Hakluyt  as  first  bringing  it  forward,  but  the 
whole  is  found  in  the  celebrated  Collection  of  De  Bry,  pub 
lished  ten  years  before.  At  the  end  of  the  second  part  of 
the  Grand  Voyages,  is  a  cento  of  authorities  on  the  sub 
ject  of  the  discovery  of  America,  in  which  the  passage  from 
Ramusio  is  correctly  given.  It  is  needless  to  say,  that  the 
"  as  farre  as  I  remember  "  finds  no  place ;  "anno  igitur  1496, 
in  principio  veris  ex  Anglia  solvi," 

Bare  justice  to  Ramusio  demands  a  reference  to  another 
passage  in  which  the  English  translators  have  made  him  utter 
nonsense.  The  reader  must  have  been  struck  with  the  ab 
surd  commencement  of  the  passage  in  Hakluyt — "  Do  you 
not  understand  how  to  pass  to  India  towards  the  North- 
West,  as  did,  of  late,  a  citizen  of  Venice,  &c.;"  after  which, 
we  are  informed  that  this  citizen  of  Venice  abandoned  the 
effort  at  56°  "  despairing  to.  find  the  passage  V7  Ramusio 
must  not  be  charged  with  this  blunder,  for  the  original  is, 
<c  Et  fatto  alquanti  di  pauso  voltatosi  verso  di  noi  disse,  Non 


14 

sapete  a  questo  proposito  d'andare  a  trovar  PIndie  per  il 
vento  di  maestro  quel  che  fece  gia  un  vostro  cittadino,"  ("  and 
making  somewhat  of  a  pause,  he  turned  to  us  and  said — 
Do  you  not  know,  on  this  project  of  going  to  India  by  the 
N.  W.,  what  did  formerly  your  fellow- citizen,  &c.")  not 
at  all  asserting  the  success  of  the  enterprise,  but  Only  that 
it  was  suggested  by  the  subject  of  the  previous  conversa 
tion.  A  correct  translation  is  found  in  De  Bry: — "Anig- 
noratis  inquit  (erat  autem  sermo  institutes  de  investiganda 
oriental!  India  qua  Thracias  ventus  flat)  quid  egerit  civis 
quidam  vester,  &c." 

A  more  material  error  remains  to  be  pointed  out.  The  speaker 
in  Ramusio  says,  that  finding  himself  some  years  ago  in  the 
City  of  Seville,  and  desiring,  <&c.  ("  che  ritrovandosi  gia 
alcuni  anni  nella  Citta  di  Siviglia,  et  desirando,  &c.")5  but 
on  the  page  of  Hakluyt  this  becomes,  «  being  certain  years 
in  the  City  of  Seville,  and  desiring,  &c."  The  Latin  ver 
sion  in  De  Bry  is  correct,  •"  Quern  ante  aliquot  annos  invisi 
cum  essem  Hispali."  The  importance  of  the  error  is  ap 
parent.  -  As .  truly  translated  the  words  confess  the  great 
lapse  of  time  since  the  conversation,  and  of  course  the  liability 
to  error,  while  the  erroneous  version  conveys  only  the  idea 
of  multiplied  opportunities  of  communication,  and  a  con 
sequent  assurance  of  accuracy.  The  same  form  of  express 
ion  occurs  in  another  part  of  the  paragraph,  and  the  meaning 
is  so  obvious,  that  it  has  not  been  possible  to  misunderstand 
it.  When  the  Legate  represents  Cabot  as  stating  that  his 
father  left  Venice  many  years'-before  the  conversation,  and 
went  to  settle  in  London  to  carry  on  the  business  of  mer 
chandise,  the  original  runs  thus,  "  partito  suo  padre  da 
Venetia  gia  mold  anno  et  andato  a  stare  in  Inghiltera  a  far 
mercantie."  Again,  in  that  passage,  in  the  third  volume, 
which  is  properly  .translated,  "  as  many  years  past  it  was 
written  unto  me  by  Sebastian  Cabot,"  the  original  is,  "  come 
mi  fu  scritto  gia  molti  anno  sono." 

Having  thus  ascertained  what  is,  in  reality,  the  statement 
of  Ramusio,  we  proceed  to  consider  the  circumstances  under 


15 

which  the  conversation  took  place.  It  occurs,  as  has  been  seen, 
in  the  course  of  a  Treatise  on  the  trade  in  Spices.  After 
expatiating  on  the  history  of  that  trade,  and  the  revolution 
caused  by  the  discovery  of  the  passage  round  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  Ramusio  says  (Edit,  of  1554,  torn.  -iii.  foh  413 
A.),  that  he  cannot  forbear  to  add  a  report  of  a  conver 
sation  which  he  had  heard  at  the  house  of  his  excellent 
friend  Hieronimus  Fracastor.  He  then  proceeds  to  give 
the  discourse,  which  is  a  very  long  one,  on  the  subject  of 
Cosmography,  the  conjectures  of  the  ancients  as  to  a  Western 
World,  and  the  discoveries  which  had  taken  place  in  the 
speaker's  own  time.  It  is  only  incidentally  that  Cabot's  name 
is  introduced,  and  with  regard  to  the  whole,  Ramusio  makes 
this  candid  prefatory  remark,  "  Which  conversation  I  da 
not  pretend  to  be  able  to  relate  circumstantially  as  I  heard 
it,  for  that  would  require  a  talent,  and  a  memory  beyond 
mine;  nevertheless,  I  will  strive  briefly,  and  as  it  were 
by  heads,  to  give  what  I  am  able  to  recollect" — ("  II  qual 
ragionamento  non  mi  basta  Panirno  di  poter  scriver  cosi  par- 
ticolarmente  com'  ie  le  udi,  perche  visaria  dibisogno  altro-  in- 
gegno  et  altra  memoria  che  non  e  la  mia;  pur  mi  sforzero 
sommariamente  et  come  per  Capi  di  recitar  quel  che  io  me 
potro  ricordare.") 

Now  what  is  there  to  oppose  to  a  report  coming  to  us 
by  a  route  so  circuitous,  and  expressed  at  last  in  a  manner 
thus  hesitating  ?  The  positive  and  explicit  information  con 
veyed  in  Cabot's  own  letter.  Nor  does  Ramusio  confine  him 
self  to  the  statement  ^contained  in  the  Preface  to  his  third 
volume,  for  in  the  same  volume  (fol.  417),  is  a  discourse  on 
the  Northern  Regions  of  the  New  World;  in  which,  speaking 
of  the  Baccalaos,  he  says,  that  this  region  was  intimately 
known  to  Sebastian  Cabot,  "  II  quale  a  spese  del  Re  Henrico 
VII.,  d'  Inghiltera,  scorse  tutta  la  detta  costa  fino  a  gradi 
67o.  («  Who  at  the  cost  of  Henry  VII.,  king  of  England, 
proceeded  along  the  whole  of  the  said  coast,  as  far  as  67°.") 
It  is  plain,  therefore,  that  the  communication  from  Cabot  had 
completely  satisfied  the  mind  of  RamUsio,  when  We  find 


16 

him  in  this  separate  treatise  assuming  the  fact  asserted  in  the 
letter  as  conclusively  settled. 

This  last  consideration  is  strengthened  by  another  cir 
cumstance.  The  passage  in  the  third  volume  which  refers 
to  Cabot's  letter,  and  which  Hakluyt  quotes  as  from  the 
«  Preface,"  is,  in  fact,  part  of  a  Discourse  addressed  to 
Hieronimus  Fracastor,  the  very  personage  at  whose  house 
the  conversation  had  taken  place.  Ramusio,  in  conveying 
the  deliberate  statement  of  Cabot,  whose  correspondent  he  had 
intermediately  become,  and  whom  he  designates  as  "  huomo 
di  grande  esperienza  et  raro  ttelP  arte  del  navigare  et  nella 
scienza  di  cosmografia,"  does  not  think  it  necessary,  even 
to  advert  to  his  own  former  representation.  He  is  not 
found  balancing,  for  a  moment,  between  this  written  and 
direct  information,  and  what  he  had  before  stated  from  a 
casual  conversation  with  a  third  person,  which  had  rested, 
for  some  time,  insecurely,  in  his  own  confessedly  bad 
memory,  aside  from  the  peril  to  which  it  had  been  sub 
jected,  before  reaching  him,  of  misconception  on  the  part 
of  Butrigarius,  or  of  his  forgetfulness  during  the  years 
which  elapsed  between  the  interview  with  Cabot  and  the  in 
cidental  allusion  to  what  had  passed  on  that  occasion. 

A  comparison  of  the  two  passages  shows  further  that  no 
great  importance  was  attached  to  the  latitude  reached; 
for  in  the  latter,  Ramusio  is  found  to  drop  the  half  degree. 
It  furnishes,  too,  an  additional  item  of  evidence,  as  to 
the  scrupulous  accuracy  with  which  the  language  of  the 
Letter  is  reported.  In  giving  us  that,  he  is  exact  even1 
to  the  minutes ;  but  when  his  eye  is  taken  from  the  letter,  and 
he  is  disengaged  from  the  responsibility  of  a  direct  quotation, 
he  slides  into  round  numbers. 

When  we  add,  that  in  every  fact  capable  of  being  brought 
to  the  test,  the  statement  of  the  conversation  is  erroneous,  and 
that  the  limited  latitude  is  inconsistent  with  the  continued 
day-light — a  circumstance  more  likely  to  be  remembered 
than  a  matter  of  figures — what  can  be  more  absurd,  than,  at 
the  present  day,  to  dwell  on  that  which  Ramiisio  himself,,  two 


17 

hundred  and  seventy»five  years  ago,  is  plainly  seen  to  aban 
don?  Yet  such  has  been  the  course  pursued  by  every  writer 
on  the  subject,  and  the  only  difference  discoverable  is  in  the 
shades  of  perversion. 

To  the  account  of  the  voyage  to  Hudson's  Bay,  by  the 
Dobbs  and  California,  drawn  up  by  Henry  Ellis,  Esq.,  is  pre 
fixed  a  sketch  of  the  previous  attempts  in  pursuit  of  a  North- 
West  passage.  After  Ramusio's  statement  that  Cabot  reached 
the  latitude  of  67°  and-a-half,  the  writer  complacently  adds, 
(p.  6)- 

**  There  is  an  error  in  the  latitude  often  degrees;  but,  however,  it  is  plain  from 
this  account  that  the  voyage  was  made  for  the  discovery  of  a  North-West  passage, 
which  was  the  reason  I  produced  it.  But  in  a  letter  written  by  Sebastian  Cabot 
himself  to  the  Pope's  Legate  in  Spain  (!)  he  gives  a  still  clearer  account  of  this  mat 
ter,  for  therein  he  says,  that  it  was  from  the  consideration  of  the  structure  of  the 
globe,  the  design  was  formed  of  sailing  to  the  Indies  by  a  North- West  course*  He 
observes  further,  that  falling  in  with  land  unexpectedly  (for  he  thought  to  have 
met  with  none  till  he  had  reached  the  coasts  of  Tartary),  he  sailed  along  the  coast 
to  the  height  of  56  degrees,  and  finding  the  land  there  run  eastward,  he  quitted 
the  attempt,  and  sailed  southward." 

Forster  remarks  (Northern  Voyages,  p.  267),  "  some  say 
he  went  to  67°  30'  N.  lat.;  others  reckon  his  most  southerly 
track  to  have  been  to  58°  N.  lat.  He  himself  informs  us, 
that  he  reached  only  to  56°  N.  lat." 

Mr  Barrow  (Chronological  History  of  Voyages,  &c.  p.  33) 
says,  "If  there  be  any  truth  in  the  report  made  to  the  pope* s 
legate  in  Spain,  and  printed  in  the  collection  of  Ramusio," 
" it  would  appear  by  this  document"  &c.  He  then  gives 
the  conversation,  not  as  "printed  in  the  collection  of  Ramu- 
sio,"  for  Mr  Barrow  could  not  have  looked  into  that — but 
with  all  the  absurd  perversions  of  Hakluy t — and  then,  in  offi 
cial  language,  confers  the  title  of  "  a  Report,"  "  a  Document," 
on  an  unguarded  error  into  which  Ramusio  had  been  be 
trayed,  and  which  that  honest  personage  hastened  to  correct! 

The  same  absurd  phraseology,  with  its  train  of  errors,  is 

copied  into  Dr  Lardner's  Cyclopaedia  (History  of  Maritime 

and  Inland  Discovery,  vol.  ii.  p.  137).     Foxe,  who  made  a 

voyage  into  Hudson's  Bay,  in  the  reign  of  Charles  L,  says 

C 


18 

(p.  13),  "  As  concerning  Sebastian  Cabot,  I  cannot  find  that 
he  was  any  further  northward  than  58%  and  so  returned  along 
the  land  of  America, to  the  South,  but  for  more  certainty! 
hear  his  own  relation  to  Galeatius  Butrigarius,  the  pope's 
legate  in  Spain."  After  the  "as  neare  as  I  can  remember," 
#c.  Foxe  gravely  adds,  «  Thus  much  from  himself." 

In  the  "  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Progress  of  Discovery, 
by  William  Stevenson,  Esq.,"  which  forms  the  eighteenth 
volume  of  Kerr*s  Collection  of  Voyages,  published  in  1824, 
it  is  said  (p.  353),  "The  course  he  steered,  and  the  limits  of 
his  voyage  are,  however,  liable  to  uncertainty.  He  himself 
informs  us  that  he  reached  only  56°  N.  fat.,  and  that  the 
coast  of  America  at  that  part  tended  to  the  east ;  but  there 
is  no  coast  of  North  America  that  answers  to  this  description. 
According  to  other  accounts  he  reached  67°  and-a-half  N. 
Tat,  but/'  &c.  "  It  is  most  probable  he  did  not  reach  fur 
ther  than  Newfoundland." 

It  is  impossible  not  to  feel  indignant  at  such  statements 
from  those  who  vie  with  each  other  in  complaints  of  all  pre 
ceding  writers. 

Though  a  matter  of  little  moment,  it  may  be  noted  that 
the  conjecture  is  erroneous  which  connects  the  pope's  legate, 
Galeatius  Butrigarius,  with  the  conversation  at  the  house  of 
Fracastor.  Ramusio  does  not  mention  any  name;  withhold 
ing  it,  as  he  says,  from  motives  of  delicacy.  The  interview 
with  Cabot  at  Seville,  took  place  many  years  after  his  return, 
in  1531,  from  the  La  Plata;  and  the  speaker,  whoever  he 
may  have  been,  represents  himself  to  have  been  led  to  make 
the  call  by  a  desire  to  u  have  some  knowledge  of  the  naviga 
tions  of  the  Spaniards.'1  Now,  Galeatius  Butrigarius,  more 
than  twenty  years  before  this  visit  could  have  been  made,  is 
found  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  Peter  Martyr  (dec.  2;  cap. 
1),  and  not  only  well  informed  on  the  subject*  but  urging  the 
historian  to  pursue  his  narrative,  and  the  ensuing  Decade  is 
addressed,  in  consequence,  to  the  Pope.  It  seems  impossi 
ble  that  the  legate  so  long  afterwards— fifteen  years,  at  least, 
subsequently  to  the  publication  of  Peter  Martyr's  volume, 


19 

describing  the  enterprise  of  Cabot — should  have  been  actu 
ated  by  this  vague  impulse  of  curiosity?  and  have  been  in 
debted  for  a  knowledge  of  the  discoverer  of  Baccalaos  to  the 
reports  current  at  Seville  during  this  his  apparently  first 
visit. 


20 


CHAP.  II. 


THE  SUBJECT  CONTINUED GOMARA. 

OF  the  passage  in  Gomara,  Hakluyt  presents  the  following 
version : — 

"  The  testimonie  of  Francis  Lopez  de  Gomara,  a  Spaniard,  in  the  fourth  chapter 
of  the  second  booke  of  his  generall  history  of  the  West  Indies,  concerning  the 
first  discoverie  of  a  great  part  of  the  West  Indies,  to  wit,  from  58  to  38  degrees 
of  latitude,  by  Sebastian  Cabota  out  of  England. 

"  He  which  brought  most  certaine  newes  of  the  countrey  and  people  of  Bac- 
calaos,  (saith  Gomara,  was  Sebastian  Cabote,  a  Venetian,  which  rigged  up  two 
ships  at  the  cost  of  king  Henry  the  Seventh  of  England,  having  great  desire  to 
traffique  for  the  spices  as  the  Portugals  did.  He  carried  with  him  three  hundred 
men,  and  topke  the  way  towards  Island  from  beyond  the  Cape  of  Labrador,  until 
he  found  himselfe  m  58  degrees  and  better.  He  made  relation ,  that  in  the  moneth 
of  July  it  was  so  cold,  and  the  ice  so  great,  that  hee  durst  not  passe  any  further: 
that  the  dayes  were  very  long  in  a  maner  without  any  night,  and  for  that  short 
night  that  they  had,  it  was  very  cleare.  Cabot  feeling  the  cold,  turned  towards  the 
West,  refreshing  himselfe  at  Baccalaos;  and  afterwards  he  sailed  along  the  coast 
unto  38  degrees,  and  from  thence  he  shaped  his  course  to  returne  into  England." 

There  is  to  be  noted  here  another  of  Hakluyt's  loose  and 
suspicious  references.  The  Spanish  work  is  not  divided  into 
"books,"  and  the  passage  quoted  occurs  in  the  first  part. 
This  is  said,  after  consulting  the  Saragossa  edition  of  1552 — 
that  of  Medina  del  Campo,  1553 — that  of  Antwerp,  1554 — 
and  the  reprint  of  the  work  in  Barcia's  "  Historiadores  Pri 
mitives"  in  1749.  A  ready  conjecture  presents  itself  as  to 
the  source  of  Hakluyt's  error.  The  work  of  Gomara  was,  at 
an  early  period,  translated  into  French,  by  Fumee,  in  whose 
version,  published  in  1578,  the  matter  is  distributed  into 
"Books," and  the  passage  in  question  really  becomes,  accord 
ing  to  his  arrangement,  the  fourth  chapter  of  the  second 
Book.  That  Hakluyt  was  ignorant  of  the  Spanish  language, 
maybe  inferred  from  the  circumstance,  that  when  he  has 


Zl 

occasion  (vol.  iii.  p.  499)  to  quote  Oviedo,  he  gives  us  not 
the  original  but  an  Italian  version  of  it  by  Ramusio.  He  was 
at  Paris  shortly  after  the  appearance  of  Fumee's  Translation, 
and  remained  there  for  some  time,  as  is  stated  in  the  dedica 
tion  of  his  first  volume  to  Lord  Charles  Howard.  We  shall 
see,  presently,  how  far  he  has  been  misled  by  relying  on 
that  translation.  The  following  is  Gomara's  own  language — 

"  Qui  en  mas  noticia  traxo  desta  tierra  fue  Sebastian  Gaboto  Veneciano.  El 
qual  armo  dos  navios  en  Tnglaterra  do  tratava  desde  pequeno,  a  costa  del  Rey  En 
rique  Septimo,  que  desseava  contratar  en  la  especiera  como  hazia  el  Rey  d'Portu- 
gal.  Otros  disen  que  a  su  costa,  y*  que  prometio  al  rey  Enrique  de  ir  por  el  norte 
al  Catayo  y  traer  de  alia  especias  en  menos  tiempo  que  Portugueses  por  el  Sur. 
V  va  tambien  por  saber  que  tierra  eran  las  Indias  para  poblar.  Llevo  trezientos 
hombres  y  camino  la  buelta  de  Islandia  sobre  cabo  del  Labrador,  hasta  se  poner  en 
cinquenta  y  ocho  grados.  Aunque  el  dize  mucho  mas  contando  como  avia  por  el 
mes  de  Julio  tanto  frio  y  pedagos  de  yelo  que  no  oso  passar  mas  adelante,  y  que 
los  dios  eran  grandissimos  y  quasi  sin  noche  y  las  noches  muy  claras.  Es  cierte 
que  a  sesenta  grados  son  los  dias  de  diez  y  ocho  horas,  Diendo  pues  Gabota  la 
frialdad  y  estraneza  dela  tierra,  dio  la  buelta  hazia  poniente  y  rehaziendose  en  los 
Baccalaos  corrio  la  costa  hasta  treynta  y  ochos  grades  y  tornose  de  alii  a  Inglaterra.1* 

"  Sebastian  Cabot  was  the  first  that  brought  any  knowledge  of  this  land.  For 
being  in  England  in  the  days  of  king  Henry  the  Seventh,  he  furnished  two  ships 
at  his  own  charges,  or  as  some  say,  at  the  king's,  whom  he  persuaded  that  a 
passage  might  be  found  to  Cathay  by  the  North  Seas,  and  that  spices  might  be 
brought  from  thence  sooner  by  that  way  than  by  the  viage  the  Portugales  use  by 
the  sea  of  Sur.  He  went  also  to  know  what  manner  of  landcs  those  Indies  were 
to  inhabit.  He  had  with  him  300  men,  and  directed  his  course  by  the  tract  of 
island  upon  the  Cape  of  Labrador,  at  fifty-eight  degrees,  affirming  that  in  the 
month  of  July  there  was  such  cold  and  heaps  of  ice  that  he  durst  pass  no  further; 
also,  that  the  days  were  very  long,  and  in  manner  without  night,  and  the  nights 
very  clear.  Certain  it  is,  that  at  the  three  score  degrees,  the  longest  day  is  of 
eighteen  hours.  Hut  considering  the  cold  and  the  strangeness  of  the  unknown 
land,  he  turned  his  course  from  thence  to  the  west,  following  the  coast  unto  the 
thirty-eight  degree,  from  whence  he  returned  to  England."  (Eden's  Translation, 
see  Decades,  fol.  318.) 

The  unwarrantable  liberties  taken  by  Hakluyt  will  appear 
at  a  glance.  He  drops,  entirely,  the  passage  of  Gomara  as 
to  the  length  of  the  day  in  the  latitude  of  60°,  though  it 
stands  in  the  middle  of  the  paragraph.  Again,  Gomara  states 
the  contradictory  assertions  which  he  found,  as  to  whether 
the  expedition  was  fitted  out  at  the  cost  of  Henry  VII.  or  of 
an  individual.  In  Hakluyt's  day  this  was  deemed  a  matter  of 
great  importance;  for  in  the  passages  in  the  third  volume 


22 

which  relate  to  the  North- West  passage,  and  the  colonization 
of  America,  considerable  stress  is  laid,  with  a  view  to  repel 
the  pretensions  of  Spain,  on  the  direct  agency  of  the  king  of 
England.  Hakluyt,  therefore,  boldly  strikes  out  the  words 
which  show  that  Gomara  had  arrived  at  no  conclusion  on  the 
point;  and  by  this  mutilation  exhibits  an  unqualified  aver 
ment  that  the  whole  was  at  the  cost  of  Henry  VII.  No 
English  reader  would  hesitate  to  cite  the  Spanish  author,  as 
candidly  conceding  that  the  enterprise  was  a  national  one,  at 
the  king's  expense ;  and  Mr  Sharon  Turner,  in  his  "  History 
of  England  during  the  Middle  Ages,"  asserting  anxiously  the 
merits  of  Henry  VII.,  declares  (vol.  iv.  of  second  ed.  p..  163, 
note  54),  with  a  reference  to  Hakluyt,  (<  Gomara  also  men 
tions  that  the  ships  were  rigged  at  Henry's  costs.19  Hakluyt 
wants  here  even  the  apology  of  having  been  misled  by  Fu- 
mee,  as  the  French  writer,  and  Richard  Eden,  fairly  state 
the  matter  in  the  alternative. 

As  to  the  course  pursued  by  Cabot,  Hakluyt  has  strangely 
misunderstood  the  author.  The  words  of  Gomara  are — 
«  Llevo  trezientos  hombres  y  camino  la  buelta  de  Islandia  y 
hasta  se  poner  en  cinquanta  y  ochos  grados."  The  prede 
cessors  of  Hakluyt  in  the  work  of  translation  were  so  nume 
rous,  as  to  leave  him  without  apology  for  mistake.  Richard 
Eden  says,  "He  had  with  him  three  hundred 'men,  and  di 
rected' iris  course  by  the  tract  of  Island  (Iceland),  upon  the 
Cape  of  Labrador,  at  58°."  In  the  Italian  translation  of  Au- 
gustin  de  Cravaliz,  published  at  Rome  in  1556,  it  is  rendered 
"  *  Meno  seco  trecento  huomini  et  navico  alia  volta  d'Islanda 
sopra  Capo  del  Lavoratore  finchesi  trovo  in  cinquanta  otto 
gradi;'  and  in  a  reprint  at  Venice,  in  1576,  <  Meno  seco  tre 
cento  huomini  et  camino  la  volta  de  Islandia  sopra  del  Capo 
del  Lavoratore  et  fino  a  mettersi  in  cinquanta  otto  gradi/  " 

That  Cabot  really  took  the  route  of  Iceland  is  very  pro 
bable.  A  steady  and  advantageous  commerce  had  for  many 
years  been  carried  on  between  Bristol  and  Iceland,  and  is 
referred  to  in  the  quaint  old  poem,  "  The  Policie  of  keeping 
the  Sea,"  reprinted  in  Hakluyt,  (vol.  i.  p.  201)— 


23 

"  Of  Island  to  write  is  little  nede, 
Save  of  Stockfish:  yet,  forsooth  indeed. 
Out  of  Bristowe,  and  costes  many  one, 
Men  have  practised  by  needle,  and  by  stone 
Thitherwards,"  &c. 

Seven  years  before,  a  treaty  had  been  made  with  the  king  of 
Denmark,  securing  that  privilege.  (Selden's  MareClausum, 
lib.  2.  c.  32.)  The  theory  in  reference  to  which  Cabot  had 
projected  the  voyage  would  lead  him  as  far  North  as  possible, 
and  it  would  be  a  natural  precaution  to  break  the  dreary  con 
tinuity  at  sea,  which  had  exercised  so  depressing  an  influence 
on  the  sailors  of  Columbus,  by  touching  at  a  point  so  far  on 
his  way  and  yet  so  familiarly  known.  Hudson,  it  may  be  re 
marked,  took  the  same  route. 

We  turn  now  to  the  translation  of  Fumee ;  "  II  raena  avec 
soy  trois  cens  hommes  et  print  la  route  d'  Island  au  dessus 
du  Cap  de  Labeur,  jusques  a  ce  qui  il  se  trouva  a  58  degrez 
et  par  dela.  II  racomptoit,"  &c.  Acquainted  as  we  are 
with  the  original,  it  seems  difficult  to  mistake  even  the  French 
version.  Hakluyt,  however,  had  no  such  previous  know 
ledge,  and  he  confesses  (Dedication  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh, 
vol.  iii.  p.  301)  that  he  was  not  a  perfect  master  even  of 
the  French  language.  Obliged  thus  to  grope  after  a  mean 
ing,  his  version  is  as  follows,  (vol.  iii.  p.  9) — "  He  carried 
with  him  300  men,  and  took  the  way  towards  Island  from  be 
yond  the  Cape  of  Labrador ,  (!)  until  he  found  himself  in  58o 
and  better.  He  made  relation,"  &c.  The  timid  servility 
with  which  Hakluyt  strove  to  follow  Fumee  is  apparent  even 
in  the  structure  of  the  sentences,  for  it  is  improbable  that  two 
independent  versions  of  Goraara  would  concur  in  such  a  dis 
tribution  of  the  original  matter. 

It  is  difficult  to  understand  how  Hakluyt  could  consent  to 
put  forth  such  palpable  nonsense.  He  is  evidently  quite 
aware  that  the  word  "  Island"  in  the  French  could  mean 
nothing  but  Iceland;  and,  indeed,  it  is  the  designation  which 
he  himself  uniformly  employs,  ^particularly  at  p.  550,  &c.  of 
his  first  volume,  where  is  given  at  great  length — "  The  true 
state  of  Island,"  being  a  translation  from  a  Latin  work,  en- 


24 

titled,  "  Brevis  Commentarius  de  Islandia."  Yet  with  this 
knowledge,  and  with  all  the  means  of  a  correct  version,  he  re 
presents  Cabot  as  first  reaching  America  and  then  proceeding 
onward  to  Iceland. 

The  version  of  Hakluyt  is  adopted  by  every  subsequent 
English  writer  except  LEDIARD,  who,  in  his  Naval  History, 
seems  to  have  paused  over  language  seemingly  so  enigmatical. 
Not  perceiving  that  a  proper  name  was  intended,  he  asked 
himself,  in  vexation,  what  "  Island"  could  possibly  be  meant. 
Besides,  the  expression  was  ungrammatical,  for  it  is  not  said 
"an  Island,"  or  "  the  Island,''  but  simply,  « towards  Island." 
He  therefore  ventures  on  an  amendment  (p.  88) — "  He  took 
the  way  towards  the  Islands ,  (!)  from  beyond  the  Cape  of 
Labrador,  till  he  was  beyond  58°."  Having  made  grammar  of 
the  passage,  he  leaves  the  reader  to  make  sense  of  it. 

Wearisome  as  the  examination  may  be,  we  have  not  yet 
reached  the  principal  error  of  Hakluyt  in  reference  to  this 
short  passage.  It  will  be  noted  that  the  Spanish  writer, 
after  saying  that  Cabot  reached  the  lat.  of  58°,  adds,  "aunque 
el  dize  mucho  mas  contando  como  avia  por  el  mes  de  Julio 
tante  frio,"  &c.  ("  although  he  says  much  further,  relating, 
how  he  hadin  the  middle  of  July,  such  cold,"  &c.)  Here,  too, 
Hakluyt  might  have  taken  advantage  of  previous  translations. 
In  the  Italian  version  of  1576,  it  is,  "  finchesi  trovo  in  58 
gradi  benche  egli  dice  di  piu  et  narrava  come, "  &c.;  and  in 
that  of  1556,  "  et  fino  a  mettersi  in  58  gradi  anchor  che  lui 
dice  molto  piu  il  quale  diceva."  Hakluyt,  however,  relying 
on  Fumee — "  jusques  a  ce  qu'il  ce  trouva  a  58  degrez 
et  par  dela"  renders  the  passage  "  until  he  found  himself  in 
58°  and  better."  Thus  the  Spanish  writer,  who  had  peremp 
torily  fixed  the  limit  of  58°,  is  made,  without  qualification,  to 
carry  Cabot  to  an  indefinite  extent  beyond  it.* 

The  true  version  of  the  passage,  not  only  renders  it  harm 
less,  but  an  auxiliary  in  establishing  the  truth.  That  Gomara 

•  Campbell,  in  his  Lives  of  the  Admirals,  changes  Hakluyt's  phrase    into 
••  somewhat  more  than  fifty-eight  degrees,'*  for  which  he  quotes  Gomara. 


25 

should  speak  slightingly  of  Cabot  was  to  be  expected.  His 
work  was  published  in  1552,  not  long  after  our  Navigator 
had  quitted  the  service  of  Spain,  and  is  dedicated  to  the  Em 
peror  Charks  V.,  whose  overtures  for  the  return  of  Cabot, 
had  been,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter,  rejected.  Of  the  dis 
coveries  of  Cabot,  none,  he  says,  were  made  for  Spain 
("  ninguno  fue  por  nuestros  Reyes"),  and  we  shall  have 
repeated  occasion  to  expose  his  disparaging  comments  on 
every  incident  of  Cabot's  life  while  in  the  service  of  that 
country.  He  is  of  little  authority,  it  may  be  remarked,  even 
with  his  own  countrymen,  and  is  most  notorious  for  naving, 
from  a  paltry  jealousy  of  foreigners,  revived  and  given  cur 
rency  to  the  idle  tale  that  Columbus  was  guided  in  his  great 
enterprise  by  the  charts  of  a  pilot  who  died  in  his  house.  We 
know,  from  Peter  Martyr  (Dec.  3.  cap.  6),  that,  as  early  as 
1515,  the  Spaniards  were  jealous  of  the  reputation  of  Cabot, 
then  in  their  service  ;  and  Gomara,  writing  immediately  after 
the  deep  offence  which  had  been  given  by  the  abandonment 
of  the  service  of  Spain,  and  the  slight  of  the  emperor's  appli 
cation,  was  disposed  to  yield  an  eager  welcome  to  every  false 
hood.  With  regard  to  an  account,  then,  from  such  a  quarter, 
we  would  attach  importance  to  it  only  from  the  presumed  ac 
quiescence  of  Cabot  in  the  representation  of  a  contemporary. 
Now,  so  far  |s  this  from  the  fact,  the  very  passage,  as  at 
length  redeemed  from  a  perversion  no  less  absurd  than  flagi 
tious,  furnishes,  in  itself,  a  triumphant  proof,  that  the  writer's 
assertion  is  in  direct  conflict  with  that;  of  the  Navigator. 
The  importance  of  this  argument  is  increased  by  the  con 
sideration  that  Gomara's  work  was  published  two  years  before 
Ramusio's  third  volume  in  the  preface  to  which  appears  the 
extract  from  Cabot's  letter.  This  shows  that  other  means  of 
information,  and  probably  Cabot's  map  amongst  the  rest,  were 
before  Gomara.  All  that  we  care  to  know,  under  such  cir 
cumstances,  is  the  real  statement  of  Cabot ;  and  in  answer  'to 
that  inquiry  we  have  the  clear  and  precise  language  of  his 
letter  to  Ramusio. 
D 


26 


CHAP.  III. 

CABOT  PENETRATED  INTO  HUDSON'S  BAY. 

ON  quitting  the  authorities  which  have  so  long  been  sup 
posed  to  involve  irreconcilable  contradictions,  the  only  re 
maining  difficulty  is  that  of  selection  from  the  numerous  tes 
timonials  which  offer,  as  to  the  real  extent  of  the  voyage.  A 
few  are  referred  to  which  speak  in  general  terms  of  the  lati 
tude  reached,  before  proceeding  to  such  as  describe  particu 
larly  the  course  pursued. 

In  De  Bry  (Grand  Voyages,  iv.  p.  69),  is  the  following 
passage  :— 

"  Sebastianus  Gabottus,  sumptibus  Regis  Anglise,  Henrici 
VII.,  per  septentrionalem  plagam  ad  Cataium  penetrare  voluit. 
Ille  primus  Cuspidem  Baccaiaos  detexit  (quam  hodie  Britones 
et  Nortmanni,  nautse  la  coste  des  Molues  hoc  est  Asselorum 
marinorum  oram  appellant)  atque  etiam  ulterius  usque  ad  67 
gradum  versus  polum  articum."* 

Belle-forest,  in  his  Cosmographie  Universelle,  which  ap 
peared  at  Paris,  in  1576  (torn.  ii.  p.  2175),  makes  the  same 
statement. 

In  the  treatise  of  Chauveton,  "Du  Nouveau  Monde,"  pub 
lished  at  Geneva,  in  1579,  he  says  (p.  141),  "  Sebastian  Ga- 
botto,  entreprit  aux  despens  de  Henry  VIL,  Rex  d'Angle- 
terre,  de  cercher  quelque  passage  pour  aller  en  Catay  par  la 
Tramontaine.  Cestuy  la  descouvrit  la  pointe  de  Baccaiaos, 
(que  les  mariniers  de  Bretaigne,  et  de  Normandie  appellent 

*  "  Sebastian  Cabot  attempted,  at  the  expense  of  Henry  Vlf.,  King.of  England 
lo  find  a  way  by  the  north  to  Cataia.  He  first  discovered  the  point  of  Baccaiaos, 
which  the  Breton  and  Norman  sailors  now  call  the  Coast  of  Codfish;  and,  proceed 
ing  yet  further,  he  readied  Ike  latitude  of  sixty-seven  degrees  towards  the  Arctic 
Pole." 


27 

La  Coste  des  Molues)  et  plus  haut  jusqu'a  soixante  sept 
degrez  du  Pole." 

There  is  a  volume  entitled,  "  A  Prayse  and  Reporte  of 
Martyne  Frobisher?s  voyage  to  Meta  Incognita,  by  Thomas 
Churchyard,"  published  at  London,  in  1578  (in  Library  of 
British  Museum,  title  Churchyard),  wherein  it  is  said,  "  I 
find  that  Gabotta  was  the  first,  in  king  Henry  VII.'s  days, 
that  discovered  this  frozen  land  or  seas  from  sixty-seven 
towards  the  North,  and  from  thence  towards  the  South, 
along  the  coast  of  America  to  36  degrees  and  a  half,"  &c. 

Herrera,  (dec.  i.  lib.  6.  cap.  16)  in  rejecting  the  fraction> 
adopts  the  higher  number,  and  states  Cabot  to  have  reach 
ed  68°. 

We  proceed  now  to  establish  the  proposition  which  stands 
at  the  head  of  this  chapter,  but  must  first  disclaim  for  it  a 
character  of  novelty,  since  in  Anderson's  History  of  Commerce, 
(vol.  i.  p.  549),  is  found  the  following  passage  : — 

"  How  weak  then  are  the  pretensions  of  France  to  the  prior  discovery  of  North 
America,  by  alleging  that  one  John  Verazzan,  a  Florentine,  employed  by  their 
King,  Francis  I.,  was  the  first  discoverer  of  those  coasts,  when  that  king  did  not 
come  to  the  crown  till  about  nineteen  years  after  our  Cabot's  discovery  of  the 
whole  coast  of  North  America,  from  sixty-eight  degrees  north,  down  to  the  south 
end  of  Florida?  So  that,  from  beyond  Hudson's  Bay  (into  which  Bay,  also,  Cabot 
then  sailed,  and  gave  English  names  to  several  places  therein)  southward  to  Florida, 
the  whole  compass  of  North  America,  on  the  Eastern  coast  thereof,  does,  by  all 
the  right  that  prior  discovery  can  give,  belong  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain:  ex 
cepting,  however,  what  our  monarchs  have,  by  subsequent  treaties  with  other  Eu 
ropean  powers,  given  up  or  ceded." 

The  same  assertion  appears  in  the  work  as  subsequently 
enlarged  into  Macpherson's  Annals  of  Commerce  (vol.  ii. 
p.  12). 

The  statement  is  sufficiently  pointed ;  and  it  is  not  imposs 
ible,  that  Anderson,  who  wrote  seventy  years  ago,  and  whose 
employments  probably  placed  within  his  reach  many  curious 
documents  connected  with  the  early  efforts  to  discover  a 
North- West  passage  to  India,  may  have  seen  one  of  Cabot's 
maps.  As  he  is  silent  with  regard  to  the  source  of  his  in 
formation,  it  is  necessary  to  seek  elsewhere  for  evidence  on 
the  subject. 


28 

A  conspicuous  place  is,  on  many  accounts,  due  to  the  testi 
mony  of  Lord  Bacon.  Every  student  of  English  History  is 
aware  of  the  labour  and  research  he  expended  on  the  History 
of  Henry  VII.  He  himself,  in  one  of  his  letters,  speaking 
of  a  subsequent  tract,  says,  "  I  find  Sir  Robert  Cotton,  who 
poured  forth  what  he  had  in  my  other  work,  somewhat  dainty 
of  his  materials  in  this."  We  turn,  then,  with  eagerness,  to 
his  statement  as  to  Sebastian  Cabot. 

' '  He  sailed,  as  he  affirmed  at  his  return,  and  made  a  card 
thereof,  very  far  westward,  with  a  quarter  of  the  north  on  the 
north  side  of  Terra  de  Labrador,  until  he  came  to  the  lati 
tude  of  sixty-seven  degrees  and  a  half,  finding  the  seas  still 
open." 

It  would  toe  idle  to  accompany  this  statement  with  any 
thing  more  than  a  request  that  a  map  of  that  region  may  be 
looked  at  in  connexion  with  it. 

The  tract  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  on  the  North- West 
passage,  was  originally  published  in  1576.  It  is  reprinted, 
with  mutilations  which  will  be  mentioned  hereafter,  in  Hak- 
luyt.  Referring,  for  the  present,  to  the  latter  work,  we  find 
at  page  16  of  the  third  volume,  the  following  passage: 

"  Furthermore,  Sebastian  Cabot,  by  his  personal  experience  and  travel,  hath 
set  forth  and  described  this  passage  in  his  Charts,  which  are  yet  to  be  seen  in  the 
Queen's  Majesty's  Privy  Gallery  at  Whitehall,  who  was  sent  to  make  this  discovery 
by  King  Henry  the  VII.,  and  entered  the  same  fret,  affirming  that  he  sailed  very  far 
westward  with  a  quarter  .of  the  north  on  the  north  side  of  Terra  de  Labrador,  the 
llth  of  June,  until  he  came  to  the  septentrional  latitude  of  sixty -seven  degrees  and 
a~half,  and  finding  the  sea  still  open,  said  that  he  might  and  would  have  gone  to 
Cataia,  if  the  mutiny  of  the  master  and  mariners  had  not  been." 

In  the  "Theatrum  Orbis  Terrarum"  of  the  celebrated 
geographer  Ortelius,  will  be  found  a  map  designated  as  "Ame 
rica  sive  Novi  Orbis  descriptio ;"  in  .which  he  depicts,  with 
an  accuracy  that  cannot  be  attributed  to  accident,  the  form  of 
Hudson's  Bay,  and  a  channel  leading  from  its  northern  ex 
tremity  towards  the  pole.  The  publication  preceded  not 
only  Hudson  but  Frobisher ;  and  Ortelius  tells  us  that  he  had 
Cabot's  map  before  him.  Prefixed  to  his  work  is  a  list, 
alphabetically  arranged  (according  to  the  Christian  names),  of 


29 

the  authors  of  whose  labours  he  was  possessed,  and  amongst 
them  is  expressly  mentioned  Sebastian  Cabot.  The  map  was 
of  the  World,  "  Universalem  Tabulam  quam  impressam  seneis 
formis  vidimus. 

The  statement  of  the  Portuguese  writer  Galvano,  trans 
lated  by  Hakluyt,  is  curious,  and  though  there  is  reason  in 
many  places  to  apprehend  interpolation  by  Hakluyt,  yet  the 
epithet  Deseado  is  plainly  retained  from  the  Portuguese ;  sig 
nifying  the  desired  or  sought  for.  It  is  unquestionable  that 
this  account,  though  not  perfectly  clear,  represents  Cabot's 
extreme  northern  labour  to;  have  been  the  examination  of  a 
bay  and  a  river ;  and  from  the  name  conferred,  we  may  sup 
pose,  that  they  were  deemed  to  be  immediately  connected 
with  the  anxious  object  of  pursuit.  On  the  map  of  Ortelius, 
the  channel  running  from  the  northern  part  of  the  bay  has 
really  the  appearance  of  a  river.  After  reaching  the  Ame 
rican  coast,  the  expedition  is  said,  by  Galvano,  to  have  gone 
«  straight  northwards  till  they  came  into  60°  of  latitude, 
where  the  day  is  eighteen  hours  long,  and  the  night  is  very 
clear  and  bright.  There  they  found  the  aire  colde,  and  great 
islands  of  ice,  but  no  ground  in  an  hundred  fathoms  sounding; 
and  so  from  thence,  finding  the  land  to  turn  eastwards,  they 
trended  along  by  it,  discovering  all  the  bay  and  river  named 
Deseado,  to  see  if  it  passed  on  the  other  side.  Then  they 
sailed  back  againe,  till  they  came  to  38°  toward  the  equinoc 
tial  line,  and  from  thence  returned  into  England."  (p.  33.) 

A  writer  whose  labours  enjoyed  in  their  day  no  little  cele« 
brity,  and  may  be  regarded,  even  now,  as  not  unworthy  of 
the  rank  they  hold  in  the  estimation  of  his  countrymen,  is  the 
noble  Venetian,  Livio  Sanuto,  whose  posthumous  "  Geogra- 
fia,"  appeared  at  Venice,  in  1588.  The  work,  of  which 
there  is  a  copy  in  the  library  of  the  British  Museum,  owes 
its  chief  interest,  at  present,  to  certain  incidental  speculations 
on  matters  connected  with  Naval  Science,  of  which  the  author 
was  deeply  enamoured.  Repeated  allusions  occur  to  the  map 
of  "  il  chiarissimo  Sebastiano  Caboto."  Having  heard, 
moreover,  from  his  friend  Guido  Gianeti  de  Fano,  at  one  time 


30 

ambassador  at  London,  that  Sebastian  Cabot  had  publicly  ex 
plained  to  the  King  of  England  the  subject  of  the  Variation  of 
the  Needle,  Sanuto  became  extremely  anxious,  in  reference  to 
a  long  meditated  project  of  his  own,  to  ascertain  where  Cabot 
had  fixed  a  point  of  no  variation.  The  ambassador  could 
not  answer  the  eager  inquiry,  but  wrote,  at  the  instance  of 
Sanuto,  to  a  friend  in  England,  Bartholomew  Compagni,  to 
obtain  the  information  from  Cabot.  It  was  procured  accord 
ingly,  and  is  given  by  Sanuto  (Prima  Parte,  lib.  i.  fol.  2),  with 
some  curious  corollaries  of  his  own.  The  subject  belongs 
to  a  different  part  of  pur  inquiry,  and  is  adverted  to  here 
only  to  show  the  author's  anxious  desire  for  accurate  and 
comprehensive  information,  and  the  additional  value  thereby 
imparted  to  the  passage  (Prima  Parte,  lib.  ii.  fol.  17),  in  which 
he  gives  an  account  of  Cabot's  voyage. corresponding  minutely 
with  that  which  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  derived  from  the  map 
hung  up  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  Gallery.* 

Some  items  of  circumstantial  evidence  maybe  adverted  to: 
Zeigler,  in  his  work  on  the  Northern  Regions,  speaking  of 
the  voyage  of  Cabot,  and  the  statement  of  his  falling  in  with 
so  much  ice,  remarks  (Argent  ed.  of  1532.  fol.  92.  b.) — 

"  Id  testatur  quod  non  per  mare  vastum,  sed  propinquis  littoribus  in  sinus 
formam  comprehensum  navigarit,  quando  ob  eadem  caussam  sinus  Gothanus 
concrescat  quoniam  strictus  est,  et  fluviorum  plurium  et  magnorum  ostia 
Salsam  naturam  in  parva  copia  superant  Inter  autem  Norduegiam  et  Islandiam 
non  concrescit  ex  diversa  causa,  quoniam  vis  dulcium  aquarum  illic  superatur  £ 
vastitate  naturae  salsa."  This  testifieth  that  he  had  sailed  not  by  the  main  sea,  but 
in  places  near  unto  the  land,  comprehending  and  embracing  the  sea  in  form  of  a 
gulph;  whereas  for  the  same  cause  the  Gulph  of  Gothland  is  frozen,  because  it  is. 
straight  and  narrow,  in  the  which,  also,  the  little  quantity  of  salt  water  is  over 
come  by  the  abundance  of  fresh  water,  of  many  and  great  rivers  that  fall  into  the 
gulph.  But  between  Norway  and  Iceland  the  sea  is  not  frozen,  for  the  contrary 
cause,  forasmuch  as  the  power  of  fresh  water  is  there  overcome  of  the  abundance 
of  the  salt  water."  (Eden's  Decades,  fol'.  268. ) 

*  "  E  quivi  a  punto  tra  quest!  dui  extremi  delle  due  Continent!  giunto  che  fu  il 
chiarissimo  Sebastiano  Caboto  in  gradi  sessenta  sette  e  rriezo  navigando  allora  per  la 
quarta  di  Maestro  verso  Ponente  ivi  chiaro  vide  essere  il  mare  aperto  e  spatiosiss- 
ima  senza  veruno  impedimento.  Onde  giudico  fermaniente  potersi  di  la  navigare 
al  Cataio  Orientale  il  che  ancho  haverche  a  mano  a  mano  fatto  se  la  malignata  del 
Padrone  e  de  i  marinari  sollevati  non  lo  havessero  fatto  ritornari  h  dietro." 


31 

Eden  says,  in  a  marginal  note,  "  Cabot  told 
ice  is  of  fresh  water  and  not  of  the  sea." 

Great  perplexity  has  been  caused  by  the  statement  that  the 
expedition  under  Cabot  found  the  coast  incline  to  the  North- 
East.  He  himself  informs  us  that  he  reached  only  to  56°  N. 
lat.,  and  that  the  coast  in  that  part  tended  to  the  East.  This 
seems  hardly  probable,  for  the  coast  of  Labrador  tends  neither 
at  56°  nor  at  58°  to  the  East."  (Forster,  p.  267.)  So  Nava- 
rette  (torn.  iii.  p.  41)  thinks  that  Ramusio's  statement  cannot 
be  correct,  because  the.  latitude  mentioned  would  carry  the 
vessel  to  Greenland. 

It  is  to  be  remembered,  that  the  language  of  Cabot  sug 
gests  that  at  the  immediate  point  of  arrest  he  was  cheered  by 
the  prospect  of  success.  We  are  led,  then,  to  infer  that  the 
sanguine  adventurer  was,  for  some  reason,  inspired  with  fresh 
confidence  in  which  his  associates  refused  to  participate;  and 
that,  terrified  by  the  perils  they  had  encountered,  their  dis 
satisfaction  came  to  a  head  when  they  found  a  new  career  of 
peril  suggested  by  what  they  deemed  the  delusive  hopes  of 
their  youthful  commander.  Let  us  look  into  the  subject  with 
the  aid  which  these  suggestions  afford.  Bylot,  who,  after 
penetrating  into  Hudson's  Bay,  proceeded  up  its  Northern 
channel  on  the  west  side,  as  far  as  65°  and-a-half,  represented 
the  coast  as  tending  to  the  North-  east.  The  Quarterly  Review 
(vol.  xvi.  p.  168),  in  an  article  urging  a  new  expedition  in 
search  of  the  North- West  passage,  refuses  its  belief  to  this 
statement.  We  turn,  then,  to  Captain  Parry's  Narrative  of 
his  Second  Voyage.  It  is  apparent  from  an  inspection  of  the 
map  that  the  course  pointed  out  by  Cabot,  for  passing  through 
the  Strait,  would  conduct  a  navigator,  without  fail,  to  Winter 
Island.  Now,  from  the  very  outset  of  Captain  Parry's  course 
from  that  point,  we  find  him  engaged  in  a  struggle  with  the 
North-Eastern  tendency  of  the  coast.  On  the  13th  of  July 
he  was  off  Barrow's  River,  which  is  in  lat.  67°  18'  45";  and 
having  visited  the  falls  of  that  river,  his  narrative  is  thus  con 
tinued:— 


32 

"  We  found,  on  our  return,  that  a  fresh  southerly  breeze,  which  had  been  blow 
ing  for  several  hours,  had  driven  the  ice  to  some  distance  from  the  land;  so  that  at 
four,  P.M.,  as  soon  as  the  flood  tide  had  slackened,  we  cast  off  and  made  all  poss 
ible  sail  to  the  northward,  steering  for  a  headland,  remarkable  for  having  a  patch 
of  land  towards  the  sea  insular  in  sailing  along  shore.  As  we  approached  this 
headland,  which  I  named  after  my  friend  Mr  Edward  Leycester  Penrhyn,  the 
prospect  became  more  and  more  enlivening;  for  the  sea  was  found  to  be  naviga 
ble  in  a  degree  very  seldom  experienced  in  these  regions,  and  the  land  trending 
two  or  three  points  to  the  westward  of  north,  .gave  us  reason  to  hope  we  should 
now  be  enabled  to  take  a  decided  and  final  turn  in  that  anxiously  desired  direction" 

Another  remark  is  suggested  by  Captain  Parry's  Narrative. 
Every  one  who  has  had  occasion  to  consider  human  testimony, 
or  to  task  his  own  powers  of  recollection,  must  have  observed 
how  tenaciously  circumstances  remain  which  had  affected  the 
imagination,  even  after  names  and  dates  are  entirely  forgot 
ten.  The  statement  of  Peter  Martyr  exhibits  a  trophy  of 
this  kind.  He  r6calfe  what  his  friend  Cabot  had  said  of  the 
influence  of  the  sun  on  the  shore  along  which  he  was  toiling 
amidst  mountains  of  ice  $.  "  vastas  repererit  glaciales  moles 
pelago  natantes  et  lucem  fere  perpetuam  tellure  tamen  libera 
gelu  liquefacto"  (Decades,  iii.  lib.  6),  a  passage  which  Hakluyt 
(vol.  iii.  p.  8),  borrowing  Eden's  version,  renders,  "  he  found 
monstrous  heaps  of  ic.e  swimming  on  the  sea,  and  in  manner 
continual  day-light;  yet  saw  he  the  land  in  that  tract  free 
from  ice,  which  had  been  molten  by  the  heat  of  the  sun.V 
Where  do  we  look  for  this  almost  continual  day-light,  and 
this  opportunity  of  noticing  the  appearance  of  the  land?  In 
that  very  channel,  we  would  say,  leading  North  from  Hud 
son's  Bay,  where  Captain  Parry,  later  in  the  summer,  whilst 
between  67°  and  68°,  and  threatened  every  moment  with  de 
struction,  thus  records  his  own  impressions  (p.  261):  "  Very 
little  snow  was  now  lying  upon  the  ground,  and  numerous 
streams  of  water  rushing  down  the  hills  and  sparkling  in  the 
beams  of  the  morning  sun,  relieved  in  some  measure  the  me 
lancholy  stillness  which  otherwise  reigned  on  this  desolate 
shore." 

There  has  been  held  in  reserve  the   piece  of  evidence 
which  goes  most  into  detail. 

In  the  third  volume  of  Hakluyt  (p.  25),  is  found  a  Tract, 


33 

by  Richard  Willes,  gentleman,  on  the  North- West  passage.  It 
was  originally  published  in  an  edition,  that  Willes  put  forth 
in  1577,  of  Richard  Eden's  Decades,  and  forms  part  of  an 
article  therein,  which  Hakluyt  has  strangely  mangled,  ad 
dressed  to  Lady  Warwick,  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Bedford. 
It  was  drawn  up,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  show,  for  the 
use  of  Sir  Martin  Frobisher.  In  this  tract  Willes  combats 
the  various  arguments  urged  at  that  time  against  the  practi 
cability  of  the  enterprise;  and  his  statement  of  one  of  the 
objections  advanced,  furnishes  an  all  important  glimpse  at  the 
map  of  Cabot.  In  the  following  passage  (3  Hakluyt,  p.  25), 
the  enemies  of  the  enterprise  are  supposed  to  say: — 

«<  Well,  grant  the  West  Indies  not  to  continue  continent  unto  the  Pole.  Grant 
there  be  a  passage  between  these  two  lands;  let  the  gulf  lie  nearer  us  than  com 
monly  in  Cardes  we  find  it,  namely,  between  61  and  64  degrees  north,  as  Gemma 
Frisius,  in  his  maps  and  globes,  imagineth  it,  and  so  left  by  our  countryman,  Se 
bastian  Cabot,  in  his  Table,  which  the  Earl  of  Bedford  hath  at  Cheynies;*  let  the 
way  be  void  of  all  difficulties,  yet,  &c.  &c." 

And,  again,  Willes,  speaking  in  his  own  person,  says  (3 
Hakluyt,  p.26):— 

"  For  that  Caboto  was  not  only  a  skilful  seaman  but  a  long  traveller,  and  such  a 
one  as  entered  personally  that  straight,  sent  by  King  Henry  VII.  to  make  this  afore 
said  discovery  as  in  his  own  Discourse  of  Navigation  you  may  read  in  his  Card,  drawn 
with  his  own  hand,  that  the  mouth  of  the  North  Western  Straight  lieth  near  the  318 
meridian,  between  61  and  64  degrees  in  the  elevation,  continuing  the  eame  breadth 
about  ten  degrees  West,  where  it  openeth  southerly  more  and  more." 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  remind  the  reader  that,  until  a 
comparatively  recent  period,  longitude  was  measured,  univer 
sally  from  Ferro,  once  supposed  to  be  the  most  western  part 
of  the  World;  and  that  the  computation  of  degrees  from  that 
point  proceeded  first  over  the  old  World,  and  thus  made  its 
journey  of  360  degrees.  Adding  together,  then,  the  42  de 
grees  which  complete  the  circuit,  and  the  distance  between 
Ferro  and  Greenwich,  we  have  within  a  few  minutes,  60° 
west  from  Greenwich  as  the  longitude  named;  and  if  we  note 

*  On  application  in  the  proper  quarter,  it  has  been  ascertained  that  this  Docu 
ment  cannot,  after  diligent  search,  be  found. 

E 


34 

on  a  modern  map,  where  that  degree  of  longitude  crosses 
Labrador,  it  will  be  seen  how  little  allowance  is  necessary  fop 
the  "about  318,"  which  Willes,  somewhat  vaguely,  states  as 
the  commencement  of  the  strait.  He  probably  judged  by 
the  eye  of  that  fact,  and  of  the  distance  at  which  the  strait 
began  to  "open  southerly/' 

A  pause  was,  designedly,  made  in  the  midst  of  Willes's 
statement  in  order  to  separate  what  refers  to' Cabot's  Map 
from  his  own  speculations.  The  paragraph  quoted  concludes 
thus : — 

"  Where  itopeneth  southerly  more  and  more  until  it  come 
under  the  tropic  of  Cancer,  and  so  runneth  into  Mar  del  Sur,  at 
the  least  18  degrees  more  in  breadth  there,  than  it  was  where 
it  first  began;  otherwise,  I  could  as  well  imagine  this  passage 
to  be  more  unlikely  than  the  voyage  to  Moscovia,  and  more 
impossible  than  it,  for  the  far  situation  and  continuance 
thereof  in  the  frosty  dime." 

That  Cabot  represented  the  strait  as  continuing  in  the  de 
gree  mentioned,  or  as  presenting  a  southern  route,  is  incredi 
ble,  .because  we  know  that  he  was  finally  arrested  at  67  de 
grees  and-a-half  whilst  struggling  onward.  But  the  object 
of  Willes  was  to  meet  the  objection'  of  those  who  contended 
that  even  supposing  a  passage  could  be  found  so  far  to  the 
North  yet  the  perils  of  the  navigation  must  render  it  useless 
for  the  purposes  of  commerce.  He  represents  them  as  say 
ing  (Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  25): 

"If  any  such  passage  be,  it  lieth  subject  unto  ice  And  snow  for  the  most  part  of 
the  year.  Before  the  sun  hath  warmed  the' air  and  dissolved  the  ice  each  one  well 
knoweth  that  there  can  be  no  sailing.  The  ice  once  broken,  through  the  con 
tinual  abode  the  sun  maketh  a  certain  season  in  those  parts,  how  shall  it  be  possi 
ble  for  so  weak  a  vessel,  as  a  ship  is,  to  hold  out  amid  whole  islands,  as  it  were, 
of  ice  continually  beating  on  each  side,  and  at  the  mouth  of  that  gulf  issuing 
dov/n  furiously  from  the  North,  &c." 

Willes,  therefore,  artfully  concedes,  as  has  been  seen,  the 
force  of  the  objection,  but  attempts  to  elude  it  by  adverting 
to  the  form  of  the  Bay,  and  arguing  that  the  break  to  the 
South  held  out  the  prospect  of  a  safer  route.  In  this  effort 
he  derived  important  assistance  from  the  maps  of  Gemma 


35 

Frisiiis  and  Tramezine,  both  of  which  are  yet  extant,  and 
really  do  make  the  strait  expand  to  the  South,  and  fall  into 
the  Pacific  precisely  in  the  manner  he  describes.  He,  there 
fore,  couples  the  delineation  of  Cabot,  from  actual  observa 
tion,  with  the  conjectures  of  others,  and  draws  certain  infer 
ences,  "  if  the  Gardes  of  Cabota  and  Gemmi  Frisius,  and  that 
which  Tramezine  imprinted  be  true"  (3  Hakluyt,  p.  28). 
There  is  no  difficulty,  as  has  been  said,  in  making  the  separa 
tion,  when  we  advert  to  the  fact  that  Cabot  was  actually  at 
67  degrees  and-a-half,  when  the  alarm  of  his  associates  com 
pelled  him  to  turn  back. 

The  -representation  of  Cabot  may,  in  point  of  accuracy,  be 
advantageously  contrasted  with  that  of  more  recent  maps. 
Thus,  on  the  one  found  in  Purchas  (vol.  iii.  p.  852),  the 
318th  degree  of  longitude  passes  through  nearly  the  middle 
of  the  "Fretum  Hudson."  In  the  "Voyages  from  Asia  to 
America,  for  completing  the  discoveries  of  the  North- West 
Coast  of  America,"  published^  at  London,  in  1764,  with  a 
translation  of  S.  Mulleins  Tract,  as  to  the  Russian  discoveries, 
there  is  a  map  by  "  Thomas  Jeiferys,  Geographer  to  his  Ma 
jesty,"  taken  from  that  published  by  the  Royal  Academy  of 
Sciences  at  St  Petersburg.  The  old  mode  of  computation 
is  observed,  and  the  318th  degree  of  longitude  dpes  not  touch 
Labrador,  but  passes  to  the  eastward  of  it. 

Such  is  the  evidence  which  exists  to  establish  the  fact  ass 
umed  as  the  title  of  this  chapter.  There  remains  one  obvi 
ous  and  striking  consideration.  Had  Cabot  been  disposed  to 
fabricate  a  tale  to  excite  the  wonder  of  his  contemporaries, 
not  only  were  the  means  of  detection,  abundant,  but  he  as 
suredly,  would  not  have  limited  himself  to  67  degrees  and- 
a-half.  To  a  people  familiar  with  the  navigation  to  Iceland, 
Norway,  &c. ,  there  was  nothing  marvellous  in  his  represen 
tation  ;  nay,  Zeigler,  as  we  have  seen,  will  not  believe  that 
great  mountains  of  ice  could  have  been  encountered  in  that 
latitude.  It  is  only  by  knowing  the  navigation  of  the  Strait, 


36 

and  Bay,  and  northern  channel*  that  we  can  appreciate  the 
difficulties  he  had  to  overcome,  and  the  dauntless  intrepidity 
that  found  a  new  impulse  in  perils  before  which  his  terrified 
companions  gave  way. 


CHAP.  IV. 

FlfcST  WORK   OF  HAKLUYT MAPS    AND    DISCOURSES  LEFT  BY    SEBASTIAN 

CABOT  ATX  HIS  DEATH  READY  FOR  PUBLICATION. 

AN  early  work  of  Hakluyt,  to  which  frequent  reference 
will  be  made,  contains  a  great  deal  of  curious  information, 
not  to  be  found  elsewhere,  and  is  exceedingly  important  as  a 
check  on  his  subsequent  volumes.  It  furnishes,  moreover, 
honourable  evidence  of  the  zeal  with  which  he  sought  to  ad 
vance,  on  every  occasion,  the  interests  of  navigation  and  dis 
covery.  The  following  is  its  title : — 

"  Divers  voyages  touching  the  discoverie  of  America  and 
the  Islands  adjacent  unto  the  same,  made  first  of  all  by  an 
Englishman,  and  afterwards  by  the  Frenchmen  and  Britons : 
and  certain  notes  of  advertisements,  for  observations  necessary 
for  such  as  shall  hereafter  make  the  like  attempt,  with  two 
mappes  annexed  hereunto,  for  the  plainer  understanding  of 
the  whole  matter.  Imprinted  at  London,  for  Thomas  Wood 
cock,  dwelling  in  Paule's  Churchyard,  at  the  signe  of  the 
Black  Beare,  1582," 

A  reference  will  be  found  to  it  in  the  margin  of  p.  174. 
vol.  iii.  of  Hakluy  t's  larger  work.  Dr  Didbin,  in  his  Library 
Oompanion  (2d  ed.  p.  392),  says,  "I  know  of  no  other  copy 
than  that  in  the  collection  of  my  neighbour,  Henry  Jadis, 
Esq.,  who  would  brave  all  intervening  perils  between  Indus 
and  the  Pole,  to  possess  himself  of  any  rarity  connected  with 
Hakluy t."*  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Library  of  the  British 


*  It  may  be  inferred  that  we  are  not  quite  such  enthusiasts  as  the  gentleman 
referred  to;  thoie  who  are  will  find  amongst  the  Harleian  MSS.  (No.  288,  Art  111) 
a  very  curiou*  autograph  letter  from  Hakluyt,  dated  Paris,  July  1588,  relative  to 
an  overture  from  France. 


38 

Museum,  arranged,  however,  in  the  Catalogue,  not  to  the 
title,  Hakluyt,  but  "America."  It  is  dedicated  to  "The 
Right  Worshipful,  and  most  vertuous  Gentleman,  Master 
Philip  Sydney,  Esq."  Zouch,  in  his  Life  of  Sir  Philip  Syd 
ney  (p.  317),  thus  refers  to  it:  "  Every  reader  conversant  in 
the  annals  of  our  naval  transactions,  will  cheerfully  acknow 
ledge  the  merit  of  Richard  Hakluyt,"  &c.  "His  incompa 
rable  industry  was  remunerated  with  every  possible  encour 
agement,  by  Sir  Francis  Walsingham  and  Sir  Philip  Sydney. 
To  the  latter,  as  a  most  generous  promoter  of  all  ingenious 
and  useful  knowledge,  he  inscribed  his  first  collection  of  voy 
ages  and  discoveries,  printed  in  1582." 

In  a  passage  to  the  dedication  he  adverts  to  the  English 
title  to  America: — 

"  I  have  here,  right  worshipful,  in  this  hastie  work,  first 
put  downe  the  Title  which  we  have  to  that  part  of  America, 
which  is  from  Florida  to  67  degrees  northward,  by  the  letters 
patent,  granted  to  John  Cabote  and  his  three  sons,  Lewis,  Se 
bastian,  and  Santius,  with  Sebastian's  own  certificate  to  Bap- 
tista  Ramusio,  of  his  discovery  of  America." 

One  Tract  preserved  in  this  volume,  and  which  does  not 
appear  in  the  work  as  afterwards  enlarged,  is  of  great  curio 
sity.  It  is  a  translation,  published  originally  in  1563,  of  the 
detailed  report  made  to  Admiral  Coligny  by  Ribault,  who 
commanded  the  French  expedition  in  1562,  to  Florida,  with 
a  view  to  a  settlement,  and  who  actually  planted  in  that  year 
a  French  colony  in  what  is  now  the  state  of  South  Carolina. 
Subsequently  to  the  publication  of  this  volume,  Hakluyt  was 
instrumental  in  causing  to  be  published  at  Paris,  in  1587,  the 
volume  of  Basanier  containing  the  Narrative  of  Laudonniere, 
who  was  second  in  command  under  Ribault.  A  comprehen 
sive  view  is  there  given  of  all  the  voyages,  and  Hakluyt, 
therefore,  in  his  larger  work,  omits  the  interesting  report 
made  by  the  chief  of  the  expedition. 

It  is  not  a  little  remarkable,  in  reference  to  an  incident  so 
memorable,  that  the  work  of  Ribault  seems  to  be  quite  un 
known  in  France.  The  "Biographic  Universelle"  (title  Ri- 


39 

bault)  has  a  long  article  which  manifests  an  entire  ignorance 
of  its  existence,  and  is,  indeed,  written  in  a  very  careless 
manner.     Thus,  it  is  stated,  that  Ribault,  after  reaching  Flo 
rida,  proceeded  northward  along  the  coast,  and  landed  at  the 
mouth  of  a  river  where  he  placed  a  Pillar  with  the  Arms  of 
France,  and  that  to  the  next  river  he  gave  the  name  of  May. 
This  is  not  only  contrary  to  Ribault's  account,  but  to  that  of 
Laudonniere  (Basanier's  Paris  ed.  of  1587,  fol.  8.  also,  3 
Hakluyt,  p.  308),  and  to  the  theory  of  the  Biographic  Uni- 
verselle  itself  which  identifies  the  May  with  the  present  St 
John,     The  mistake  throws  into  confusion  what  in  the  origi 
nal  cannot  be  mistaken.     It  was  on  the  river  where  he  planted 
the  Pillar  that  the  name  of  May  was  conferred.     Ribault,,  in 
this  Tract,  referring  to  the  several  navigators  who  had  visited 
America^  speaks  of  the  "  very  famous"  Sebastian  Cabot,  "an 
excellent  pilot,  sent  thither  by  King  Henry  VII.,  in  the  year 
1498."     Hakluyt  speaks  of  it  as  "  translated  by  one  Thomas 
Hackit,"  and  remarks,  "The  Treatise  of  John  Ribault  is  a 
thing  that  hath  been  already  printed,  but  not  no  we  to  be  had 
unless  I  had  caused  it  to  be  printed  againe."     The  work, 
however,  as  originally  published  by  Hackit,  iu  London,  in 
1563,  is  in  the  Library  of  the  British  Museum  (title  in  Cata- 
loguey  Ribault).     It  is  more  excusable  in  the  French  Biogra 
pher  of  Ribault,  not  to  know  of  an  important  Memoir  pre 
pared  by  him,  and  which  is  found  in  the  Lansdowne  Manu 
scripts,  on  the  policy  of  preserving  peace  with  England,  and 
of  delivering  up  to  her  certain  ports  of  France.     It  was, 
doubtless,  prepared  under  the  eye  of  Coligny,  and  transmit 
ted  by  him  to  show  the  views  of  his  party;  and  has  an  inti 
mate  connexion  with  the  history  of  France  at  that  period. 

Passing,  however,  at  present,  from  various  items  of  this 
curious  volume,  to  which  occasion  will  be  taken  hereafter  to 
refer,  there  is  to  be  noticed  a  passage  of  the  deepest  interest 
in  reference  to  the  subject  of  this  memoir.  Great  surprise 
has  been  expressed  that  Cabot  should  have  left  no  account  of 
his  voyages,  as  this  circumstance  has  even  been  urged  against 
him  as  a  matter  of  reproach.  «  Sebastian,  with  all  his  know- 


40 

ledge,  and  in  the  course  of  a  long  life,  never  committed  to 
writing  any  narrative  of  the  voyage  to  North  America.  The 
curious  on  the  Continent,  however,  drew  from  him  in  conver 
sation  various  particulars  which  gave  a  general  idea,"  &c. 
(Historical  account  of  North  America,  &c.,  by  Hugh  Mur 
ray,  Esq.,  vol.  i.  p.  66.)  Let  us  see  how  far  the  reproach 
on  Cabot  may  be  retorted  on  his  country.  In  this  work  of 
1582,  after  citing  the  patent  granted  by  Henry  VII.  and  the 
testimony  of  Ramusio,  Hakluyt  says : — 

"  This  much  concerning  Sebastian  Cabote's  discoverie  may  suffice  for  a  present 
.taste,  but  shortly,  God  willing-,  shall  come  out  in  print  ALL  HIS  OWN  MAPPES 
land  DISCOURSES  drawne  andvjritten  by  himselfe,  which  are  in  the  custodie  of 
the  worshipful  Master  William  Worthington,  one  of  her  Majesty's  Pensioners, 
wJio  (because  SO  WORTHIE  MONUMENTS  should  not  be  buried  in  perpetual 
oblivion)  is  very  willing  to  suffer  them  to  be  overseene,  and  published  in  as  good 
order  as  may  be  to  the  encouragement  and  benefite  of  our  countrymen." 

It  may  be  sufficient  here  to  say  of  William  Worthington, 
that  he  is  joined  with  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  the  pension  given 
by  Philip  and  Mary,  on  the  29  May  1557  (Rymer,  vol.  xv. 
p.  466).  The  probable  fate  of  the  Maps  and  Discourses  will 
be  considered  on  reaching  the  painful  part  of  Cabot's  personal 
history  which  belongs  to  this  association. 


41 


CHAP.  V. 


COMPARATIVE  AGENCY  OF   JOHN  AND  SEBASTIAN  CABOT. 

IT  has  been  seen,  that  by  all  the  early  writers,  heretofore 
cited,  who  speak  of  the  discoveries  effected  under  the  aus 
pices  of  Henry  VII.,  Sebastian  Cabot  is  exclusively  named. 
An  inclination  has,  in  consequence,  sprung  up  at  a  more 
remote  period  to  dwell  on  the  circumstances  which  seem  to 
indicate  that  injustice  had  been  done  to  the  father ;  and  the 
alleged  testimony  of  Robert  Fdbyan,  the  venerable  annalist, 
is  particularly  relied  on. 

The  feeling  which  prompts  this  effort  to  vindicate  the  pre 
tensions  of  the  father  is  entitled  to  respect;  and  certainly  there 
can  exist,  at  this  late  day,  no  other  wish  on  the  subject  than  to 
reach  the  truth.  It  is  proposed,  therefore,  to  look  with  this 
spirit  into  the  various  items  of  evidence  which  are  supposed 
to  establish  the  prevailing  personal  agency  of  John  .Cabot. 
They  may  be  ranked  thus : 

1.  The  alleged  statement  of  Robert  Fabyan. 

2.  The  language  of  more  recent  writers  as  to  the  character 
of  the  father. 

3.  The  appearance  of  his  name  on  the  map  cut  by  Clement 
Adams,  and  also  in  the  patents. 

As  to  the  first,  the  authority  usually  referred  to  is  found 
in  Hakluyt  (vol.  3.  p.  9) — 

"  A  note  of  Sebastian  Cabot's  first  discoverie  of  part  of  the  Indies  taken  out 
of  the  latter  part  of  Robert  Fabian's  Chroniclei  not  hitherto  printed,  which  is  in 
the  custodie  of  M.  John  Stow,  a  diligent  preserver  of  antiquities." 

"  In  the  13  yeere  of  K.  Henry  the  7  (by  means  of  one  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian, 
which  made  himselfe  very  expert  and  cunning  in  knowledge  of  the  circuit  of  the 
world,  and  islands  of  the  same,  as  by  a  sea  card  and  other  demonstrations  rea 
sonable  he  shewed),  the  kiner  caused  to  man  and  victuall  a  ship  at  Bristow  to  search 


42 

for  an  island,  which  he  said  he  knew  well  was  rich,  and  replenished  with  great 
commodities:  which  shippethns  manned  and  victualled  at  the  King's  costs,  divers 
marchants  of  London  ventured  in  her  email  stocks,  being  in  her,  as  chief  patron, 
the  said  Venetian.  And  in  the  company  of  the  said  ship  sailed,  also,  out  of  Bris- 
tow,  three  or  foure  small  ships,  fraught  with  sleight  and  grosse  marchandizes,  as 
course  cloth,  caps,  laces,  points,  and  other  trifles,  and  so  departed  from  Bristow  in 
the  beginning  of  May,  of  whom  in  this  Maior*s  time  returned  no  tidings." 

There  is  added,  by  Hakluyt,  a  note  of  three  savages 
brought  from  the  newly-discovered  region,  "  mentioned  by 
the  foresaid,  Robert  Fabian." 

It  may  be  remarked,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  history  of 
this  "  latter  part  of  Robert  Fabyan's  Chronicle,"  well  de 
serves  the  attention  of  antiquaries.  Both  Stow,  in  his  Annals, 
subsequently  published,  and  after  him,  Speed  (p.  744),  and 
Purchas  (vol.  iii.  p.  808),  speak  of  the  exhibition,  in  1502,  of 
savages  brought  from  the  Newfoundland,  and  cite  Fabyan,  as 
authority  for  what  is  not  to  be  found  in  his  work  as  we  now 
have  it.*  Assuming,  however,  as  we  may  safely  do,  that 
Stow  was  possessed  of  a  manuscript  which  he  had  reason  to 
believe  the  work  of  a  contemporary,  the  question  remains  as 
to  its  precise  language.  The  passage  in  Hakluyt  would  evi 
dently  appear  to  be  not  an  exact  transcript  from  such  a  work. 
The  expression,  "  of  whom  in  this  Mayor's  time  returned  no 
tidings,"  is  not  in  the  manner  of  a  Chronicler  making  a  note 
of  incidents  as  they  occurred,  but  is  very  natural  in  a  person 
looking  over  the  materials  in  his  possession  for  information  on 
a  particular  point,  and  reporting  to  another  the  result  of  that 
examination.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  Hakluyt  had 
asked  Stow  what  light  he  could  throw  on  the  expeditions  in 
the  time  of  Henry  VIL,  and  that  we  have  here  the  answer 
given  to  the  inquiry.  From  what  has  already  been  seen,  it 
maybe  conceived  that  Hakluyt  would  not  hesitate  to  run  his 
pen  through  whatever  struck  him  as  irreconcilable  with  the 
leading  facts  in  his  possession.  The  wealthy  Prebendary 
would  approach  with  no  great  reverence  the  labours  of  poor 
Stow,  who  having  abandoned  his  business  as  a  tailor,  for  the 

*  See  Appendix  (A). 


43 

unrequited  labours  of  an  antiquary,  was  reduced  to  such  dis 
tress,  that,  through  the  royal  munificence,  a  special  license 
was  granted  to  him  to  beg  at  the  church  doors.  If,  there 
fore,  Hakluyt  found  the  son's  name  introduced,  he  would  not 
hesitate  to  make  it  give  way  to  what  he  deemed  the  better 
evidence  supplied  by  the  record.  Fortunately,  however,  we 
are  not  left  to  mere  conjecture.  In  1605  appeared  S tow's 
own  "  Annals."  The  simplicity  and  good  faith  of  this  writer 
are  so  well  known,  as  well  as  his  intense  reverence  for  what 
ever  bore  the  stamp  of  antiquity,  that  we  have  no  fear  of  his 
having  committed  what  in  his  eyes  would  have  been  sacrilege, 
by  changing  one  syllable  of  the  original.  Let  it  be  remem 
bered,  then,  that  Hakluyt  relies  exclusively  on  what  he  ob 
tained  from  Stow ;  and  in  reading  the  following  passage  from 
the  Annals,  we  find  what,  doubtless,  passed  into  Hakluyt's 
hands  before  it  was  subjected  to  his  perilous  correction.  It 
occurs  at  p.  804  of  the  edition  of  1605,  and  at  p.  483  of  that 
of  1631 .  < <  This  year  one  Sebastian  Gaboto,  a  Genoa's  sonne 
borne  in  Bristol,  professing  himself  to  be  expert  in  the  know 
ledge  of  the  circuit  of  the  world  and  islands  of  the  same,  as 
by  his  charts  and  other  reasonable  demonstrations  he  shewed, 
caused  the  king  to  man  and  victual  a  ship,"  <£c.  The  rest  cor 
responds  with  the  passage  in  Hakluyt,  but  there  is  not  added, 
"  of  whom  in  this  Mayor's  time,"  &c.$  thus  confirming  the 
conjecture  as  to  the  meaning  of  those  words  in  the  memoran 
dum  given  to  Hakluyt.  Under  the  year  1502  we  find  the 
passage  as  to  the  exhibition  of  the  savages,  beginning,  "  This 
year  were  brought  unto  the  king  three  men  taken  in  the 
Newfoundland  by  Sebastian  Gaboto,  before  named,  in  anno 
1498."  As  authority  for  this  last  fact,  he  cites  Robert  Fa- 
byan.  Thus  we  have  the  best  evidence  that  the  contemporary 
writer,  whoever  he  may  have  been,  made  not  the  slightest 
allusion  to  the  father.  Bacon,  Speed,  Thuanus,  &c.,  all  fur 
nish  the  same  statement. 

The  very  phrase,  "  a  Genoa's  son,"  employed  to  designate 
Sebastian  Cabot,  may  be  considered  as  the  not  unnatural  mis- 


44 

take  of  a  contemporary,  referring  as  it  does  to  the  country 
of  Columbus,  with  whose  fame  all  Europe  was  ringing  from 
side  to  side. 

It  happens  that  we  can  trace  the  progress  of  Hakluyt's 
perversion.  The  communication  from  Stow  first  appears  in 
the  "  Divers  Voyages  to  America,"  &c.  published  in  1582. 
When  given  at  that  early  period,  as  derived  from  "  Mr  John 
Stow,  citizen,"  Hakluyt  merely  changes  the  words  "  a  Genoa's 
son,"  into  "  a  Venetian,"  without  giving  any  name.  He  had 
not  then  heard  of  the  patent  of  February  3,  1498,  naming 
John  Cabot  exclusively,  for  the  only  document  he  quotes  is 
the  original  patent  of  March  1496,  in  which  both  father  and 
son  are  mentioned,  and  which  describes  the  father  as  a  Vene 
tian.  He  struck  out,  therefore,  only  what  he  then  knew  to 
be  incorrect.  Subsequently,  he  received  information  of  the 
second  patent  in  favour  of  John  Cabot,  and  in  his  enlarged 
work  he  not  only  furnishes  a  reference  to  that  patent,  but 
makes  a  further  alteration  of  what  he  had  received  from  Stow. 
Instead  of  "  a  Venetian,"  as  in  1582,  when  he  had  the  memo 
randum  first  before  him,  it  becomes  "  one  John  Cabot,  a  Ve 
netian,"  thus  effecting,  at  the  two  stages  of  alteration,  a  com 
plete  change  of  what  he  had  received,  and  yet  for  the  state 
ment  as  thus  finally  made,  Fabian  and  Stow  continue  to  be 
cited ! 

Hakluyt  has,  incautiously,  suffered  to  lie  about  the  evidence 
of  his  guilty  deed,  which  should  have  been  carefully  buried. 
Thus  there  is  retained  the  original  title  of  the  passage — « A 
note  of  Sebastian  Cabofs  first  discovery  of  part  of  the  Indies, 
taken  out  of  the  latter  part  of  Robert  Fabyan's  Chronicle,  not 
hitherto  printed,  which  is  in  the' custody  of  Mr  John  Stow,  a 
diligent  preserver  of  Antiquities."  Now  it  is  highly  proba 
ble  that  all  this,  with  the  exception  of  the  compliment,  was 
the  explanatory  memorandum  at  the  head  of  Stow's  commu 
nication.  It  is  incredible  that  Hakluyt  himself  should  prefix 
it  to  a  passage  which  does  not  contain  the  slightest  allusion  to 
Sebastian  Cabot.  Thus  we  see  that  in  indicating  to  the 


45 

printer  the  alterations  in  the  new  edition,  the  pen  of  Hakluyt, 
busied  with  amendment  at  the  critical  point,  has  spared,  inad 
vertently,  what  betrays  him  by  its  incongruity  with  that  which 
remains,  and,  like  the  titles  of  many  acts  of  parliament,  serves 
to  show  the  successful  struggle  for  amendment  after  the  origi 
nal  draught. 

As  to  the  second  paragraph,  about  the  exhibition  of  the 
three  savages,  Hakluyt's  conduct  has  been  equally  unjusti 
fiable,  but  an  exposure  of  it  belongs  to  a  different  part  of  the 
subject. 

Thus  it  is  established  by  the  testimony  of  the  contempo 
rary  Annalist,  that  it  was  on  a  young  man — the  son  of  the  rich 
merchant  from  Italy — that  the  public  eye  was  turned  in  refer 
ence  to  the  projected  schemes  of  discovery. 

The  explanation  that  has  been  given  furnishes  at  the  same 
time  an  answer  to  the  second  ground  adverted  to  in  support 
of  the  father's  pretensions — the  encomiums  bestowed  on  him 
by  respectable  writers.  Singular  as  it  may  appear,  they 
have  all  arisen  out  of  the  misconception  as  to  Fabyan's  mean 
ing.  Beyond  this  supposed  allusion,  there  is  not  the  slight- 
ent  evidence  that  the  father  was  a  seaman,  or  had  the  least 
claim  to  nautical  skill  or  the  kindred  sciences.  We  hear  only 
of  his  going  "  to  dwell  in  England  to  follow  the  trade  of  mer 
chandise.  "  Yet  out  of  Hakluyt's  perversion,  mark  how  each 
successive  writer  has  delighted  to  draw  the  materials  for  eu 
logy  on  this  old  gentleman. 

"  Thus  it  appears,  from  the  best  authority  that  can  be  de 
sired,  that  of  a  contemporary  writer,  this  discovery  was  made 
by  Sir  John  Cabot,  the  father  of  Sebastian."  (Campbell's 
Lives  of  The  Admirals.)  "  Sir  John  Cabot  was  the  original 
discoverer,  of  which  honour  he  ought  not  to  be  despoiled, 
even  by  his  son."  (Ib.)  The  same  language  is  found  in 
M'Pherson's  Annals  of  Commerce  (vol.  ii.  p.  13.  note),  and 
in  Chalmers  Political  Annals  of  The  Colonies  (p.  8,  9), 
though  it  happens,  singularly  enough,  that  in  correcting  the 
supposed  error,  this  last  writer  not  only  mistakes  the  name  of 


46 

the  annalist  (making  him  to  be  John  Fabyan),  but  cites  a 
work  which  does  not  contain  the  slightest  allusion  to  these 
enterprises. 

"He  was,  it  seems,  a  man  perfectly  skilled  in  all  the  sci 
ences  requisite  to  form  an  accomplished  seaman  or  a  general 
trader!"  (Campbell's  Lives  of  the  Admirals.) 

"  The  father  was  a  man  of  science,  and  had  paid  particular 
attention  to  the  doctrine  of  the  spheres.  His  studies,  &c. 
He  seems  to  have  applied  to  Henry  VII.,  who  accordingly 
empowered  him  to  sail,"  &c.  (vol.  xviii.  Kerr's  Voyages,  p.' 
353.  Essay  by  W.  Stevenson,  Esq.). 

"  John  Caboto,  a  citizen  of  Venice,  a  skilful  Pilot  and  in 
trepid  Navigator."  (Barrow,  p.  32.) 

"  Henry  VII.,  disappointed  in  his  hopes  of  forming  an  en 
gagement  with  Columbus,  gladly  extended  his  protection  to 
the  Venetian,  John  Gavotta  or  Cabot,  whose  reputation  as  a 
skilful  pilot  was  little  inferior  to  that  of  the  celebrated  Geno 
ese."  (Dr  Lardner's  Cabinet  Cyclopaedia,  Maritime  and  In 
land  Discovery,  vol.  ii.  p.  136.) 

We  come  now  to  the  assertion,  that  on  the  map  "  hung  up 
in  the  Queen's  Privy  Gallery,"  the  discoveries  indicated,  are 
referred  to  the  joint  agency  of  the  father  and  son.  And  here, 
the  first  consideration  is,  of  course,  as  to  the  evidence  that 
such  a  representation  was  made. 

The  map  itself  has  disappeared,  and  we  approach  the  state 
ment  of  Hakluy t  with  a  conviction  that  he  would  not  hesitate, 
for  a  moment,  to  interpolate  the  name  of  John  Cabot,  if  he 
thought  that,  thereby,  was  secured  a  better  correspondence 
with  the  language  of  the  original  patent.  No  additional  con 
fidence  is  derived  from  Purchas,  who  copies  all  Hakluy  t?s 
perversions,  and  even  repeats  the  citation  of  Fabyan,  as  found 
in  Hakluy  t's  last  work,  though  S tow's  Annals  had  interme 
diately  appeared,  and  the  discrepance  between  Hakluyt's  first 
and  last  work  ought  to  have  put  him  on  his  guard. 

Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  makes  not  the  slightest  allusion  to 
the  father. 


47 

«  Furthermore,  Sebastian  Caboto,  by  his  personal  expe 
rience  and  travel,  hath  set  forth  and  described  this  passage  in 
his  charts,  which  are  yet  to  be  seen  in  the  Queen  Majesty's 
Privy  Gallery  at  Whitehall,  who  was  sent  to  make  this  dis 
covery  by  king  Henry  VII." 

It  would  certainly  require  less  audacity  to  associate  here 
the  name  of  the  father,  as  it  is  found  in  the  patent,  than  to 
do  that  of  which  Hakluyt  has  already  been  convicted.  Ri 
chard  Willes,  who,  in  the  treatise  already  cited,  and  which  is 
given  in  Hakluyt,  addresses  Lady  Warwick  "from  the 
court,"  and  speaks  familiarly  of  Sebastian  Cabot's  map,  makes 
no  allusion  to  the  father. 

There  is  a  treatise  on  "  Western  planting"  copied  into 
Hakluyt  (vol.  iii.  p.  165),  as  "  written  by  Sir  George  Peck- 
ham,  Knt.,  the  chief  adventurer  and  furtherer  of  Sir  Hum 
phrey  Gilbert's  voyage,"  in  which,  speaking  of  the  English 
title  to  America,  he  says  (p.  173),  " In  the  time  of  the  Queen's 
grandfather  of  worthy  memory,  king  Henry  VII.,  Letters 
Patent  were,  by  his  Majesty,  granted  to  John  Cabota,  an 
Italian,  to  Lewis,  Sebastian,  and  Sancius,  his  three  sons,  to 
discover  remote,  barbarous  and  heathen  countries ;  which  dis 
covery  was  afterwards  executed  to  the  use  of  the  Crown  of 
England,  in  the  said  king's  time,  by  Sebastian  and  Sandu9r 
his  sons,  who  were  born  here  in  England."  Thus,  with  a 
full  knowledge  of  the  introduction  of  the  name  of  the  father 
and  the  eldest  brother  into  the  Patent,  Sir  George  seems  to 
negative  the  idea  that  they  took  any  part  in  the  execution  of 
the  enterprise.  Yet  it  must  be  admitted  that  this  piece  of 
evidence,  strong  as  it  seems,  is  weakened  by  noticing  the 
statements  coupled  with  it.  He  continues  (p.  173),  "  In 
true  testimony  whereof,  there  is  a  fair  haven  in  Newfound 
land,  knowen  and  called  unto  this  day  by  the  name  of  Sancius 
Haven,  which  proveth  that  they  first  discovered  upon  that 
coast,  from  the  height  of  63  unto  the  cape  of  Florida,  as  ap- 
peareth  in  the  Decades."  The  reference  here  is  to  the  De 
cades  of  Peter  Martyr,  which  certainly  do  not  bear  out  the 
conclusion.  The  writer  probably  determined  the  question  of 


48 

latitude  by  observing  that  Cabot,  according  to  Willes,  fixed 
the  mouth  of  the  Strait  between  61°  and  64°;  and  as  to  the 
Haven,  the  allusionjs  probably  to  Placentia  Bay,  or  as  it  is 
written  on  the  old  maps  of  Newfoundland,  Plasandusy  a  tide 
which,  as  found  in  the  mouths  of  seamen,  might  readily  sug 
gest  to  the  ear  the  name  of  the  youngest  patentee. 

There  is  one  account  that  mentions  John  Cabot,  but  it  was 
written  subsequently  to  the  publication,  by  Hakluyt,  in  1582, 
of  the  patent  containing  the  father's  name,  which  would,  of 
itself,  suggest  the  association.  It  is  the  narrative,  by  Haies, 
of  the  Expedition  of  1583  (see  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  144)> 
which  we  cite  on  the  possibility  that  it  may  do  no  more  than 
an  act  of  justice,  and  because  it  serves  to  show  how  uniformly 
the  claims  of  England  in  America  have  been  rested  ott  the 
discoveries  in  the  time  of  Henry  VII. 

"  The  first  discovery  of  these  coasts  (never  heard  of  before),  was  well  begun 
by  John  Cabot  the  father,  and  Sebastian  his  son,  an  Englishman  bom,  Sec.  all 
which  they  brought  and  annexed  unto  the  crown  of  England."  "  For  not  long 
after  that  Christopher  Columbus  had  discovered  the  Islands  and  Continent  of  the 
West  Indies  for  Spain,  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  made  discovery  also  of  the  rest 
from  Florida  Northwards,  to  the  behoof  of  England."  «« The  French  did  but  re 
view  that  before  discovered  by  the  English  Nation,  usurping  upon  our  right" 
"  Then  seeing  the  English  nation  only  hath  right  unto  these  countries  of  America, 
from  the  Cape  of  Florida  Northward,  by  the  privilege  of  first  discoveiy,  unto  which 
Cabot  was  authorised  by  regal  authority,  and  set  forth  by  the  expense  of  our  late 
famous  King  Henry  VII. ,  which  right,  also,  seemeth  strongly  defended  on  our  be 
half  by  the  bountiful  hand  of  Almighty  God,  notwithstanding  the  enterprises  of 
other  nations,  it  may  greatly  encourage  us  upon  so  just  ground  as  is  our  right,"  &c. 

The  fact  that  the  father  is  named  in  the  Patent  does  not 
furnish  conclusive  evidence  that  he  embarked  in -either  of  the 
expeditions.  The  original  grant  conveys  to  him  and  his  three 
sons,  "and  to  the  heirs  of  them  and  their  Deputies,"  full  power 
to  proceed  in  search  of  regions  before  unknown,  and  the  exclu 
sive  privilege  of  trading.  Now  it  has  never  been  supposed 
that  all  the  sons  engaged  in  the  voyage,  and  yet  the  presump 
tion  is  just  as  strong  with  regard  to  each  of  them  as  to  the 
father,  and  even  more  so  if  we  look  to  the  appropriate  sea 
son  of  life  for  perilous  adventure.  The  truth  seems  to  be 
this: — as  it  is  probable  that  all  the  means  of  the  family  were 


49 

embarked  in  this  enterprise,  it  was  no  unnatural  precaution 
that  the  patent  should  he  coextensive  in  its  provisions.  It 
created  them  a  trading  corporation  with  certain  privileges, 
and  it  might  as  well  be  contended,  for  a  similar  reason,  that 
the  Marquis  of  Winchester,  the  Earl  of  Arundel,  and  the 
other  patentees  of  the  Muscovy  Company  (1  Hakluyt,  p.  268) 
actually  sailed  in  the  north-eastern  voyages.  The  second 
patent  is  to  the  father  alone.  If  we  seek  a  reason  for  this  de 
parture  from  the  original  arrangement,  it  may  be  conjectured 
that  some  of  the  sons  chose  to  give  a  different  direction  to  a 
'parental  advance  and  their  personal  exertions,  and  that  the 
head  of  the  family  thought  fit  to  retain,  subject  to  his  own 
discretionary  disposal,  the  proposed  investment  of  his  remain 
ing  capital.  It  is  said*  that  one  of  the  sons  settled  at  Ve 
nice,  and  the  other  at  Genoa.  The  recital  of  the  discovery 
by  lite  Father  would,  of  course,  be  stated,  under  the  circum 
stances,  as  the  consideration  of  the  second  patent  in  his 
favour. 

Another  reason  for  the  introduction  of  the  father's  name, 
concurrently  at  first  with  his  son's,  and  afterwards  exclu 
sively,  may  perhaps  be  found  in  the  very  character  of  the 
King,  whose  own  pecuniary  interests  were  involved  in  the 
result.  He  might  be  anxious  thus  to  secure  the  responsibility 
of  the  wealthy  Venetian  for  the  faithful  execution  of  the  terms 
of  the  patent,  and  finally  think  it  better  to  have  him  solely 
named,  rather  than  commit  powers,  on  their  face  assignable, 
to  young  men  who  had  no  stake  in  the  country,  and  who  were 
not  likely  to  make  it  even  a  fixed  place  of  residence. 

On  the  whole,  there  may  at  least  be  a  doubt  whether  the 
father  really  accompanied  the  expedition.  Unquestionably, 
the  great  argument  derived  from  the  pretended  language  of 
a  contemporary  annalist  is  not  only  withdrawn,  but  thrown 
into  the  opposite  scale. 

Supposing,  however,  John  Cabot  to  have  been  on  board, 

*  Campbell's  Laves  of  the  Admirals,  vol.  i.  p.  310,  on  thfi  authority  of  MS.  re 
marks  on  Hakluyt. 

G 


50 

we  must,  in  inquiring  what  were  his  functions,  carefully  put 
aside  the  thousand  absurdities  which  have  Jiad  their  origin  in 
misconception  as  to  the  person  intended  by  Fabyan;  and  re 
member,  that  we  have  not  a  tittle  of  evidence  as  to  his  cha 
racter  or  past  pursuits,  except,  as  has  been  remarked,  that  he 
came  to  London  "  to  follow  the  trade  of  merchandise."  All 
that  is  said  about  his  knowledge  of  the  sphere — his  perfect 
acquaintance  with  the  sciences,  &c.,  is  merely  an  amplifica 
tion  of  the  remarks  of  Fabyan,  as  to  Sebastian  Cabot.  If, 
then,  he  went  at  all,  it  was  in  all  probability  merely  for  the 
purpose  of  turning  to  account  his  mercantile  skill  and  saga 
city  in  the  projected  traffic  which  formed  one  of  the  objects 
of  the  expedition.  There  is  nothing  to  control,  in  the  slight 
est  degree,  the  idea  which  presses  on  us  from  so  many  quar 
ters,  that  the  project  had  its  origin  with  the  son,  and  that  its 
great  object  was  to  verify  his  simple,  but  bold  proposition, 
that  by  pushing  to  the  north  a  shorter  route  might  be  opened 
to  the  treasures  of  Cataya. 

.  If  the  youth  of  Sebastian  Cabot  be  objected  to,  as  render 
ing  his  employment  by  Henry  improbable,  we  must  remem 
ber  that  the  project  was  suggested  to  the  English  monarch  at 
a  period  peculiarly  auspicious  to  its  reception.  He  had  just 
missed  the  opportunity  of  employing  Columbus,  and  with  it 
the  treasures  of  the  New  World.  Instead  of  cold  and  cheer 
less  distrust,  there  was  a  reaction  in  the  public  mind,  with  a 
sanguine  flow  of  confidence  towards  novel  speculations  and 
daring  enterprises.  When,  therefore,  one-fifth  of  the  clear 
gain  was  secured  to  the  king,  by  the  engagement  of  the  wealthy 
Venetian,  Henry  yielded  a  ready  ear  to  the  bold  theory  and 
sanguine  promises  of  the  accomplished  and  enthusiastic  young 
navigator. 


51 


CHAP.  VI. 


FIRST  POINT    SEEN  BY  CABOT — NOT  NEWFOUNDLAND. 

THE  part  of  America  first  seen  and  named  by  Cabot,  is  gene 
rally  considered  to  have  been  the  present  Newfoundland. 
This,  however,  will  be  far  from  clear  if  we  look  closely  into 
the  subject. 

The  evidence  usually  referred  to  as  establishing  the  fact 
consists  of  an  "  extract  taken  out  of  the  map  of  Sebastian 
Cabot,  cut  by  Clement  Adams,"  quoted  by  Hakluyt  and  Pur- 
chas. 

This  would  seem  to  have  been  a  broad  sheet,  on  which  an 
attempt  was  made  to  exhibit  the  substance  of  Cabot's  state 
ment  as  to  the  country  he  had  discovered.  From  the  stress 
laid  by  Hakluyt  and  Purchas  upon  the  Extract,  hung  up  in 
the  privy  gallery  at  Whitehall,*  we  may  infer  that  they  had 
never  seen  the  original  map.  It  would  seem  to  have  been 
executed  after  Cabot's  death,  and  without  any  communication 
with  him,  for  it  offers  conjectures  as  to  his  reasons  for  giving 
names  to  particular  places  which  probably  would  not  have 
been  hazarded  with  the  means  so  readily  at  hand,  during  his 
life,  of  attaining  certainty  on  such  points.  The  explanation 
was  in  Latin,  and  is  thus  given  by  Hakluyt,  with  a  translation 
(vol.  iii.  p.  6) — 

Anno  Domini  1497,  Joannes  Cabotus  Venetus,  et  Sebastianus  illius  films  earn 
terrain  fecerunt  perviam,  quam  nullus  prius  adire  ausus  fuit,  die  24  Junii,  circiter 
horam  quintam  bene  mane.  Hanc  autem  appellavit  Terram  primum  visam, 
credo  quod  ex  mari  in  earn  partem  primum  oculos  injecerat.  Namque  ex  ad- 
verso  sita  est  insula,  earn  appellavit  insulam  Divi  Joannis,  hac  opinor  ratione, 

*  The  disappearance  of  this  curious  document  may  probably  be  referred,  either 
to  the  sales  which  took  place  after  the  death  of  Charles  I.,  or  to  the  fire  in  the 
reign  of  William  III. 


52 

quod  aperta  fuit  eo  qui  die  est  sacer  Diuo  Joanni  Baptists:  Hujus  incola  pelles 
animalium  exuviasque  ferarum  pro  indumentis  habent,  casque  tanti  faciunt,  quanti 
nos  vestes  preciosissimas.  Cum  bellum  gerunt,  utuntur  arcu,  sagittas,  hastis, 
spiculis,  clavis  ligneis  et  fundis.  Tellus  sterilis  est,  neque  ullos  fructus  affert, 
ex  quo  fit,  ut  ursus  albo  colore,  et  cervis  inusitatte  apud  nos  magnitudinis 
referta  sit:  piscibus  abundat,  iisque  sane  magnis,  quales  sunt  lupi  marini  et  quos 
salmones  vulgus  appellat;  soleae  autem  reperiuntur  tarn  longae,  ut  ulnse  mensuram 
excedant.  Imprimis  autem  magna  est  copia  corum  piscium,  quos  vulgari  sermone 
vocant  Bacallaos.  Gignuntur  in  ea  insula  accipitres  ita  nigri,  ut  corvorum  simi- 
litudinem  mirum  in  modum  exprimant,  perdices  autem  et  aquilac  sunt  nigri 
coloris." 

The  same  in  English. 

'*  In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1497,  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian,  and  his  sonne  Sebas 
tian  (with  an  English  fleet  set  out  from  Bristoll),  discovered  that  land  which  no 
man- before  that  time  had  attempted,  on  the  24th  of  June,  about  five  of  the  clocke 
early  in  the  morning.  This  land  he  called  Prima  vista,  that  is  to  say,  first  scene; 
because,  as  I  suppose,  it  was  that  part  whereof  they  had  the  first  sight  from  sea. 
That  island^  which  lieth  out  before  the  land  he  called  the  Island  of  St  John  upon  this 
occasion,  as  I  thinke,  because  it  was  discovered  upon  the  day  of  John  the  Baptist. 
The  inhabitants  of  this  island  use  to  weare  beasts*  skinnes,  and  have  them  in  as 
great  estimation  as  we  have  our  finest  garments.  In  their  warres  they  use  bowes, 
arrowes,  pikes,  darts,  woodden  clubs,  and  slings.  The  soil  is  barren  in  some 
places,  and  yeeldeth  little  fruit,  but  it  is  full  of  white  bears,  and  stagges  far  greater 
than  ours.  It  yeeldeth  plenty  of  fish,  and  those  very  great  as  scales,  and  those 
which  we  commonly  call  salmons;  there  are  soles,  also,  above  a  yard  in  length, 
but  especially  there  is  great  abundance  of  that  kind  of  fish  which  the  savages 
call  baccalaos.  In  the  same  island  also  there  breed  hauks,  but  they  are  so  black 
that  they  are  very  like  to  ravens,  as  also  their  partridges  and  eagles,  which  are 
in  like  sort  blacke." 

As  usual,  it  is  necessary  here,  in  the  first  place,  to  notice 
the  passages  in  which  Haklayt  has  acted  unfaithfully  to  the 
text.  He  was  under-  an  impression  that  Cabot  first  visited 
Newfoundland,  and  in  this  same  volume  that  region  is  spoken 
of  in  very  flattering  terms,  and  its  colonization  earnestly  re 
commended.  At  p.  153,  we  hear  of  Newfoundland — *  *  There 
is  nothing  which  our  East  and  Northerly  countries  of  Europe 
do  yield,  but  the  like  also  may  be  made  in  them  as  plentifully 
by  time  and  industry,  namely,  rosin,  flax,  hemp,  corn,  and 
many  more,  all  which  the  countries  will  afford,  and  the  soil  is 
apt  to  yield."  "  The  soil  along  the  coast  is  ndt  deep  of  earth, 
bringing  forth  abundantly  peason,  small,  yet  good  feeding  for 
cattle.  Roses,  passing  sweet,"  <fec.  In  the  letter  of  Parme- 
nius  from  Newfoundland  (p.  162),  the  passage  beginning 


53 

"  But  what  shall  I  say,  my  good  Hakluyt,"  &c.,  conveys  a 
similar  representation. 

Mark  now  the  liberties  taken  by  Hakluyt.  Cabot,  in  the 
Extract,  is  made  to  say,  that  the  country  called  "  Terra  pri- 
mum  visa"  was  absolutely  sterile — "  tellus  sterilis  est."  This 
Hakluyt  renders  "  the  soil  is  barren  in  some  places;"  and 
when  Cabot  says,  "neque  ullos  fructus  affert,"  the  translator 
has  it,  "  and  yieldeth  little  fruit ;"  thus  perverting,  without 
hesitation,  the  original,  which  is  yet  audaciously  placed  be- 
neath  our  eyes ! 

While  on  the  subject  of  these  efforts  to  obscure  a  document 
so  little  satisfactory  in  itself,  reference  may  be  made  to  ano 
ther,  of  a  date  subsequent  to  the  time  of  Hakluyt,  but  which 
has  had  an  extensive  influence  on  modern  accounts.  The 
country  discovered  is  designated  in  the  Latin,  as  "  Terra  pri- 
mum  visa,"  and  distinguished  from  the  "Insula,"  or  Island 
of  St  John,  standing  opposite  to  it.  Hakluyt  preserves  the 
distinction,  but  in  the  well  known  book  of  Captain  Luke  Foxe, 
who  professes  to  transfer  to  his  pages  the  several  testimonials 
on  the  subject  of  Cabot's  discoveries  so  as  to  present  them  to 
his  readers  in  a  cheap  form,  the  passage  is  thus  put  (p.  15)— 

"  In  the  year  of  grace  1497,  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian,  and 
Sebastian  his  son,  with  an  English  fleet  from  Bristol,  discov 
ered  that  Island,  which  before  that  time  no  man,"  &c.  With 
a  view  to  economy  of  space,  Foxe  omits  to  copy  Hakluyt's 
statement,  that  the  "  Extract"  spoken  of  was  hung  up  *f  in 
the  Queen's  Privy  Gallery,"  and  from  this  omission  a  hasty 
reader  is  led  to  infer  that  he  speaks  of  a  map  in  his  own 
possession.  Here  was  a  fine  trap  for  those  who  came  after 
him  f  and  the  following  passage  from  MTherson's  Annals  of 
Commerce  (vol.  ii.  p.  13,  note),  may  show  how  successful  it 
proved.  "  Foxe  quotes  the  following  inscription  engraven 
near  Newfoundland,  in  a  map,  published  by  Sebastian,  the 
son  of  John  Cabot—  <  A.D.  1497,  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian,  and 
Sebastian,  his  son,  with  an  English  fleet,  set  sail  from  Bristol, 
discovered  that  Island,  which  before  that  time  no  man  had 


54 

attempted/  ;  Thus  we  have — Foxe  in  possession  of  Ca 
bot's  map — on  that  map,  ."  Newfoundland"  marked — and, 
on  the  map,  published  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  an  inscription 
near  Newfoundland,  to  the  purport  mentioned.  It  will 
be  asked,  with  surprise,  whether  Foxe,  culpable  as  he  is, 
affords  no  greater  countenance  to  M'Pherson.  Positively 
not.  So  far  from  pretending  to  have  any  original  documents, 
he  says  expressly,  in  his  address  to  the  reader,  "  It  will  be 
objected  that  many  of  these  abstracts  are  taken  out  of  other 
books,  and  that  those  are  the  voyages  of  other  men.  I  an 
swer,  it  is  true  that  most  of  them  are,  for  what  are  all  those 
of  Mr  Hakluyt  and  Mr  Purchas,  but  the  collections  and  pre 
servations  of  other  rnens'  labours,"  &c.  "  I  have  abstracted 
those  works  of  my  predecessors,  yet  I  have  interlaced  my  own 
experience!"  &c.  Chalmers  adopts,  like  M'Pherson,  the 
perversion  of  Foxe. 

We  are  bound,  therefore,  to  look  closely  to  the  original 
language  of  this  document,  which  is  itself,  unfortunately,  a 
mere  abstract ;  and  in  endeavouring  to  ascertain  the  country 
intended,  we  naturally  pause  on  the  very  expressions  which 
have  been  perverted,  in  order  to  accommodate  them  to  the 
modern  hypothesis.  The  unqualified  language  as  to  the  ster 
ility  of  the  region,  is  certainly  more  applicable  to  Labrador 
than  Newfoundland,  and  the  distinction  taken  between  the 
"  Terra"  and  the  "  Insula,"  is  calculated  to  strengthen  the 
presumption  that  the  former  was  intended. 

As  to  the  Animals  of  this  "  Terra  primum  visa,"  we  are 
told,  it  is  "full  of  white  bears,  and  deer  larger  than  ours" — 
("  ursis  albo  color e  et  cervis  inusitatse  apud  nos  magnitudinis 
referta").  Now  the  haunts  of  the  white  bear  are  on  the 
coast  of  Labrador,  and  they  do  not  come  so  far  South  as  New 
foundland  in  numbers  to  warrant  such  a  description.  The 
account,  too,  given  by  Peter  Martyr,  of  the  manner  in  which 
these  bears  catch  the  fish,  which  is  their  favourite  food,  strik 
ingly  recalls  the  lively  description  of  similar  scenes  by  Mr 
Cartwright,  in  his  "Journal,  during  a  residence  of  nearly 


55 

sixteen  years  on  the  coast  of  Labrador."  It  is  remarkable, 
that  most  English  writers  have  been  rather  reluctant  to  copy 
Cabot's  representation  on  this  point,  supposing  it  inapplicable 
to  Newfoundland,  where,  though  white  bears  may  be  occa 
sionally  seen,  they  are  not  "  native  here  and  to  the  manner 
born." 

The  introduction  of  an  Island,  "St  John,"  into  the  "Ex 
tract,"  has  contributed  to  mislead,  the  reader  naturally  refer 
ring  it  to  the  one  of  that  name  in  the  Gulf  of  St  Lawrence. 
If  we  recollect,  however,  that  the  Terra  primum  visa  was  dis 
covered  on  the  24th  June,  and  the  island  on  the  same  day  (St 
John's  day),  it  will  seem  improbable  that  Cabot,  on  the  very 
day  of  discovery,  could  have  penetrated  so  far.  The  de 
scription,  also,  is  inapplicable,  "qua>  ex  ad  verso  sita  est  In- 
sula" — "  that  island  which  lieth  out  before  the  land."  We 
must  remark,  further,  that  the  present  St  John  was  so  named 
by  Cartier,  in  1534  (3  Hakluyt,  p.  204),  he  having  been 
employed  from  the  10th  May,  when  he  reached  Newfound 
land,  to  24th  June,  in  making  a  circuit  of  the  Gulf  which  he 
entered  through  the  strait  of  Belle  Isle.  But  the  most  im 
portant,  and  conclusive  piece  of  testimony,  is  furnished  by 
Ortelius,  who  had  the  map  of  Cabot  before  him,  and  who 
places  an  island  of  St  John  in  the  latitude  of  56°  immediately 
on  the  coast  of  Labrador.  This  is,  doubtless,  the  one  sa  de 
signated  by  Cabot. 

Thus,  without  calling  to  our  aid  the  terms  of  the  second 
patent  to  Cabot,  which  recites  the  discovery  of  a  land  and 
islands  on  the  first  voyage,  we  reach  the  conclusion,  that  the 
main  discovery — the  "Terra,"  as  distinguished  from  the 
"  Insula" — could  not  have  been  the  present  island  of  New 
foundland. 

There  is  little  difficulty  in  tracing  the  history  of  this  epithet. 
The  whole  of  the  northern  region  is  designated,  on  the  old 
maps,  as  Terra  Nova,  or  New  Land,  and  it  has  the  appellation 
of  "Newland,"  in  the  statute  33  Henry  VIII.  cap.  ii.* 

*  Ruffhead's  Statutes  at  large,  vol.  ii.  p.  304. 


56 

Robert  Throne  of  Bristol,  in  1527,  speaking  (Hakluyt,  vol. 
i.  p.  214)  of  the  North-West  passage,  says,  "and  if  they  will 
take  this  course  after  they  be  past  the  Pole  towards  the  West, 
they  should  go  in  the  back  of  the  Newfoundland  which  of  late 
was  discovered  by  your  Grace's  subjects,  until  they  come  to 
the  back  side  and  South  Seas  of  the  Indies  Occidental;"  and 
again  (p.  219),  "if  between  our  Newfoundland^  or  Norway, 
or  Island,  the  seas  toward  the  North  be  navigable,  we  should 
go  to  these  Islands  a  shorter  way  by  more  than  2000  leagues." 
On  the  same  page,  he  mentions  the  circumstance  of  his  father 
having  been  one  of  the  "  discoverers  of  Newfoundland ;"— at 
p.  216,  refers  to  "  the  land  that  we  found,  which  is  called 
here  (in  Spain)  Terra  de  Labrador," — and  in  another  part  of 
the  same  document  speaks  of  "  the  Newfound  island  that  we 
discovered." 

The  term,  then,  was  employed,  in  the  first  instance,  as  a 
designation  of  all  the  English  discoveries  in  the  North.  That 
it  should  afterwards  settle  down  upon  an  inconsiderable  por 
tion,  and  come  to  be  familiarly  so  applied,  will  not  appear 
surprising  if  we  recollect,  that  for  almost  a  century  the  whole 
region  was  known  only  as  a  fishing  station,  and  regarded  as 
an  appendage  to  the  Grand  Bank,  and  that  the  island  was  used, 
exclusively,  in  connexion  with  such  pursuits.  When  long 
established,  these  designations  are  beyond  the  reach  of  con 
siderations  of  taste  or  propriety.  Thus,  the  term  West  Indies, 
once  covering  the  whole  of  America,  is  now  limited  to  groups 
of  islands  on  its  eastern  side,  even  after  a  Continent  and  the 
Pacific  Ocean  are  known  to  be  interposed  between  them  and 
that  India  in  a  supposed  connexion  with  which  the  name  had 
its  origin.  Parks  and  Squares  may  be  laid  out  and  named 
at  will,  but  the  familiar  appellation  of  a  thronged  place  of 
business  will  not  yield  even  to  an  Act  of  Parliament  \  «  ex- 
pellas  furca  tamen  usque  recurret." 


57 


CHAP.  VII. 

CABOT  DID  NOT  CONFER  THE  NAME  "  PRIM  A  VISTA." 

THE  question  as  to  the  name  Prima  Vista  stands  apart  from 
that  which  has  just  heen  dismissed,  and  is  in  itself  sufficiently 
curious. 

It  is  to  be  remembered,  that  the  description  in  Latin,  is 
not  only  the  highest  but  the  only  authority  on  the  subject, 
and  that  Hakluyt  had  no  better  materials  for  conjecture  than 
we  now  possess.  From  this  document  we  gather  that  John 
and  Sebastian  Cabot, 

"  Earn  terrain  fecerunt  perviam  qiiam  nullus  prius  adire  ausus  fuit  die  24  Junii 
circiter  horam  quinism  bene  mane.  Hanc  autem  appellavit  Terrain primum  visam 
credo  quod  ex  man  in  earn  partem  primum  oculos  injecerak" 

A  passage  thus  translated  by  Hakluyt — 

"  They  discovered  that  land  which  ho  man  before  that  time  had  attempted,  on 
the  24th  June,  about  five  of  the  clock,  early  in  the  morning.  This  land  he  called 
Prima  Ftsta,  that  is  to  say,  first  seen,  because  as  I  suppose  it  was  that  part  whereof 
they  had  the  first  sight  from  sea." 

It  is  plain^  that  the  original  map  could  have  furnished  no 
clue  to  the  motive  for  conferring  the  appellation,  because  the 
suggestion  of  the  person  who  prepared  the  "  Extract,"  is 
offered,  confessedly,  as  a  conjecture.  We  know  only  that 
there  was  something  on  the  map  which  led  him  to  consider 
the  region  as  designated,  "  Terra  primum  visa."  This  bare 
statement  will  show  how  utterly  gratuitous  is  Hakluyt's  as 
sumption,  that  the  name  given  was  Prima  Vista;  for  it  is 
obviously  impossible  to  determine,  whether  it  was  in  Latin, 
Italian,  or  English. 

If  the  name  Prima  Vista,  or  Terra  primum  Visa,  or  First 
Sight,  was  conferred,  why  is  nothing  said  of  it  in  the  various 
conversations  of  Sebastian  Cabot?  We  hear  continually  of 
H 


58 

Baccalaos,  and  find  that  name  on  all  the  old  maps,  but  not  a 
word  of  the  other,  which  yet  is  represented  as  the  designa 
tion  applied  to  the  more  important  item  of  discovery — to  the 
"terra,"  as  distinguished  from  the  "insula." 

The  origin  of  the  misconception  is  suspected  to  have  been 
this :  The  Map  of  the  New  World  which  accompanies  the 
copy  of  Hakluyt's  work,  in  the  King's  Library,  has  the  fol 
lowing  inscription  on  the  present  Labrador,  "  This  land  was 
discovered  by  John  et  Sebastian  Cabote,  for  Kinge  Henry 
VH.,  1497."  Now,  the  "Extract"  which  we  are  consider 
ing,  says,  that  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  first  discovered  the 
land  "  which  no  man  before  that  time  had  attempted"  ("  quam 
nullus  prius  adire  ausus  fuit").  These  expressions  are,  of 
course,  intended  to  convey  an  assertion  found  on  the  original 
map,  of  which  it  professes  to  give  an  abstract — an  assertion 
equivalent,  doubtless,  to  the  language  quoted  from  the  map 
in  Hakluyt.  How  would  such  an  inscription  run?  Probably, 
thus:  "  Terra  prirnum  visa  Joanne  Caboto  et  Sebastiano 
illius  filio  die,  24  Junio,  1497,  circiter  horam  quintam  bene 
mane."  To  us  who  have  just  been  called  on  to  expose  the 
absurd  mistakes  committed  by  men  of  the  highest  reputation 
for  learning  and  sagacity,  is  it  incredible,  that  the  artist  who 
prepared  the  broad  sheet,,  should  have  hastily  supposed  the 
initial  words  to  be  intended  as  a  designation  of  the  country 
discovered — particularly,  when  in  the  Law,  we  have  to  seek 
at  every  turn  a  similar  explanation  of  such  titles,  as  Seire- 
facias,  Mandamus,  Quo  Warranty  &c.  &c.? 

Such  a  designation  might  even  have  got  into  use  without 
necessarily  involving  misconception.  There  is  a  tendency, 
in  the  absence  of  a  convenient  epithet,  to  seize,  even  absurdly^ 
on  the  leading  words  of  a  description,  particularly  when 
couched  in  a  foreign  language.  Thus  the  earliest  collection 
of  voyages  to  the  New  World  is  entitled,  "  Paesi  novamente 
retrovati  et  Novo  Mondo  da  Alberico  Vespucio  Florentine 
intitulato."  It  is  usually  quoted  as  the  "Paesi  novamente 
retrovati,"  and  a  bookseller,  therefore,  when  asked  for ' <  Land 


59 

lately  discovered,"  exhibits  a  thin  quarto  volume,  published 
at  Vicenza,  in  1507.  The  same  is  the  case  with  the  "  Novus 
Orbis,"  the  "Fc&dera,"  &c. 

Another  consideration  may  be  mentioned.  The  island 
which  "  stands  out  from  the  land"  was  discovered  on  the  24th 
June,  and  named  from  that  circumstance.  One  would  suppose 
this  to  have  been  first  encountered;  and  if  so,  the  designation 
of  "  First  Sight,"  would  hardly  be  given  to  a  point  subse 
quently  seen  on  the  same  day.  Not  only  were  the  chances 
in  its  favour  from  its  position,  but  we  cannot  presume  that 
Cabot  would  have  quitted  immediately  his  main  discovery, 
had  that  been  first  recognized,  and  stood  out  to  sea  to  examine 
a  small  island,  or  that  he  would  have  dedicated  to  the  Saint 
the  inferior,  and  later,  discovery  of  the  day. 

We  repeat,  all  that  is  known  on  the  subject  is  the  appear 
ance  of  the  three  Latin  words  in  question  on  the  original  map. 
The  rest  is  mere  conjecture ;  first,  of  the  artist,  as  to  the 
meaning  of  the  words,  and  then,  of  Hakluyt,  yet  wilder,  that 
"  Terra  primum  visa,"  must  have  been  a  translation  of  some 
thing  in  Italian*  This  solution  explains  why  there  is  no 
reference  to  any  such  title  in  the  conversations  of  Cabot,  or  in 
Ortelius  wholiad  the  map  of  that  navigator  before  him. 

It  is  not  improbable,  that  Hakluyt  was  assisted  to  his  con 
clusion  by  the  prominence  given  on  the  early  maps  of  New 
foundland  to  a  name  conferred  by  the  Portuguese.  Though 
he  has  not  put  into  words  the  reflection  which  silently  passed 
through  his  mind,  it  becomes  perceptible  in  others  who  have 
adopted  his  hypothesis.  Thus,  for  example,  we  recognise 
its  vague  influence  on  Forster  (p.  267),  who  supposes  "that 
Sebastian  Cabot  had  the  first  sight  of  Newfoundland  off  Cape 
JBonavista." 

The  subject  seems,  indeed,  on  every  side,  the  sport  of  rash 
and  even  puerile  conceits.  Dr  Robertson  tells  us  (Hist,  of 
America,  book  ix.),  "after  sailing  for  some  weeks  due  West, 
and  nearly  on  the  parallel  of  the  port  from  which  he  took  his 
departure,  he  discovered  a  large  Island,  which  he  called 


60 

Prima  Vista,  and  his  tailors,  Newfoundland/ — and  in  a  few 
days,  he  descried  a  smaller  Isle,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
of  St  John."  Thu$  is  presented,  gratuitously,  to  the  im 
agination,  a  sort  of  contest  about  names,  between  the  com 
mander  of  the  expedition  and  the  plain-spoken  Englishmen 
under  his  command. 


til 


CHAP.  VIII. 

RICHARD  EDEN/S  "DECADES  OF  THE  NEW  WORLD" — CABOT'S  STATEMENT 
AS  TO  THE  PLACE  OF  HIS  BIRTH. 

As  reference  has  already  been  made,  more  than  once,  to  the 
volume  of  Eden,  and  there  will  be  occasion  to  draw  further 
on  its  statements,  a  few  remarks  may  not  be^out  of  place  as  to 
the  claims  which  that  rare  and  curious  work  presents  to  credit 
and  respect.     In  selecting  from  the  various  tributes  to  its 
merits,  that  of  Hakluyt,  it  is  difficult  to  forbear  a  somewhat 
trite  reflection  on  the  fortuitous  circumstances  which  influence 
the  fate  of  books,  as  frequently  as  they  are  arbiters  of  fame 
and  success  in  the  pursuits  of  active  life.  *  Eden  has,  in  our 
view,  far  stronger  claims  to  consideration  as  an  author,  and  to 
the  grateful  recollection  of  his  countrymen,  than  the  writer 
whose  testimony  it  is  proposed  to  adduce  in  his  favour.  fHeJ 
preceded  the  other  half-a- century,  and  was,  indeed,  the  first 
Englishman  who  undertook  to  present,  in  a  collective  form^ 
the  astonishing  results  of  that  spirit  of  maritime  enterprise 
which  had  been  everywhere  awakened  by  the  discovery  of 
America.     Nor  was  he  a  mere  compiler.    We  are  indebted 
to  him  for  several  original  voyages  of  great  curiosity  and 
value.     He  is  not  exempt,  as  has  been  seen,  from  error, 
but  in  point  of  learning,  accuracy,  and  integrity,  is  certainly 
superior  to  Hakluyt;  yet  it  is  undoubted,  that  while  the  name 
of  the  former,  like  that  of  Vespucci,  has  become  indelibly 
associated  with  the  new  World,  his  predecessor  is  very  little 
known.     Hakluyt  has  contrived  to  transfer,  adroitly,  to  his 
volumes,  the  labours  of  others,  and  to  give  to  them  an  aspect 
artfully  attractive  to  those  for  whom  they  were  intended. 
The  very  title — "  Navigations,  Voyages,  Traffiques  and 


62 

coveries  of  the  English  Nation?'  is  alluring,  however  inap 
propriate  to  the  contents  such  an  exclusive  designation  may 
be  found ;  and  as  the  size  and  typographical  execution  of  the 
work  conspire  to  render  the  enterprise  a  very  creditable  one, 
for  the  early  era  of  its  appearance,  the  national  complacency 
has  rallied  round  it  as  a  trophy,  with  a  sort  of  enthusiasm. 
"  It  redounds,"  says  Oldys,  "  as  much  to  the  glory  of  the 
English  nation  as  any  book  that  ever  was  published  in  it  $"  and 
Dr  Dibdin,  in  the  passage  of  his  Library  Companion,  begin 
ning,  "  All  hail  to  thee,  Richard  Hakluyt!"  employs,  in  his 
way,  a  still  higher  strain  of  panegyric.  For  a  decayed  gen 
tleman,  then,  like  Eden,  it  may  not  be  wise  to  slight  a  pat 
ronising  glance  of  recognition  from  one  who  stands  so  pros 
perously  in  the  world's  favour. 

To  establish  him,  therefore,  in  the  high  confidence  of  most 
readers,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  find  Hakluyt  (vol.  iii.  p.  498) 
quoting  a  passage  from  "  that  learned  and  painefull  writer, 
Richard  Eden  ;"  and  again  (vol.  i.  p.  242)  adverting  to  the 
sanction  which  Eden  gives  to  the  account  of  Chancellor's  voy 
age.  In  the  second  volume  (part  ii.  p.  10)  other  passages  are 
copied  from  Eden's  work.  The  extract  from  Peter  Martyr 
d'Angleria,  relative  to  Sebastian  Cabot,  given  in  the  third 
volume  (p.  8),  is  taken,  without  acknowledgement,  from  Eden's 
Translation  (fol.  118,  119).  As  to  the  "Discourse"  relative 
to  the  same  navigator,  given  in  Hakluyt  (vol.  iii.  p.  6),  he 
takes  from  Eden  (fol.  255),  every  thing  but  the  erroneous 
reference  to  the  second  volume  of  Ramusio,  which  is  a  blun 
der  of  his  own,  into  which  also  he  has  led  his  copyist  Pur- 
chas.  The  voyages  to  Guinea,  found  in  Eden  (fol.  343),  are 
original,  and  were  drawn  up,  as  he  says,  "  that  sum  memorie 
thereof  might  remayne  to  our  postferitie,  if  eyther  iniquitie 
of  tyme,  consumynge  all  things,  or  ignorance  creepynge  in  by 
barbarousnesse,  and  contempte  of  knowledge,  should  hereafter 
bury  in  oblivion  so  woorthy  attemptes."  Hakluyt,  in  making 
the  transfer  ta  his  work  (vol.  ii.  part  ii.  p.  9),  retains  the 
introductory  expressions,  without  the  slightest  acknowledge^ 


63 

ment,  so  that  our  gratitude  is  directed  to  him,  for  having  pre 
served  an  account  of  these  voyages,  and  for  the  patriotic  zeal 
which  prompted  the  undertaking.  This  is  the  more  calcu 
lated  to  mislead,  as,  immediately  after  these  voyages,  credit 
is  given  to  Eden  (p.  10),  for  a  description  of  Africa;  and  the 
reader,  noting  a  temper  apparently  so  fair  and  candid,  at  once 
pronounces  original  whatever  is  not  expressly  referred  to 
others.  There  is  a  voyage  in  Hakluyt  (vol.  ii.  part  ii.  p.  14), 
designated  at  the  head  of  the  page,  as  that  of  "  M.  John 
Lok,"  and  the  writer  says,  "  my  chief  intent  hath  been  to 
show  the  course  of  the  same,  according  to  the  observation  and 
ordinary  custom  of  the  Mariners ;  and  as  I  received  it  at  the 
hands  of  an  expert  Pilot,  being  one  of  the  chief  in  this  voyage." 
No  one,  unacquainted  with  Eden,  would  suppose,  that  this  is 
copied,  verbatim,  from  his  volume  (fol.  349).  So,  in  refer 
ence  to  the  unfortunate  Portuguese,  Pinteado,  who  sailed 
from  Portsmouth,  when  we  find  in  Hakluyt  (vol.  ii.  part  ii. 
p.  14),  "all  these  aforesaid  writings  I  saw  under  seal  in  the 
house  of  my  friend,  Nicholas  Liete,  with  whom  Pinteado  left 
them,"  there  is  no  intimation  that  he  is  merely  repeating  the 
language  of  Eden  (fol.  349).  Again,  in  Eden  (fol.  357),  is  a 
curious  account,  which  Chancellor  gave  him,  of  a  waterspout, 
by  which  Cabot  had  been  placed  in  imminent  peril.  This 
also  is  found  in  Hakluyt  (vol.  ii.  part  ii.  p.  21),  without  ac 
knowledgement,  and  wears  there  the  appearance  of  a  direct 
communication  to  himself. 

Somewhat  less  than  one-half  of  Eden's  work  is  occupied 
with  an  English  version  of  Peter  Martyr.  Then  come  trans 
lations  from  the  most  rare  and  curious  accounts  of  voyages  and 
travels,  Oviedo,  Gomara,  Ramusio,  Pigafeta,  Americus  Ves- 
putius,  Munster,  Bastaldus,  Ziglerus,  Cardanus,  Paulus  Jovius, 
Sigismondus  Liberus,  Vannuccius  Biringuczius.  Amongst 
the  articles  most  worthy  of  attention,  may  be  mentioned  those 
on  metals  and  the  working  of  mines  in  ancient  and  modern 
times  (fol.  326  to  342),  on  the  prices  of  precious  stones  and 
spices,  and  the  trade  in  spices  (fol.  233,  244),  on  Russia 


64 

(fol.  249  to  263),  and  on  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Tar 
tars  (fol. 299,  Ac.). 

The  circumstances  which  first  inspired  the  author  with  a 
resolution  to  prepare  the  work,  are  told  with  much  simplicity. 
He  was  a  spectator  of  the  public  entry  into  London  of  Philip 
and  Mary.    As  the  splendid  pageant  swept  by,  in  all  its 
pomp,  pride,  and  circumstance,  amidst  the  tumultuous  accla 
mations  of  the  populace,  the  array  of  functionaries  civil  and 
military,  and  the  deafening  bursts  of  martial  music,  he  de 
scribes  himself  as  almost  lifted  out  of  self-command  by  the 
excitement  of  the  scene,  and  at  the  crisis  when  the  royal  pair 
actually  passed  near  him  as  ready  to  break  out  into  some  wild 
sally  of  enthusiasm.     Restrained,  happily,  from  this  piece  of 
indiscretion^  he  resolved  to  set  about  some  work  which  he 
might,  in  due  season,  exhibit  as  the  offspring  of  his  teeming 
loyalty,  and  humbly  crave  for  it  the  royal  blessing.* 

Of  the  success  of  the  work,  on  its  appearance,  we  know 
nothing ;  but  it  seems  to  have  struggled  with  many  difficul 
ties  in  its  progress  to  the  light,  arid  of  these  not  the  least 
mortifying  to  Eden  must  have  been  the  disheartening  timidity 
of  his  publishers.  It  were  injustice  not  to  render  a  passing 
tribute  of  gratitude  to  the  liberality  of  one  of  them,  < <  Mas 
ter  Toy,"  without,  however,  attempting  to  lift  the  veil  which 
a  gentle  and  generous  temper  has  thrown  over  the  infirmity 
of  his  associates.  Eden's  pecuniary  disinterestedness,  his 
earnest  hope  that  his  labours  might  be  useful  to  others,  and 

•  «'Cum  in  primo  vestro  ingressu  in  hanc  celeberriman  Londini  urbem  (illus- 
trissimi  Principes)  cernerem  quanto  omnium  applausu,  populi  concursu,  ac  civium 
frequentia,  quanto  insuper  spectaculorum  nitore,  nobilium  virorum  splendore, 
equorum  multitudine,  tubarum  clangore,  coeterisque  magnificis  pompis  ac  tri- 
umphis,  pro  dignitate  vestra  accepti  estis  dum  omnes  quod  sui  est  cfficii  facere 
satagebant,  ubi  in  tanta  hominum  turba  vix  unus  reperitatur  qui  non  aliquid  agendo 
adventum  vestrum  gfatulabatur,  ccepi  et  ego  quoque  aliorum  exemplo  (proprius 
prsesertim  ad  me  accedentibus  Celsitudinibus  vestris)  tanto  animi  ardore  ad  ali 
quid  agendum  accendi  ne  solus  in  tanta  hominum  corona  otiosus  vrderer  quod  vix 
me  continebam  quin  in  aliquant  extemporariam  orationem  temere  erupuissemt  nisi  et 
prasentise  vestrze  majestas  et  mea  me  obscuritas  a  tarn  audaci  facinore  deteruissent. 
Vcrum  cuih  postea  penitius  de  hac  re  mecum  cogitassem,  &c." 


65 

his  honest  anxiety  for  merited  reputation,  serve  to  heighten 
our  indignation  at  the  manner  in. which  he  has  been  unde 
servedly  supplanted  and  thrust  from  the  public  view. 

«'  The  partners  at  whose  charge  this  booke  is  prynted,  although  the  coppy, 
whereof  they  have  wrought  a  long  space  have  cost,  them  nought,  doo  not,  neverthe 
less,  cease,  dayly,  to  caule  uppon  me  to  make  an  end  and  proceede  no  further ; 
affirmynge  that  the  booke  will  bee  of  so  great  a  pryce,  and  hot  every  man's  mo 
ney  5  fearying  rather  theyr  losse  and.hynderance  than  carefuU  to  be  beneficial  to 
other,  as  is  now  in  manner  the  trade  of  all  men,  which  ordinarie  respecte  of  pri 
vate  commoditie  hath  at  thys  time  so  lytUe  moved  me,  I  take  God^to  witness  that  for 
my  paynes  and  travayles  taken  herein,  such  as  they  bee,  I  may  uppon  just  occasion 
thynke  myself  a  looser  manye  wayes,  except  such  men  of  good  inclination  as  shall 
take  pleasure  and  feele  sum  commoditie  in  the.  knowledge  of  these  thinges  shall 
thynke  me  woorthy  theyr  goode  worde,  wherewith  I  shall  repute  myselfe  and  my 
travaylesv  so  abundantly  satisfyed,  that  I  shall  repute  other  men's  gains  a  recom 
pense  for  my  losses"  (fol.  303).  Again,  "and  to  have  sayde  thus  much  of  these 
vyages  it  may  suffice  5  for  (as  I  have  sayd  before),,wheras  the  partners  at  whose 
charges  thys  booke  is  prynted,  wolde  long  since  have  me  proceaded  no  further,  I 
had  not  thought  to  have  wrytten  any  thynge  of  these  viages  [to  Guinea],  but  that 
the  liberalise  of  Master  Toy  encouraged  me  to  attempt  the  same,  whiche  I  speake 
not  to  the  reproache  of  other  ia  whom  I  thynke  there  lacked  no  good  wyll,  but 
that  they  thought  the  booke  would  be  too  chargeable"  (fol.  360). 

Compare  the  modest  and  ingenuous  language  of  this  excel 
lent  personage  with  that  of  the  well-fed  and  boastful  Hakluyt, 
who,  in  the  dedication  of  his  translation  of  Galvano  to  Sir 
Robert  Cecil,  says,  "And  for  ought  I  can  see,  there  had  no 
great  matter  yet  come  to  light  if  Myselfe  had  not  undertaken 
that  heavie  burden,  being  never  therein  entertained  to  any 
purpose,  until  I  had  recourse  unto  yourself,  of  whose  spe 
cial  favour  and  bountiful  patronage  I  have  been  often  muck 
encouraged,  &c.  &c." 

But  the  work  is  rendered  yet  more  precious  by  information 
scattered  through  it,  derived  from  the  great  seamen  of  that 
day  with  whom  the  author's  turn  of  mind  led  him  to  associate. 
Sebastian  Cabot  he  seems  to  have  known  familiarly,  and  one 
chapter  (fol.  249)  has,  for  part  of  its  title,  "  lykewyse  of  the 
vyages  of  that  woorthy  owlde  man  Sebastian  Cabote,  yet 
livynge  in  England,  and  at  this  present  the  governor  of  the 
Company  of  the  Marchantes  of  Cathay,  in  the  citie  of  Lon 
don." 

I 


66 

In  one  of  his  marginal  notes  (fol.  268)  he  gives  us  Cabot's 
statement  to  him,  that  the  icebergs  were  of  fresh,  and  not  of 
salt  water ;  and  again  in  the  marginal  note  (fol.  255),  we  have 
what  Cabot  said  as  to  the  quantity  of  grain  raised  by  him  in 
the  La  Plata,  corrected  afterwards  at  fol.  317*  Speaking  of 
the  voyage  to  the  North-East  projected  by  Cabot,  in  which 
Richard  Chancellor,  as  pilot  major,  accompanied  Sir  Hugh 
Willoughby,  and  succeeded,  after  the  death  of  his  gallant  but 
unfortunate  commander,  in  opening  the  trade  to  Russia,  Eden 
says  (fol.  256),  "And  whereas  I  have  before  made  mention 
ho  we  Moscovia  was  in  our  time  discovered  by  Richard  Chan 
cellor,  in  his  viage  toward  Cathay,  by  the  direction  and  in 
formation  of  the  sayde  master  Sebastian,  who  longe  before  had 
this  secreate  in  his  mynde,  I  shall  not  neede  here,  &c."  The 
account  of  Cabot's  escape  from  the  waterspout  (fol.  357)  has 
been  already  adverted  to. 

We  may  note  here,  that  Forster,  in  his  "  Voyage  and  Dis 
coveries  in  the  North"  (p.  269),  gravely  considers,  and  almost 
sanctions,  a  doubt  of  the  French  writer  Bergeron  whether 
the  Sebastian  Cabot  so  conspicuous  in  the  reign  of  Edward 
VI.  could  have  been  the  same  who  discovered  the  continent 
of  America.  It  may  serve  to  show  the  very  slight  prepara 
tion  with  which  many  works  of  reputation  on  these  subjects 
have  been  got  up,  that  in  the  course  of  the  argument  no  re 
ference  is  made  to  Eden,  who  conveys  from  the  lips  of  the 
"good  owlde  man"  himself,  interesting  particulars  of  his 
earlier  voyages!  So,  also,  in  a  more  recent  work,*  the  fol 
lowing  expressions  are  found  (p.  361),  "  We  must  now  return 
to  the  period  of  the  first  attempt  to  find  out  a  North-East 
passage  to  India.  A  society  of  merchants  had  been  formed 
in  London  for  this  purpose.  Sebastian  Cabot,  either  the  son 
or  the  grandson  of  John  Cabot,  and  who  held  the  situation 
of  grand  pilot  of  England,  under  Edward  VI.,  was  chosen 
governor  of  this  society!" 

*  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Progress  of  Discovery,  Navigation,  and  Commerce 
from  the  earliest  records  to  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century.  By  William 
Stevenson,  Esq.,  forming  vol.  xviii.  of  Kerr's  Collection  of  Voyages,  &c. 


67 

Another  of  Eden's  personal  friends  seems  to  have  been 
Richard  Chancellor.  At  fol.  284,  we  find  that  celebrated 
mariner  giving  an  account  of  the  ingenuity  of  the  Russians  in 
the  construction  of  their  buildings ;  and  at  fol.  298,  a  further 
account  of  that  people.  He  tells  Eden  (ib.)  of  an  ambassador 
whom  he  saw  therefrom  the  "  province  of  Sibier,"  who  gave 
him  some  curious  information  about  the  "  Great  Chan."  He 
met  also  with  the  Ambassador  of  the  Kinge  of  Persia,  called 
the  Great  Sophie,"  who  was  not  only  civil,  but  very  useful  to 
him. 

But  it  is  time  to  turn  to  the  more  immediate  object  of  this 
chapter — the  birth-place  of  Cabot. 

In  order  to  comprehend  the  full  value  of  the  information 
supplied  by  Eden,  it  may  be  well  to  show,  in  the  first  place, 
how  the  matter  has  been  treated  by  others. 

a  Sebastian  Cabote  is,  by  many  of  our  writers,  affirmed  to 
be  an  Englishman,  born  at  Bristol,  but  the  Italians  as  posi 
tively  claim  him  for  their  countryman,  and  say  he  was  born 
at  Venice,  which,  to  speak  impartially,  I  believe  to  be  the 
truth,  for  he  says  himself,  that  when  his  father  was  invited 
over  to  England,  he  brought  him  with  him,  though  he  was 
then  very  young"  (Harris's  Collection  of  Voyages,  vol.  ii. 
p.  191).     These  expressions  are  copied,  verbatim,  by  Pinker- 
ton  (Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels,  vol.  xii.  p.  160). 
In  the  history  of  Navigation,  prefixed  to  Churchill's  Collec 
tion  of  Voyages  (vol.  i.  p.  39),  said  to  have  been  drawn  up 
by  Locke,  and  found  in  his  works  (vol.  x.  Lond.  ed.  of  1823, 
p.  428),  reference  is  made  to  «  Sebastian  Cabot,  a  Venetian, 
but  residing  in  England."    Purchas  says  of  him  (vol.  iii.  Pil 
grims,  p.  901),  «  He  was  an  Englishman  by  breeding,  borne 
a  Venetian,  but  spending  most  part  of  his  life  in  England, 
and  English  employments."    Even  when  he  states  (vol.  iii.  p. 
807),  that  on  the  "  Effigies"  of  Sebastian  Cabot  hung  up  in 
the  Royal  Gallery,  that  personage  is  called  an  Englishman,  he 
adds — "  for  his  English  breeding,  condition,  affection  and 
advancement,  termed  an  Englishman,"  and  referring,  on  ano- 


68 

ther  occasion  to  the  same  document,  says,  "  He  was  born  at 
Venice,  and  serving  Henry  VII.,  Henry  VIII.,  and  Edward 
VI.,  was  accounted  English.  Galpano  says,  he  was  born  at 
Bristol."  By  Galpano,  he  means  the  Portuguese  writer  Gal- 
vano,  or  Galvam,  in  whose  work,  translated  by  Hakluyt,  that 
statement  is  made  (p.  66),  as  it  is  also  by  Hcrrera  (Dee.  i 
lib,  ix.  cap.  13),  whom  Purchas.  himself  quotes  (vol.  iv, 
p.  177  to  that  point. 

In  defiance  of  the  contemporary  "Effigies,"  and  of  these 
foreign  authorities,  most  modern  writers,  Hume,  Forster, 
Charlevoid,  &c.  have  been  led  astray.  The  Quarterly  Review 
(vol.  xvi.  p.  154,  note}  informs  us  that  Henry  VII.  engaged 
"  the  Cabots  of  Venice  in  the  discovery  of  Newfoundland;" 
and  Mr  Barrow,  in  his  "  Chronological  History  of  Voyages, 
&c."  (p.  36 — 7),  speaks  of  the  credit  due  to  England,  for 
having  "so  wisely  and  honourably  enrolled  this  deserving 
foreigner  in  the  list  of  her  citizens." 

Now  it  will  scarcely  be  credited,  that  we  have  in  Eden,  a 
positive  statement  on  the  subject,  from  the  lips  of  Sebastian 
Cabot  himself.  The  following  marginal  note  will  be  found 
at  fol.  255 — "  SEBASTIAN  CABOTE  TOULD  ME  that  he  was 
borne  in  Brystowe,  and  that  at  iiii.  yeare  ould  he  was  carried 
with  his  father  to  Venice,  and  so  returned  agayne  into  Eng 
land  with  his  father  after  certayne  years,  whereby  he  was 
thought  to  have  been  born  in  Venice."  Thus,  then,  was  the 
question  conclusively  settled  275  years  ago !  It  is  needless  to- 
repeat  what  has  been  already  said,  in  another  place,  as  to  the 
slight  credit  due  to  the  report  of  the  conversation  relied  on 
by  Harris,  Pinkerton,  and  the  rest,  for  there  is,  in  fact,  no 
discrepance  to  be  reconciled.  Cabot  there  states  the  circum 
stances  which  more  immediately  preceded  the  commission 
from  Henry  VII. ;  and  the  occasion  did  not  lead  to  any  detail 
of  his  own  earlier  history.  Should  Sir  Edward  Parry  be 
recalled  to  embark  on  a  new  voyage  of  discovery,  he  might 
very  naturally  advert,  hereafter,  to  the  period  of  his  return, 
and  would  scarcely  deem  it  necessary  to  add  that  he  had  been 


69 

in  the  country  before.  For  the  future,  then,  it  is  to  be  hoped 
that  no  perverse  efforts  will  be  made  to  obscure  the  claim  of 
England  to  this  Great  Seaman.  He  owed  to  her  his  birth, 
and  the  language  and  associations  of  childhood.  He  returned 
thither  while  yet  a  boy  ("  pene  infam"  is  the  expression  of 
Peter  Martyr),  and  grew  up  there  to  manhood,  when  he  was 
commissioned  to  go  in  quest  of  new  regions,  wherein  he  "set 
up  the  banner"  of  England.  Under  this  banner,  he  was  the 
first  European  who  reached  the  shores  of  the  American  Con 
tinent.  He  ended,  as  he  had  begun,  his  career  in  the  service 
af  his  native  country,  infusing  into  her  Marine  a  spirit  of  lofty 
enterprise — a  high  moral  tone — a  system  of  mild,  but  inflexible 
discipline,  of  which  the  results  were,  not  long  after,  so  con 
spicuously  displayed.  Finally,  he  is  seen  to  open  new  sources 
of  commerce,  of  which  the  influence  may  be  distinctly  traced 
on  her  present  greatness  and  prosperity.  Surely  it  is  as 
absurd  as  it  is  unnatural,  to  deny  to  such  a  man  the  claim 
which  he  seems  to  have  anxiously  preferred,  and  which  has 
been  placed  on  record  under  his  direct  sanction. 


70 


CHAP.  IX. 


THE  PATENTS  OF  5TH  MARCH,    1496,  AKD  3RD  FEBRUARY,    1498. 

BEFORE  proceeding  to  a  close  examination  of  the  documents 
which  establish  the  real  history  of  these  voyages,  it  may  be 
well  to  advert  to  the  reckless  manner  in  which  facts  have  been 
made  to  yield  to  any  hypothesis  which  a  short-sighted  view 
has  suggested  as  indispensable. 

The  following  passage  is  found  in  Harris'  Voyages  (ed.  of 
1744 — 8,  vot.  ii.  p.  190),  and  in  Pinkerton's  Collection  (vol. 
xii.  p.  158). 

"But  the  year  before  that  patent  was  granted,  viz.  in  1494,  John  Cabot,  with 
his  son  Sebastian,  had  sailed  from  Bristol  upon  discovery,  and  had  actually  seen 
the  Continent  ef  Newfoundland,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  otPrima  Vista,  or 
first  seen.  And  on  the  24th  June,  in  the  same  year,  he  went  ashore  on  an  Island 
which,  because  it  was  discovered  on  that  day,  he  called  St  John's.,-  and  of  this 
Island  he  reported,  very  truly,  that  the  soil  was  barren,  that  it  yielded  little,  and 
that  the  people  wear  bearskin  clothes,  and  were  armed  with  bows,  arrows^  pikes, 
darts,  wooden  clubs,  and  slings  ;  but  that  the  coast  abounded  with  fish,  and  upon 
this  report  of  his,  the  before-mentioned  patent  {of  5th  March  1495)  was  granted." 

Mr  Barrow  also  says  (p.  32), 

'•  There  is  no  possible  way  of  reconciling  the  various  accounts  collected  by 
Hakluyt,  and  which  amount  to  no  less  a  number  than  six,  but  by  supposing  John 
Cabot  to  have  made  one  voyage,  at  least,  previous  to  the  date  of  the  patent,  and 
some  time  between  that  and  the  date  of  the  return  of  Columbus,  either  in  1494 
or  1495." 

It  must  by  this  time  be  apparent,  that  the  hypothesis  thus 
started,  is  not  only  uncalled  for,  but  would  contradict  every 
authentic  account  which  has  come  down  to  us. 

It  is  altogether  irreconcilable  with  that  very  document 
which  stands  foremost  of  the  "  six,"  on  the  pages  of  Hakluyt 
— the  extract  from  the  map  cut  by  Clement  Adams,  and  hung 
up  in  the  Privy  Gallery— for  it  is  there  declared  expressly, 


71 

that  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  of  the  24th  June,  1497, 
was  discovered  that  land,  which  no  man  before  that  time  had 
attempted  to  approach  ("  quatn  nullus  prius  adire  ausus 
fuit").  What  possible  motive  can  be  imagined,  on  the  part  of 
Cabot,  for  disguising  the  fact  of  a  discovery  made  so  long 
before?  The  supposition  is  as  absurd,  as  it  is  gratuitous. 
How,  again,  does  it  agree  with  the  statement  of  Sebastian 
Cabot,  that  on  the  voyage  made  under  the  royal  authority,  he 
was  surprised  by  the  sight  of  land,  "not  thinking  to  find  any 
other  land  than  that  of  Cathay  ?"  This  is  one  of  the  "six" 
accounts  which  it  is  proposed  to  reconcile  by  assuming  a  dis 
covery  of  the  same  region  three  years  before ! 

The  first  patent  bears  date  the  5th  March,  in  the  eleventh 
year  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  It  is  found  in  Rymer 
(Fcedera,  vol.  xii.'p.  595),  who  correctly  refers  it  to  5th 
March,  1496,  the  computation  of  this  monarch's  reign  being 
from  August,  1485.  Hakluyt  states  it  to  be  of  1495  (vol.  iii. 
p.  5),  looking,  as  we  may  infer,  not  to  the  Historical,  but  to 
the  Legal  or  Civil  year,  which  commenced,  prior  to  1752,  on 
the  25th  March. 

The  patent  is  in  favour  of  John  Cabot  and  his  three  sons, 
Lewis,  Sebastian,  and  Sancius ;  and  authorises  them,  their 
heirs,  or  deputies,  to  "  sail  to  all  parts,  countries,  and  seas  of 
the  East,  of  the  West,  and  of  the  North,  under  our  banners 
and  ensigns,  with  five  ships  of  what  burthen  or  quantity  soever 
they  be,  and  as  many  mariners  or  men  as  they  will  have  with 
them  in  the  said  ships,  upon  their  own  proper  costs  and 
charges,  to  seek  out,  discover,  and  find  whatsoever  isles, 
countries,  regions,  or  provinces  of  the  heathen  and  infidels, 
whatsoever  they  be,  and  in  what  part  of  the  world  soever  they 
be,  which  before  this  time  have  been  unknown  to  all  Chris 
tians."  It  is  plain,  that  a  previous  discovery,  so  far  from 
being  assigned  as  the  ground  for  the  patent,  as  Harris,  Pink- 
erton,  &c.  assert,  is  negatived  by  its  very  terms.  The  patent 
would  be  inapplicable  to  any  region  previously  visited  .by  either 
of  the  Cabots,  and  confer  no  right.  Assuming,  what  is  obvi- 


72 

ously  absurd,  that  the  discovery  could  have  been  made  without 
becoming  at  once  universally  known,  yet  the  patentees  must 
have  been  aware  that  they  exposed  themselves,  at  any  moment 
when  the  fact  should  come  out,  to  have  the  grant  vacated  on 
the  ground  of  a  deceptive  concealment. 

The  patentees  are  authorised  to  set  up  the  Royal  banner, 
"in  every  village,  town,  castle,  isle,  or  main  land,  by  them 
newly  found, "  and  to  subdue,  occupy,  and  possess  all  such 
regions,  and  to  exercise  jurisdiction  over  them  in  the  name 
of  the  King  of  England.  One-fifth  of  the  clear  profit  of  the 
enterprise  is  reserved  to  the  King,  and  it  is  stipulated  that  the 
vessels  shall  return  to  the  port  of  Bristol.  The  privilege  of 
exclusive  resort  and  traffic  is  secured  to  the  patentees. 

The  Second  Patent  is  dated  the  third  of  February,  in  the 
thirteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.,.  corresponding 
with  third  February  1498.  The  only  evidence  heretofore 
published  on  the  subject,  is  contained  in  a  brief  memorandum 
found  in  Hakluyt  (vol.  iii.  p.  6),  who,  we>  are  persuaded, 
never  saw  the  original.  The  person,  also,  who  gave  him  the 
information  of  its  existence,  probably  did  not  go  beyond  a  list 
of  the  titles  of  instruments  of  that  description  kept  for  con 
venient  reference.  The  memorandum  of  Hakluyt  is  as  fol 
lows  : — 

"The  King,  upon  the  third  day  of  February,  in  the  thir 
teenth  year  of  his  reign,  gave  license  to  John  Caboto  to  take 
six  English  ships  in  any  haven  or  havens  of  the  realm  of  Eng 
land,  being  of  the  burden  of  two  hundred  tons  or  under, 
with  all  necessary  furniture,  and  to  take  also  into  the  said 
ships,  all  such  masters,  mariners  and  subjects  of  the  King  as 
willingly  would  go  with  him,"  &c. 

Such  being  the  whole  of  the  information  supplied,  it  is  no 
wonder,  that  the  most  erroneous  conjectures  have  been  started. 

Dr  Robertson  (History  of  America,  book  ix.)  adopts  the 
dates  of  Hakluyt.  "This  Commission  (the  first)  was  granted 
on  March  5th,  1495,  in  less  than  two  years  after  the  return  of 
Columbus  from  America.  But  Cabot  (for  that  is  the  name  he 
assumed  in  England,  and  by  which  he  is  best  known)  did  not 


73 

set  out  on  his  voyage  for  two  years."  Dr  Robertson  makes  no 
express  reference  to  the  second  commission,  and  having  fol 
lowed  Hakluyt  in  referring  that  of  the  eleventh  Henry  VII. 
to  1495,  he  doubtless  regarded  the  order  of  the  thirteenth 
year  of  Henry  VII.  as  merely  a  final  permission  for  the  de 
parture  of  the  expedition,  made  out  in  1497  on  the  eve  of  its 
sailing. 

In  "  The  Naval  History  of  England  in  all  its  Branches," 
by  Lediard,  it  is  said  (p.  85)  after  giving  the  first  patent — 

"  Hakluyt,  from  whom  I  have  taken  this  commission,  places 
in  the  margin,  A.D.  1495.  But,  according  to  Rymer's  Fcade- 
ra,  it  was  dated  March  5,  1496.  To  the  ship  granted  by  the 
king,  of  which,  however,  this  commission  makes  no  mention, 
some  merchants  of  London  added  three  more,  laden  with  such 
slight  commodities  as  were  thought  proper  for  commerce 
with  barbarous  people.  By  an  extract  from  a  record  of  the 
rolls,  it  appears,  that  though  Cabot's  commission  was  signed 
in  March,  1495,  or  1496,  he  did  not  go  to  sea  on  this  expedi 
tion  till  the  beginning  of  the  year  1497.  This  record  is  in 
the  following  words."  He  then  gives  Hakluyt's  notice  of 
the  patent  of  February  3,  1498. 

The  same  notion  that  the  second  patent  preceded  discovery 
has  found  its  way  across  the  Atlantic,  but  with  an  observance 
of  the  historical  computation  as  to  dates.  Thus,  in  the  valua 
ble  Introduction  to  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  the  first 
patent  is  correctly  referred  to  March  5, 1496;  and  it  is  said, 
"  The  Expedition  contemplated  at  the  date  of  the  commission 
appears  not  then  to  have  been  made,  but  in  May  (1498)  Ca 
bot,  with  his  second  son,"  &c. 

Forster  (p.  266)  says,  "In  the  13th  year  of  this  king's 
reign,  John  Cabot  obtained  permission  to  sail  with  six  ships  of. 
200  tons  burthen  and  under,  on  new  discoveries.  He  did  not 
sail,  however,  till  the  beginning  of  May,  1497  (!)  and  then, 
by  his  own  account,  had  but  two  ships  fitted  out  and  stocked 
with  provisions  at  the  king's  expense,  &c." 

In  Harris's  Voyages,  &c.  (Ed.  of  1744—8,  vol.  ii.  p.  190), 
K 


74 

and  in  Pinkerton  (vol.  xii.  p.  158),  after  stating,  not  conjee 
turally,  but  as  an  unquestionable  fact,  that  the  first  voyage 
was  in  1494,  it  is  added, 

"The  next  voyage  made  for  discovery  was  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  the  son  of  John, 
concerning  which  all  our  writers  have  fallen  into  great  mistakes,  for  want  of  com 
paring  the  several  accounts  we  have  of  this  voyage,  and  making  proper  allow 
ances  for  the  manner  in  which  they  were  written  ;  since  I  cannot  find  there  was 
ever  any  distinct  and  clear  account  of  this  voyage  published,  though  it  was  of  so 
great  consequence.  On  the  contrary,  I  believe  that  Cabot  himself  kept  no  jour 
nal  of  it  by  him ;  since,  in  a  letter  he  wrote  on  this  subject,  he  speaks  doubtfully 
of  tiie  very  year  in  which  it  was  undertaken,  though,  from  the  circumstances  he 
relates,  that  may  be  very  certainly  fixed.  On  the  3d  of  February,  in  the  13th 
year  of  the  reign  of  King  Henry  VII,  a  new  graut  was  made  to  John  Cabot,  by 
which  he  had  leave  given  him  to  take  ships  out  of  any  of  the  Ports  of  England, 
of  the  burthen  of  200  tons,  to  sail  upon  discoveries  ;  but  before  this  could  be 
effected,  John  Cabot  died,  and  Sebastian,  his  son,  applied  himself  to  the  king, 
proposing  to  discover  a  North-West  Passage,  as  he  himself  tells  us  ;  and  for  this 
purpose,  he  had  a  ship  manned  and  victualled  at  the  king's  expense,  at  Bristol, 
and  three  or  four  other  ships  were  fitted  out,  at  the  expense  of  some  merchants 
of  that  city,  particularly  Mi-  Thorne,  and  Mr  Hugh  Elliot.  But  whereas  Sebastian 
Cabot  himself  says  that  he  made  this  voyage  in  the  summer  of  1496,  he  must  he 
mistaken  ;  and  he  very  well  might,  speaking  from  his  memory  only :  and  to  prove 
this,  I  need  only  observe,  that  this  date  will  not  at  all  agree,  even  with  his  own 
account  of  the  voyage ;  for  he  says  expressly,  it  was  undertaken  after  his  father's 
death,  who,  as  we  have  shown,  was  alive  in  the  February  following  ;  so  that  it  was 
the  summer  of  the  year  1497  in  which  jie  made  this  voyage,  and  what  he  after- 
wards  relates  of  his  return  proves  this  likewise." 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  remark,  that  aside  from  all  other 
considerations,  the  whole  of  their  statement  is  in  direct  colli 
sion  with  the  fact,  that  the  discovery  of  the  24th  June,  1497, 
is  referred,  on  evidence  which  these  writers  do  not  undertake 
to  question,  to  the  joint  agency  of  father  and  son.  That, 
therefore,  which  should  decisively  control  speculation,  is 
blindly  sacrificed  to  an  effort  to  get  over  some  minor  difficul 
ties  which,  in  reality,  have  their  origin  only  in  the  kindred 
misconceptions  of  preceding  compilers. 

All  this  obscurity  will  now  disappear.  After  a  tedious 
search  there  has  been  found,  at  the  Rolls  Chapel,  the  original 
patent  of  3d  February,  1498.  The  following  is  an  exact 
copy: 

"  Memorandum  quod  tertio  die  Februarii  ango  regni  Regis  Henrici  Septimi  xni. 


75 

ista  Billa  delibata  fuit  Domino  Cancellario  Angliae  apud  Westmonasterium  exc- 
quenda. 

"  To  the  Kinge. 

«'  Please  it  your  Highnesse  of  your  most  noble  and  habundaunt  grace  to 
graunte  to  John  Kabotto,  Venecian,  your  gracious  Lettres  Patents  in  due 
fourme  to  be  made  accordyng  to  the  tenor  hereafter  ensuyng,  and  he  shall 
continually  praye  to  God  for  the  preservacion  of  your  moste  Noble  and 
Roiall  astate  longe  to  endure. 

«H.  R. 

"Rex. 

"  To  all  men  to  whom  theis  Presenteis  shall  come  send  Gretyng:  Knowe 
ye  that  We  of  our  Grace  especiall,  and  for  dyyers  causis  us  movying,  We 
Have  geven  and  graunten,  and  by  theis  Presentis  geve  and  graunte  to  our 
welbelored  John  Kabotto,  Venecian,  sufficiente  auctorite  and  power,  that 
he,  by  him  his  Deputie  or  Deputies  sufficient,  may  take  at  his  pleasure  VI 
Englisshe  Shippes  in  any  Porte  or  Portes  or  other  place  within  this  our 
Realme  of  England  or  obeisance,  so  that  and  if  the  said  Shippes  be  of  the 
bourdeyn  of  CC.  tonnes  or  under,  with  their  apparail  requisite  and  neces- 
sarie  for  the  safe  conduct  of  the  said  Shippes,  and  them  convey  and  kde  to 
the  Londe  and  Isles  of  latefounde  ~by  the  seid  John  in  oure  name  and  by  our 
commaundemente.  Paying  for  theym  and  every  of  theym  as  and  if  we 
should  in  or  for  our  owen  cause  paye  and  noon  otherwise.  And  that  the 
said  John,  by  hym  his  Deputie  or  Deputies  sufficiente,  maye  take  and  re- 
ceyve  into  the  said  Shippes,  and  every  of  theym  all  such  maisters,  mary- 
ners,  Pages,  and  other  subjects  as  of  their  owen  free  wille  woll  goo  and 
passe  with  him  in  the  same  Shippes  to  the  seid  Londe  or  fles,  withoute  anye 
impedymente,  lett  or  perturbance  of  any  of  our  officers  or  imnistres  or  sub 
jects  whatsoever  they  be  by  theym  to  the  seyd  John,  his  Deputie,  or  Depu 
ties,  and  all  other  our  seid  subjects  or  any  of  theym  passinge  with  the  seyd 
John  in  the  said  Shippes  to  the  seid  Londe  or  lies  to  be  doon,  or  suffer  to 
be  doon  of  attempted.  Geving  in  commaundement  to  all  and  every  our 
officers,  ministres  and  subjects  seyingor  herying  thies  our  Lettres  Patents, 
without  any  ferther  commaundement  by  Us  to  theym  or  any  of  theym  to  be 
geven  to  perfourme  and  socour  the  said  John,  his  Deputie  and  all  our  said 
Subjects  so  passyng  with  hym  according  to  the  tenor  of  theis  our  Lettrei 
Patentis.  Any  Statute,  Acte,  or  Ordennance  to  the  contrarye  made  or  to 
be  made  in  any  wise  notwithstanding." 

Surely  the  importance  of  this  document  cannot  be  exagge 
rated.  It  establishes  conclusively,  and  for  ever,  that  the 
American  continent  was  first  discovered  by  an  expedition 
commissioned  to  "  set  up  the  banner"  of  England.  It  were 


76 

idle  to  offer  an  argument  to  connect  this  recital  of  3d  Feb 
ruary,  1498,  with  the  discovery  of  the  24th  June,  1497,  noted 
on  the  old  map  hung  up  at  Whitehall.  Will  it  not  be  deemed 
almost  incredible  that  the  very  Document  in  the  Records  of 
England,  which  recites  the  great  discovery,  and  plainly  con 
templates  a  scheme  of  colonization,  should,  up  to  this  moment, 
have  been  treated  by  her  own  writers  as  the  one  which  first 
gave  the  permission  to  go  forth  and  explore  ? 

Nay,  this  very  instrument  has  been  used  as  an  argument 
against  the  pretensions  of  England ;  for  it  has  been  asked  by 
foreigners  who  have  made  the  computation,  and  seen  through 
the  mistake  of  Pinkerton  and  the  rest,  why  the  patent  of  3d 
February,  1498,  took  no  notice  of  discoveries  pretended  to 
have  been  made  the  year  before.  The  question  is  now  tri 
umphantly  answered. 

The  importance  of  negativing  a  notion  that  the  English 
discoveries  were  subsequent  to  the  patent  of  the  13th  Henry 
VII.,  will  strikingly  appear,  on  reference  to  the  claim  of 
Jlmericus  Fespucius.  The  truth,  as  now  established,  places 
beyond  all  question— even  crediting  the  doubtful  assertions  of 
Vespucius — the  priority  of  Cabot's  discovery  over  that  of  the 
lucky  Florentine.  The  map  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  gallery 
made  no  false  boast  in  declaring  that  on  the  24th  June  1497, 
the  English  expedition  discovered  that  land  "  quam  nullus 
prius  adire  ausus  fuit."* 


*  The  manner  in  which  the  precious  Document  referred  to,  and  others  of  a 
similar  kind,  are  kept,  cannot  be  adverted  to  without  an  expression  of  regret. 
They  are  thrown  loosely  together,  without  reference  even  to  the  appropriate  year, 
and  are  unnoticed  in  any  Index  or  Calendar.  It  required  a  search  of  more  than 
two  weeks  to  find  this  patent  of  3d  February  1498,  although  the. year  and  day  of 
its  date  were  furnished  at  the  outset.  Another  document  which  appears  in  the 
present  volume — the  patent  of  Henry  VII.  to  three  Portuguese  and  others,  dated 
19  March,  1501,  authorising  them  to  follow  up  the  discoveries  of  Cabot— has  never 
before  been  published.  This  also  was  discovered,  after  a  long  search,  not  even 
folded  up,  but  lying  with  one-half  of  the  written  part  exposed,  and,  in  conse 
quence,  so  soiled  and  discoloured  that  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  it  could 
be  deciphered,  and  some  words  finally  eluded  the  most  anxious  scrutiny.  And 


77 

this  of  two  documents  indispensable  to  the  history  of  Maritime  Discovery,  and  for 
the  want  of  which,  the  account  of  these  voyages  has  been  completely  unintelli 
gible  !  An  extraordinary  compensation  is  claimed  at  the  Rolls  Chapel  on  account 
of  the  trouble  attending  a  search  amidst  such  a  confused  mass.  For  finding  the 
documents,  two  guineas  were  demanded  in  addition  to  the  cost  of  copies.  The 
applicant  is  informed,  that  the  charge  must  be  paid,  whether  the  document  be  dis 
covered  or  not;  so  that  the  officer  .has  no  motive  to  continue  perseveringly  the 
irksome  pursuit. 


78 


CHAP.  X. 


THE  SOUTHWARD — SUBSEQUENT  VOYAGE  OF   1498. 

THE  name  of  the  vessel  which  first  touched  the  shores  of  the 
American  continent  is  not  without  interest  The  Matthew, 
of  Bristol,  had  that  proud  distinction.  A  respectable  writer* 
furnishes  the  following  passage  from  an  ancient  Bristol  manu 
script  in  his  possession : — 

"  In  the  year  1497,  the  24th  June,  on  St  John's  day,  was 
Newfoundland  found  by  Bristol  men,  in  a  ship  called  The 
Matthew." 

The  question  how  far  Cabot,  on  quitting  the  north,  proceed 
ed  along  the  coast  of  the  Continent,  has  been  the  subject  of 
contradictory  statements.  By  some  his  progress  is  limited  to 
a  latitude  corresponding  with  that  of  the  straits  of  Gibraltar, 
while  others  insist  on  carrying  him  to  the  extreme  point  of  the 
Atlantic  sea  coast.  We  can  hardly  be  at  a  loss  to  decide, 
when  it  is  recollected  that  while  there  is  no  direct  authority 
for  the  latter  opinion,  and  it  is  one  which  would  readily  be 
adopted,  in  mistake,  from  the  vague  use,  originally,  of  the 
title  Florida,  the  former  has  the  direct  sanction  of  Peter 
Martyr  (Dec.  iii.  cap.  vi.). 

"Tetenditque  tantum  ad  merediem,  littore  sese  incurvante,  ut  Herculei  freti 
latitudinis/ere  gradus  equarit ;  ad  occidentemque  profectus  tantum  estut  Cubam 
Insulam  a  laeva  longitudine  graduum  pene  parem  habuerit."  "  He  was  thereby 
brought  so  far  into  the  South,  by  reason  of  the  land  bending  so  much  to  the  south- 

*  "The  History  and  Antiquities  of  the, City  of  Bristol,  compiled  from  original 
Records  and  authentic  Manuscripts  in  public  offices  or  private  hands.  By  William 
Barrett  Bristol,  1789,"  p.  172.  The  same  fact  is  stated  in  The  History  of  Bris 
tol  by  John  Corry  and  the  Rev.  John  Evans,  vol.  i.  p.  213.  (In  King's  Library, 
title  in  Catalogue  Corry.) 


79 

ward,  that  it  was  there  almost  equal  in  latitude  with  the  sea  Fretum  Herculeum 
having1  the  North  Pole  elevate  in  a  manner  in  the  same  degree.  He  sailed  likewise 
in  this  tract  so  far  towards  the  West,  that  he  had  the  Island  of  Cuba  on  his  left 
band  in  manner,  in  the  same  degree  of  longitude."  (Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  9.) 

Gomara,  more  definitely  but  perhaps  only  determining  by 
conjecture  the  circumstantial  statement  of  Peter  Martyr, 
names,  as  has  been  seen,  38°.  Hakluyt,  in  the  dedication  of 
his  second  volume  to  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  boasts  of  the  universal 
acknowledgement,  even  by  foreigners,  "that  all  that  mighty 
tract  of  land,  from  67  degrees  northward,  to  the  latitude  almost 
of  Florida,  was  first  discovered  out  of  England,  by  the  com 
mandment  of  King  Henry  VII. ;"  and  again,  in  a  marginal 
note  of  his  third  volume  (p.  9),  he  states  that  Cabot  dis 
covered  "  the  northern  parts  of  that  land,  and  from  thence 
as  far  almost  as  Florida." 

Peter  Martyr  informs  us  that  a  failure  of  provisions  at  this 
point  compelled  an  abandonment  of  the  further  pursuit  of  the 
coast,  and  a  return  to  England. 

It  has  been  preferred  to  settle  the  question  before  quitting 
the  first  voyage,  because  the  progress  to  the  southward  may 
have  taken  place  on  that  occasion,  as  a  discovery  of  both 
"Londe  and  Isles"  is  recited  in  the  second  patent.  Should 
a  further  development  of  the  subject  lead  to  an  opinion  that 
this  incident,  mentioned  first  by  Peter  Martyr,  belongs  to 
another  voyage  which  that  writer  more  probably  had  in  view, 
there  will  be  no  difficulty  in  adjusting  it  hereafter  to  its 
proper  place.  * 

*  One  piece  of  evidence  has  lately  been  brought  to  light  from  which  it  may  be 
inferred  that  Cabot  returned  to  England  immediately  after  the  discovery  of  the 
24th  June,  1497.  In  the  account  of  the  Privy  Purse  Expenses  of  Henry  VII.,  is 
the  following  entry  :— "  10th  August,  1407.  To  hym  that  found  the  New  Isle,  107." 

The  document  referred  to,  which  forms  one  of  the  Additional  MSS.  in  the 
British  Museum,  is  in  the  hand-writing  of  Craven  Orde,  Esq.,  formerly  one  of  the 
Secondaries  of  the  office  of  the  King's  Remembrancer  of  the  Court  of  Exchequer, 
and  has  recently  been  given  to  the  public  by  Hams  Nicolas,  Esq.,  in  his  valuable 
Excerpta  Historica.  Mr  N.  remarks,  "The  originals,  doubtless,  form  part  of  the 
muniments  of  the  King's  Remembrancer's  Office,  and  though  the  great  exertions 
which  have  been  made  to  collate  these  extracts  with  them  received  every  assistance 
from  the  King's  Remembrancer  and  the  other  officers,  they  failed,  because  these 


80 

The  interesting  inquiry  now  arises  as  to  subsequent  voyages, 
made  after  the  death  of  John  Cabot  which  is  supposed  to  have 
taken  place  -shortly  after  the  date  of  the  second  patent  of  3rd 
February,  1498. 

It  cannot  he  supposed,  for  a  moment,  that  Sebastian  Cabot 
would  lightly  abandon  what  had  been  so  hardly  won.  He  was 
named  in  the  original  patent;  and  a  right  under  the  discovery 
vested  in  him,  aside  from  his  claim  as  the  son  of  John  Cabot 
A  large  sum  had  been  expended  on  the  first  voyage,  and  was 
now  represented  solely  by  the  title  to  the  newly  discovered 
region.  He  must  have  been  strangely  insensible  to  his  in 
terests,  as  well  as  suddenly  deficient  in  enterprise,  to  turn 
away,  without  further  effort,  from  a  pursuit  which  had  thus 
far  been  crowned  with  the  most  flattering  success. 

The  first  item  of  evidence  on  the  subject,  is  that  supplied 
by  Stow.  Under  the  year  1498,  and  in  the  Mayoralty  of 
William  Purchas,  there  occurs,  in  the  Annals,  the  following 
statement : — 

"  This  yeere,  one  Sebastian  Gaboto,  a  Genoas  sonne,  borne  in 
Bristow,  professing  himselfe  to  be  expert  in  knowledge  of  the 
circuit  of  the  world  and  islands  of  the  same,  as  by  his  charts  and 
other  reasonable  demonstrations  he  shewed,  caused  the  King 
to  man,  ami  victuall  a  ship  at  Bristow  to  search  for  an  island, 
which  he  knew  to  be  replenished  with  rich  commodities :  in 
the  ship  divers  merchants  of  London  adventured  small  stocks, 
and  in  the  company  of  this  ship,  sailed  also  out  of  Bristow, 
three  or  foure  small  shippes  fraught  with  sleight  and  grosse 
wares,  as  coarse  cloth,  caps,  laces,  points,  and  such  other." 

It  has  already  been  proved,  in  another  place,  that  this  was 
the  statement  made  by  Stow  to  Hakluyt,  and  that  the  substi- 

MSS.  are  presumed  to  be  in  some  of  the  numerous  bags  that  are  lying  unarranged 
in  Westminster  Hall,  an  examination  of  which  could  only  be  effected  at  a  sacrifice 
of  time  and  expense,  which  no  private  individual  can  incur."  Since  the  publica 
tion,  it  has  been  ascertained  that  a  portion  of  what  is  supposed  to  be  the  original 
is  in  the  possession  of  Sir  Thomas  Phillips,  having  been  purchased  by  him  at  a  sale 
of  the  effects  of  Mr  Orde.  Unfortunately,  it  does  not  go  further  back  than  the 
year.  1502. 


81 

tution,  by  the  lattery  of  the  name  of  John  Cabot  took  place 
afterwards,  at  two  successive  stages  of  alteration.  The  fact 
clearly  appeared,  by  a  reference  to  Hakluyt's  earlier  volume 
of  1582,  and  by  the  name  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  which  yet 
lingers  incautiously  in  the  enlarged  work  at  the  head  of  Stow's 
communication,  even  after  a  change  in  the  body  of  it.  We 
have  then  before  us,  here,  the  honest  result  of  S tow's  re 
searches  .* 

There  can  be  no  mistake  as  to  the  period  to  which  he  would 
refer  this  incident;  for  the  mayoralty  of  Purchas,  is  mentioned 
in  the  communication  to  Hakluyt  (vol.  iii.  p.  9).  When, 
too,  under  the  year  1502,  he  speaks  of  the  exhibition  of  sav 
ages,  reference  is  made  to  what  he  had  before  stated  as  oc 
curring  in  the  time  of  that  Mayor.  Speed  (747)  so  under 
stands  him  and  Purchas  (Pilgrims,  vol.  iii.  p.  808). 

It  appears,  by  the  list  of  these  functionaries  found  in  the 
various  Chroniclers,  that  the  mayoralty  of  Purchas  extended 
from  28  October,  1497  to  28  October,  1498.  Unless  then  we 
suppose  a  mistake  to  have  been  committed,  the  voyage  alluded 
to  was  subsequent  ta  that  of  the  original  discovery. 

A  matter  so  simple  as  this  has  not  escaped  mis-statement. 
Thus,  in  MTherson'^  Annals  of  Commerce  (vol.  ii.  p.  13, 
note),  it  is  said,  ".We  may  depend  on  the  contemporary 
testimony  of  Alderman  Fabyan,  who  says  that  he  sailed  in 
the  beginning  of  May  in  the  mayoralty  of  John  Tate,  that  is 
1497,  but  returned  in  the  subsequent  mayoralty  of  William 
Purchas."  Here  is  as  much  error  as  could  be  condensed  into 
one  sentence.  Fabyan  does  not  place  the  expedition  in  the 
mayoralty  of  Tate,  but  in  that  of  Purchas,  and  we  are  told, 
that  no  tidings  were  heard  of  the  expedition  during  that 
Mayor's  time,  viz.  as  late  as  October,  1498.  It  is,  indeed, 
a  singular  fact  that  writers  who  on  most  topics  are  dull,  com 
mon-place,  and  safe — who  might  be  trusted,  one  would  think, 
in  poetry  itself,  without  peril  to  their  matter-of-fact  character 
— instantly  become  imaginative  on  touching  any  part  of  Ca 
bot's  history. 
L 


82 

In  connexion  with  the  statement  of  Stow,  it  may  be  men 
tioned  that  both  Peter  Martyr  and  the  person,  said  to  be 
Galeatius  Butrigarius,  who  held  the  conversation  with  Cabot, 
at  Seville,  speak  of  a  voyage  from  England  subsequent  to  the 
father's  death.  Peter  Martyr,  in  the  passage  usually  cited 
on  the  subject,  says  nothing  of  dates,  but  writing  afterwards 
in  1524,  (Decade  vii.  cap.  ii.)  he  refers  to  Cabot's  voyage,  as 
having  taken  place  "twenty-six  years  since/'  that  is,  in  1498. 
To  these  statements,  another  is  to  be  added,  though  it  in 
creases,  perhaps,  rather  the  number  than  the  weight  of 
authorities. 

The  first  article  in  the  third  volume  of  Ramusio  is  a  Sum 
mary  of  The  Spanish  Discoveries  in  the  New  World,  drawn 
professedly  from  Peter  Martyr,  and  entitled  "  Sommario 
della  Historia  delF  Indie  Occidental!  cavato  dalli  libri  scritti 
dal  Sig.  Don  Pietro  Martire."  It  was  first  published  an 
onymously,  at  Venice,  in  a  separate  form,  in  the  year  1543,* 
and  is  quite  unworthy  of  the  place  which  it  now  occupies. 
The  arrangement  of  Peter  Martyr  is  entirely  disregarded, 
and  no  reference  is  given  to  the  original,  by  which  any  of 
the  statements  may  be  verified  or  disproved.  Under  the 
pretended  sanction,  too,  of  Peter  Martyr,  the  writer  has  in- 
roduced  many  unfounded,  and  even  absurd,  assertions  of  his 
own.  Thus  the  statement  given  in  the  original  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  bears  catch  fish,  and  which  is  confirmed  by  late 
accounts,!  this  writer  has  spun  outj  into  a  minute  and  ridicu 
lous  description.  It  is  here  stated  that  Cabot  reached  only 
55°,  an  assertion  which  the  Biographic  Universelle  (art.  Cabot) 
copies  and  cites  as  from  Peter  Martyr,  when  there  is  nothing  of 
the  kind  in  the  original.  In  repeating  the  expression  of  Peter 
Martyr,  about  the  death  of  the  father,  this  writer  says — "after 
whose  death,  finding  himself  very  rich  and  of  great  ambition, 

»  Haym's  "Bibliotheca  Italiana  o  sia  notizia  de  Libro  ran  Italian!,"  p.  131. 
t  See  Cartwright's  Labrador. 

t  Ramusio,  torn.  Hi.  fol.  35,  in  Index  "Bacalai,"  "  Sebastiano  Gabotto,"  and 
"  orso." 


83 

he  resolved,"  &c.  ("dapoila  morte  del  quale  trovandosi 
richissimo  et  di  grande  animo  deliberosi,"&e.).  But,  without 
laying  any  stress  on  such  a  statement,  there  is  sufficient  with 
out  it  to  supply  an  important  auxiliary  argument  to  that  de 
rived  from  the  chroniclers.* 

One  circumstance  is  to  be  particularly  noted.  The  second 
patent  does  not  look  to  further  discoveries,  but  merely  au 
thorises  the  patentee  to  revisit  theJRegion  already^  found,  and 
to  take  thither  such  of  the  king's  subjects  as  might  be  inclined 
to  accompany  him  or  his  deputies. 

According  to  Stow,  the  "  Genoa's  son"  effected  his  object 
with  the  king,  by  a  representation  as  to  an  Island  "  which  he 
knew  to  be  replenished  with  rich  commodities,"  or  as  it  is 
expressed  in  Hakluyt,  "  which  he  said  he  knew  well  was  rich 
and  replenished  with  great  commodities."  Thus  the  lan 
guage  of  the  patent  and  of  the  chronicles  is  in  consonance  as  to 
the  purpose  of  the  voyage  of  1498.  It  no  longer  had  reference, 
exclusively,  to  the  search  for  a  North-West  Passage.  The 
place  of  destination  was  some  known  definite  point,  which  was 
supposed  to  offer  an  advantageous  opening  for  traffic. 

The  argument  to  be  fairly  drawn  from  this  coincidence  is 
placed  in  a  very  striking  point  of  view,  by  referring  to  writers 
who  approached  the  statement  of  the  chronicles  under  the 
misconception  that  the  reference  was  to  the  original  expedi 
tion  of  1497.  Campbell,  in  The  Lives  of  the  Admirals 


*  It  is  obvious  that  the  Will  of  John  Cabot  might  throw  much  light  on  this 
subject.  If,  as  is  probable,  he  died  at  Bristol,  it  would  be  proved  at  Worcester. 
On  application  at  the  Bishop's  Registry,  the  acting  Registrar,  Mr  Clifton,  writes 
thus  :  "  The  indices  of  Wills  proved,  and  letters  of  administration  granted  do 
not  extend  farther  back  than  the  year  1600.  Previous  to  this  period,  these  doc- 
uments  are  tied  up  in  linen  bags  without  much  form  or  order;  so  that  a  search  for 
the  Will  of  John  Cabot,  or  Gabot,  or  Kabot  would  be  attended  with  very  considerable. 
trouble  and  expense,  whilst  the  chance  of  discovering  it  would  be  uncertain." 
Aside  from  Historical  purposes,  it  would  be  curious  to  see  an -instrument,  dated 
some  months  before  the  time  when  Columbus  (in  August,  1498)  first  saw  the 
Continent  of  America,  which,  probably,  makes  a  disposition  of  the  testator's 
interest  in  the  tract  of  land  lying  between  the  present  Hudson's  Strait  and  Florida. 


84 

(article,  Sir  John  Cabot),  adopts  Hakluyt's  substitution  of 
John  Cabot's  name,  and  thus  speaks  of  the  patent  of  3rd  Feb* 
ruary,  1498. 

"In  consequence  of  this  license,  the  King  at  his  own  expense  caused  a  ship  to 
be  Equipped  at  Bristol :  to  this  the  merchants  of  that  city,  and  of  London,  added 
three  or  four  small  vessels,  freighted  with  proper  commodities,  which  fleet  sailed 
in  the  spring  of  the  year  1497-  Our  old  Chronicle  writers,  particularly  Fabian, 
tell  us  of  a  very  rich  island  which  John  Cabot  promised  to  discover  ;  but  in  this 
they  seem  to  mistake  the  matter  for  want  of  thoroughly  understanding  the  subject  of 
which  they  were  writing.  John  Cabot  was  too  a  wise  man  to  pretend  to  knowr 
before  he  saw  it,  what  country  he  should  discover,  whether  island  or  continent ; 
but  what  he  proposed  was  to  find  a  North-West  passage  to  the  Indies." 

How  does  this  patent  of  3rd  February  1498  scatter  light 
around  in  every  direction  !  After  slumbering  at  the  Rolls 
for  upwards  of  three  centuries,  it  reappears  to  vindicate,  tri 
umphantly,  the  fair  fame  of  its  venerable  contemporaries  thus 
flippantly  assailed ! 

The  same  difficulty  in  reconciling  the  language  of  the  ancient 
chronicles  with  the  supposed  allusion  to  the  voyage  of  1497, 
has  led  Harris*  (ed.  of  1744 — 8,  vol.  ii.  p.  190)  and  Pinkerton 
(vol.  xii.  p.  158)  to  the  positive  assertion  that  John  Cabot 
made  a  voyage  as  early  as  1494,  and  that  "  upon  this  report 
of  his/'  the  first  patent  was  granted.  Mr  Barrow  also  (p.  32) 
is.  from  the  same  cause,  driven  to  the  assertion  that  it  is  im 
possible  to  understand  the  various  accounts  "but  by  supposing 
John  Cabot  to  have  made  one  voyage  at  least  previous  to  the 
date  of  the  patent."  It  has  been  before  shown,  that  such  a 
supposition  is  not  only  inconsistent  with  every  authentic  state 
ment,  but  at  variance  with  the  terms  of  the  first  pa  tent  itself. 
We  now  see  that  it  is  as  unnecessary  as  it  is  unwarranted. 

The  plain  distinction  between  the  two  voyages  clears  up 

•It  is  but  just  to  remark,  that  though  the  volume  here  referred  to  bears  the 
name  of  Harris,  and  is  so  copied  and  cited  by  Pinkerton,  yet  the  passages  in 
question  make  no  part  of  the  original  work.  Daines  Barrington,  Esq.  in  his 
"  Possibility  of  approaching  the  North  Pole,"  &c.  (ed.  of  1818,  p.  15),  states,  that; 
the  supplemental  matter  was  furnished  by  Dr  Camjsbell.  No  method  is  used  to 
distinguish  the  original  from  what  is  interpolated  ;  ai\d  Pinkerton  was,  probably, 
thus  misled. 


85 

an  incidental  difficulty.  Many  writers  have  been  perplexed 
by  finding  that  while  some  accounts  speak  of  the  enterprise 
as  wholly  at  the  expense  of  the  Cabots,  others  represent  the 
King  to  have  had  an  interest  in  it.  The  reason  is  now  obvious. 
The  first  vague  exploratory  voyage  was  at  the  expense  of  the 
individuals,  to  verify  the  Speculations  of  Sebastian  Cabot. 
The  patent  of  5th  March,  1496,  says  expressly,  that  the  en 
terprise  is  to  be  "  at  their  own  proper  cost  and  charge." 
But  when  a  specific  discovery  had  been  made,  and  the  atten 
tion  of  the  capitalists  of  London  was  drawn  to  the  subject, 
the  wary  king  himself  yielded  to  the  sanguine  representations 
of  the  discoverers,  and  became  a  partner  in  the  concern. 
This  fact  is  very  clearly  established  by  the  following  entries 
in  the  Account  of  his  Privy-Purse  Expenses : — 

"  22d  March,  1498.  To  Lanslot  Tkirkill,  of  London,  upon  a  prest,*  for  his 
shippe  going  towards  the  New  Ilande,  20/." 

"  Delivered  to  Launcelot  Thirkill,  going  towards  the  New  Isle,  in  prest,  20/.J> 

"  April  1, 1498.  To  Thomas  Bradley,  and  Lancelot  Thirkill,  going  to  the  New- 
Isle,  SO/." 

"To  John  Carter,  going  to  the  Newe  Isle,  in  rewarde,  2/." 

At  this  point  the  subject  attracted,  the  attention  of  a  Chron 
icler  living  in  London.  It  is  not  unnatural  that  he  should 
suppose  the  region  discovered  to  be  an  island,  and  that  the 
same  expression  should  be  used  by  the  Keeper  of  the  Privy 
Purse,  and  others,  whose  minds  had  not  then  embraced  the 
idea  of  a  new  Continent.  The  Chronicler  speaks  of  documents 
submitted  to  the  inspection  of  the  king,  and  of  the  nature  of 
which  he  evidently  knew  only  by  vague  report.  The  King 
himself,  however,  who  had  listened  to  the  statements  of  u  the 
Genoas  son,"  and  saw  his  map,  who  heard  of  the  mighty  rivers 
which  were  found  issuing  into  the  sea,  knew  from  these 
"  charts  and  other  reasonable  demonstrations,"  that  here  must 
be  something  more  th'an  an  island,  and  we  find,  accordingly, 
in  the  patent  of  3rd  February,  1498,  reference  made  to  "  the 
Londe  and  Isles"  discovered. 

*  In  the  way  of  loan  or  advance. 


86 

To  doubt,  then,  that  a  voyage  took  place  in  1498,  under 
Sebastian  Cabot,  violates  every  probability,  is  against  strong 
collateral  testimony,  and  rejects  contemptuously  the  direct 
and  positive  averment  of  the  ancient  Chroniclers,  at  the  very 
moment  when  we  warm  with  indignation  at  the  attempt  of  a 
shallow  and  presumptuous  ignorance  to  depreciate  them. 

What  was  the  result  of  the  voyage  ?  This  is  a  question  of 
more  difficulty. 

Peter  Martyr  and  Gomara  mention,  as  has  been  seen,  that 
Sebastian  Cabot  had  with  him  three  hundred  men.  It  is  diffi 
cult  to  believe  that  such  a  number  could  have  been  taken  in 
reference  to  a  mere  commercial  enterprise,  and  absurd  to  con 
nect  them  with  the  first  exploratory  voyage.  The  language, 
too,  of  the  second  patent  seems  to  suggest  that  a  settlement  was 
intended,  the  royal  permission  to  depart  extending  to  "  all 
such  masters,  mariners,  pages  and  other  subjects,  as  of  their 
own  free  will,  will  go  and  pass  with  him  in  the  same  ships, 
to  the  said  Londe  or  Isles." 

On  a  point  so  interesting  as  this,  we  may  repeat  here  the 
language  of  Gomara.  After  mentioning  that  Sebastian  Cabot 
was  the  first  who  brought  intelligence  of  the  Baccalaos,  he 
proceeds : — 

"  El  qual  armo  dos  navios  en  Inglaterra  do  tratava  desde  pequeno  a  costa  del 
Rey  Enrique  Septimo,  quo  desseava  contratar  en  la  especieria,  como  hazia  el  rey 
d*  Portugal.  Otros  disen  que  a  su  costa.  Y  que  prometio  al  rey  Enrique  de  yr 
pop  el  norte  al  Catayo  y  traer  de  alia  especias  en  menos  tiempo  que  Portuguese, 
por  el  sun  Y  va  tambien  par  saber  que  tierra  'eran  las  Indias  para  poblar.  Llevo 
trezientos  hombres  y  cammo  la  buelta  de  Isladia  sobre  cabo  del  Labrador.  Y 
hasta  se  poner  en  cinquenta  y  ocho  grados.  Aunque  el  dize  mucho  mas  contando 
como  avia  por  el  mes  de  Julio  tato  frio  y  pedacos  de  yelo  que  no  oso  passar  mas 
adelante.  Y  que  los  dios  eran  grandissimos  y  quasi  sin  noche  y  las  nbches  muy 
claras.  Es  cierte  que  a  sesenta  grados  son  los  dies  de  diez  y  ocho  horas.  Diedo 
pues  Gaboto  la  frialdad,  y  estraneza  dela  tierra,  dio  la  vuelta  hazia  poniente  y  reha- 
ziendo  se  en  los  Baccalaos  como  la  costa  hasta  treienta  y  ochos  grados  y  torno  se  de 
alii  a  Inglaterra."  "  Sebastian  Cabot  was  the  fyrst  that  browght  any  knowleage 
of  this  lande.  For  beinge  in  Englande  in  the  dayes  of  Kyng  Henry  the  Seventh, 
he  furnysshed  twoo  shippes  at  his  owne  charges,  or  (as  sum  say)  at  the  Kynges, 
whome  he  persuaded  that  a  passage  might  be  founde  to  Cathay  by  the  North  Seas, 
alid  that  spices  might  be  brought  from  thense  soner  by  that  way,  then  by  the 
yyage  the  Portugalcs  vse  by  the  sea  of  Sur.  He  went  also  to  knowe  what  maner 


87 

of  landes  those  Indies  were  to  inhabite.  He  had  with  hym  three  hundreth  men,  and 
directed  his  course  by  the  tracte  of  Islande  vppon  the  cape  of  Labrador  at  Iviii. 
degrees:  affirmynge  that  in  the  monethe  of  July  there  was  such  could  and  heapes 
of  ise  that  he  durst  -passe  ho  further:  also  that  the  dayes  were  very  longe  and  in 
maner  without  nyght,  and  the  nyghtes  very  clear.  Certayne  it  is,  that  the  Ix. 
degrees,  the  longest  day  is  of  xviii.  houres.  But  consyderynge  the  coulde  and 
the  straungeness  of  the  unknowen  lande,  he  turned  his  course  from  thense  to  the 
West,  folowynge  the  coast  of  the  lande  of  Baccalos  vnto  the  xxxviii.  degrees, 
from  whense  he  returned  to  Englande."  (Eden's  Decades,  fol.  318.) 

From  these  expressions  it  is  plain  that  it  was  understood  to 
have  been  part  of  the  design  to  make  the  experiment  of  colo 
nization. 

Connected  with  this  part  of  the  subject  is  a  curious  pass 
age  in  an  old  work  by  The  vet,  the  French  Cosmographer. 
This  writer  is,  deservedly,  held  in  little  estimation,  his  work 
being  disfigured  by  the  plainest  marks  of  haste,  as  well  as  by 
the  most  absurd  credulity.  The  only  circumstance  which 
could  induce  us  to  attach  importance  to  his  statement  is,  the 
allusion  to  conversations  with  Cartier,  who,  in  1534,  visited 
the  St  Lawrence.  Thevet  not  only  refers  to  that  navigator 
incidentally  here,  but  in  his  subsequent  larger  work,  enti 
tled  Cosmographie  Universelle,  speaks  of  Cartier  repeatedly, 
as  his  intimate  friend,  and  mentions  (Paris  Ed.  of  1575,  torn, 
ii.  fol.  1014)  having  spent  five  months  with  him  at  St  Malo. 
The  work  now  particularly  alluded  to  is  entitled  "  Singulari- 
tez  de  la  France  Antarctique,"  published  at  Paris,  in  1558, 
in  which,  speaking  of  the  Baccalaos,  there  occurs  (ch.  74, 
fol.  148)  the  following  passage: — 

"Elle  fut  decouverte  premierement  par  Sebastian  Babate  Anglois  lequel  per- 
suada  au  Roy  d'  Angleterre  Henry  Septiesme  qu'il  iroit  aisement  par  la  au  pais 
de  Catay  vers  le  Nort  et  que  par  ce  moyen  trouveroit  espiceries  et  autres  choses 
aussi  bien  que  le  Roy  de  Portugal  aux  Indes,  joint  qu'il  se  proposoit  aller  au  Peru 
et  Amerique  pour  peupler  le  pais  de  nouveaus  habitans  et  dresser  laj  une  Nouvelle 
Angleterre,  ce  qu'il  n'  executa;  vray  est  qu'il  mist  bien  trots  cens  hommes  en  terre, 
du  coste  d'Irlande  au  Nort  on  lefroidfist  mourir  presque  toutesa  compagnie  encore 
que  ce  fust  au  moys  de  Juillet.  Depuis  Jaques  Quartier  (ainsi  que  luy  mesme  m* 
a  recite)  fist  deux  fois  le  voyage  en  ce  pays  la,  c'est  a  scavoir  1*  an  mil  cinq  cens 
trente  cinq." 

"It  was  first  discovered  by  Sebastian  Babate,  an  Englishman,  who  persuaded 
Henry  VII.  King  of  England,  that  he  could  go  easily  this  way  by  the  North  to 


88 

Cathay,  and  that  he  would  thus  obtain  spices  and  other  articles  from  the  Indies 
equally  as  well  as  the  King  of  Portugal,  added  to  which  he  proposed  to  go  to  Peru 
and  America  to  people  the  country  with  new  inhabitants,  and  to  establish  there  a 
New  England  which  he  did  not  accomplish;  true  it  is  he  put  three  hundred  men 
ashore  from  the  coast  of  Ireland  towards  the  North  where  the  cold  destroyed  nearly 
the  whole  company,  though  it  was  then  the  month  of  July.  Afterwards  Jaques 
Cartier  (as  he  himself  has  told  me)  made  two  voyages  to  that  country  in  1534  and 
1535." 

The  greater  part  of  this  is  evidently  a  mere  perversion  of 
what  appears  in  Gomara,  changing  the  name  of  the  commander 
to  Babate,  and  Iceland  to  Ireland ;  and  that  which  follows 
may  he  a  random  addition  suggested  by  the  reference  in  Go- 
mara  to  one  of  the  objects  of  Cabot's  expedition,  and  to  the 
reasons  which  compelled  him  to  turn  back. 

On  the  other  hand,  while  it  seems  somewhat  harsh  to  im 
pute  to  the  author  a  reckless  falsehood,  it  is  possible  that  he 
may  have  derived  his  information  from  Cartier,  who  would  be 
very  likely  to  know  of  any  such  early  attempt  at  settlement. 
The  vet  seems,  evidently,  to  turn  from  the  book,  whose  influ 
ence  is  discernible  on  the  general  cast  of  the  paragraph,  in 
order  to  make  a  statement  of  his  own,  and  instead  of  the 
general  language  of  Gomara,  to  substitute  specific  assertions. 

If,  then,  we  can  rely  on  what  he  says,  it  seems  clear  not 
only  that  Cabot  proposed  colonization,  but  that  he  actually 
put  a  body  of  men  on  shore  with  that  view.  It  will  be  noted, 
on  referring  to  the  language  of  Gomara,  in  the  original,  that 
he  represents  Cabot  when  returning  from  his  extreme  northern 
point  to  have  stopped  at  Baccalaos  for  refreshment  ("y  reha- 
ziendoseen  los  Baccalaos"),  and  afterwards  to  have  proceeded 
South  to  38°.  It  mav  be,  then,  that  before  the  renewed 
search  for  a  Passage,  which  would  seem  to  have  continued  an 
object  of  pursuit,  he  left  a  party  to  examine  the  country; 
who,  on  his  return,  dispirited  by  the  dreariness  of  the  region 
and  perhaps  by  mortality,  insisted  on  being  taken  off. 

The  statement  of  Thevet  was  held  in  reserve,  that  its  loose 
and  careless  air  might  not  seem  to  be  imparted  to  that  which 
has  a  fixed  and  authentic  character.  Up  to  a  certain  point 


89 

— the  sailing  of  the  expedition  of  1498,  under  Sebastian  Ca 
bot,  and  its  apparent  objects — we  have  the  clearest  evidence. 
The  next  step  we  may  hesitate,  perhaps  from  excessive  cau 
tion,  to  take,  lest  the  support  proffered  by  Thevet  be  illu 
sive. 

As  we  are  indebted  to  Peter  Martyr  and  Gomara  for  the 
length  of  the  run  along  the  coast  to  the  Southward,  it  proba 
bly  now  took  place,  their  reference  evidently  being,  through 
out,  to  the  present  voyage.  It  was  on  this  occasion,  doubt 
less,  that  three  hundred  men  were  taken  out,  so  that  the 
supposition  is  perhaps  strengthened  by  noticing  that  Peter 
Martyr  represents  the  expedition  to  have  been  arrested  in 
the  South  by  a  failure  of  provisions. 

One  incident  is  deceptively  connected  by  Hakluyt  with 
this  voyage.  Stow  speaks  of  an  exhibition  of  savages  in 
the  year  1502  ;  but  Hakluyt,  who  derived  this  fact  from  hi ni, 
has  altered  the  date  from  the  seventeenth  to  the  fourteenth 
year  of  Henry  VII.  As  he  relies  altogether  on  Stow's  com 
munication,  it  might  be  sufficient  to  point  to  that  Annalist's 
own  statement.  The  incident  belongs  to  a  voyage  by  differ 
ent  persons,  on  reaching  which  it  will  be  shown,  that  in  the 
original  work  of  Hakluyt,  of  1582,  he  correctly  refers  the 
exhibition  to  the  seventeenth  year,  but  afterwards  changed 
the  date,  in  order  to  accommodate  it,  in  point  of  time,  to  the 
voyage  of  Cabot  with  which  he  erroneously  connected  it. 


90 


CHAP.  XI. 

VOYAGE  TO  MARACAIBO  IN  1499. 

As  it  is  certain  that  Sebastian  Cabot  did  not  enter  the  service 
Spain  until  the  13th  of  September  1512,  we  are  obliged  to 
lopk  anxiously  round,  in  every  direction,  for  information  as  to 
his  employment  during  the  intermediate  period.  It  is  imposs 
ible  to  believe  that  he  could  have  passed  in  inactivity  the 
period  of  life  best  adapted  for  enterprise  and  adventure,  and 
to  which  he  at  the  same  time  brought  maturity  of  judgment 
and  abundant  experience.  Yet  the  Records,  so  far  as  made 
public,  furnish  no  evidence  on  the  subject,  for  though  commiss 
ions  were  granted,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  hereafter  to  show, 
by  Henry  VII.,  in  1501  and  1502,  to  Portuguese  adventurers, 
with  a  view  to  discovery,  yet  the  name  of  Cabot  is  sought  for 
in  vain. 

Amidst  this  darkness  of  the  horizon,  there  gleams  up  happily, 
in  one  quarter,  a  light  which  enables  us  to  recognise  objects 
with  surprising  clearness. 

A  valuable  work  has  recently  been  published  by  the  Rev. 
Mr  Seyer,  entitled,  "  Memoirs  Historical  and  Topographical 
of  Bristol  and  its  Neighbourhood,  from  the  earliest  period 
down  to  the  present  time."  At  p.  208,  of  vol.  ii.,  it  is  stated 
that  some  of  the  ancient  Calendars  of  Bristol,  under  the  year 
1499,  have  the  following  entry : — 

«  This  yeare,  Sebastian  Cabot  borne  in  Bristoll,  proffered 
his  service  to  King  Henry  for  discovering  new  countries ; 
which  had  noe  greate  or  favorable  entertainment  of  the  king, 
but  he  with  no  extraordinary  preparation  sett  forth  from  Bris 
toll,  and  made  greate  discoveries." 


91 

We  might  be  inclined,  perhaps,  to  attach  no  great  impor 
tance  to  this  statement  and  to  view  it  as  referring,  with  a 
mistake  of  date,  to  one  of  the  Northern  voyages,  but  that  late 
disclosures  absolutely  compel  us  to  seek  some  such  clue  to  facts, 
which,  without  its  aid,  are  altogether  inexplicable. 

In  the  recent  work  of  Don  Martin  Navarette,  who  has 
spread  out  the  treasures  of  the  Spanish  Archives,  he  remarks 
(torn.  iii.  p.  41 ),  "  Lo  cierto  es  que  Hojeda  en  su  primer  viage 
hallo  a  ciertas  Ingleses  por  las  immediaciones  de  Caquibacoa" 
— '*  what  is  certain  is,  that  Hojeda  in  his  first  voyage,  found 
certain  Englishmen  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Caquibacoa"). 

These  expressions  occur  in  that  part  of  the  work  where  the 
author  adverts  to  the  commissions  which  the  English  Records 
show  to  have  been  granted  by  Henry  VII.,  and  to  his  inability 
to  refer  to  any  other  quarter  the  remarkable  fact  of  the 
meeting.  Such  a  connexion,  however,  is  deceptive,  because 
the  earliest  of  these  commissions  bears  date  the  19th  March 
1501. 

Hojeda  sailed  from  Spain  on  the  20th  of  May  1499  (Na 
varette,  torn.  iii.  p.  4),  and  was  only  one  year  absent. 

The  mere  fact  that  Cabot  is  known  not  to  have  entered  a 
foreign  service  until  long  after  this  period,  would  suffice  to 
satisfy  us  that  he  was  the  only  man  who  could  have  been  the 
leader  of  such  an  enterprise  from  England,  particularly  as  we 
find  that  when,  two  years  afterwards,  an  expedition  was  pro 
jected,  three  Portuguese  were  called  in  and  placed  at  its  head. 
The  Bristol  manuscript  seems  to  put  the  matter  beyond  doubt. 

The  expressions,  also,  there  employed  imply  a  slight  of 
the  subject  on  the  part  of  the  King,  and  probably  embody  a 
complaint  uttered  at  the  time.  The  voyage  of  1498  had  not,  we 
may  suspect,  proved  so  productive  as  was  anticipated,  and  the 
interest  felt  the  year  before  now  languished.  Some  complaint 
of  this  kind  is  discoverable  in  the  conversation  of  Cabot  at 
Seville,  reported  by  Ramusio,  though  the  neglect  is  certainly 
referred,  in  that  report,  to  an  erroneous  period. 

When  we  remember  that  Cabot,  the  year  before,  was  stop- 


92 

ped  by  the  failure  of  provisions  while  proceeding  Southward, 
he  might  naturally  be  expected  to  resume  his  progress  along 
the  coast  on  the  first  occasion,  and  he  would  thus  be  conduct 
ed  to  the  spot  where  Hojeda  found  him.  It  is  probable, 
therefore,  that  impatient  of  inactivity,  and  despairing  of  aid 
from  the  Crown,  he  threw  himself  into  such  a  vessel  as  his 
private  means  enabled  him  to  equip,  and,  as  the  Bristol  man 
uscript  expresses  it,  "with  no  extraordinary  preparation  set 
forth  from  Bristol  and  made  great  discoveries." 

It  may  have  been  while  he  followed  the  bent  of  his  genius 
in  this  desultory  manner,  that  the  spirit  of  enterprise  awaken 
ed  again  in  England,  and  his  absence  may  account  for  the 
non-appearance  of  his  name  in  the  subsequent  patents. 

A  less  agreeable  conjecture  is  suggested  by  the  character 
of  Henry  VII.  That  shrewd  and  penurious  monarch  may 
have  been  influenced  by  the  same  feeling  which  induced 
Ferdinand  of  Spain  to  rid  himself  of  Columbus,  whose  high 
estimate  of  what  he  had  effected  was  found  to  mingle,  incon 
veniently,  with  all  his  proposals  for  following  up  the  Great 
Discovery.  Henry  may  have  preferred  to  listen  to  those 
with  whom  a  bargain  might  be  made  solely  in  reference  to 
prospective  services.  Avarice,  a  disease  to  which  he  was 
constitutionally  subject  and  of  which  the  symptoms  became 
every  year  more  apparent,  had  now  reached  his  moral  sense. 
Bacon,  who  wrote  his  History  under  the  eye  of  James,  a 
lineal  descendant  and  professed  admirer  of  that  monarch,  could 
not  disguise  the  evidence  of  the  infamous  devices  to  which 
Henry  resorted  for  the  purpose  of  extorting  money  from  his 
own  subjects.  Speaking  of  his  escape  from  the  difficulties 
which  at  one  time  beset  him*  and  particularly  from  the  long 
and  vexatious  feuds  with  Scotland,  it  is  remarked — 

•«  Wherefore  nature,  which  many  times  is  happily  contained  and  refrained  by 
some  bands  of  fortune,  began  to  take  place  in  the  King  ;  carrying,  as  with  ft  strong 
tide,  his  affections  and  thoughts  unto  the  gathering  and  heaping  up  of  treasure. 
And  as  kings  do  more  easily  find  instruments  for  their  will  and  humour,  than  for 
their  service  and  honour,  he  had  gotten  for  his  purpose,  or  beyond  his  purpose, 
two  instruments,  Empson  and  Dudley,  whom  the  people  esteemed  as  his  horse- 


93 

leeches  and  shearers,  bold  men  and  careless  of  fame,  and  that  took  t6ll  of  their 
master's  grist. 

"Then  did  they  also  use  to  inthral  and  charge  the  subjects'  lands  with  tenures 
in  capite,'  by  finding  false  offices,  and  thereby  to  work  upon  them  for  wardships, 
liveries,  primer  seisins,  and  alienations,  being  the  fruits  of  those  tenures,  refusing, 
upon  divers  pretexts  and  delays,  to  admit  men  to  traverse  those  false  offices  ac- 
copding  to  the  law.  Nay,  the  King's  wards,  after  they  had  accomplished  their  full 
age,  could  not  be  suffered  to  have  livery  of  their  lands,  without  paying  excessive 
fines,  far  exceeding  all  reasonable  rates.  They  did  also  vex  men  with  informa 
tions  of  intrusion  upon  scarce  colourable  titles. 

"  When  men  were  outlawed  in  personal  actions,  they  would  not  permit  them  to 
purchase  their  charters  of  pardon,  except  they  paid  great  and  intolerable  sums.; 
standing  upon  the  strict  point  of  law,  which  upon  outlawries  giveth  forfeiture  of 
goods  ;  nay,  contrary  to  all  law  and  colour,  they  maintained  the  king  ought  to 
have  the  half  of  men's  lands  and  rents,  during  the  space  of  two  full  years,  for  a 
pain  in  case  of  outlawry. 

"  And  to  show  further  the  king's  extreme  diligence,  I  do  remember  to  have 
seen  long  since  a  book  of  accompt  of  Empson's,  that  had  the  king's  hand  almost 
to  every  leaf,  by  way  of  signing,  and  was  in  some  places  postilled  in  the  margin 
with  the  king's  hand  likewise,  where  was  this  remembrance  : — 

"  'Item,  Received  of  such  a  one  five  marks,  for  a  pardon  to  be  procured;  and  if 
the  pardon  do  not  pass,  the  money  to  be  repaid:  except  the  party  be  some  other 
ways  satisfied.' 

"And  over  against  this  'memorandum'  of  the  king's  own  hand, 
"  «  Otherwise  satisfied.'  " 

"Which  I  do  the  rather  mention,  because  it  shews  in  the  king  a  nearness,  but 
yet  with  a  kind  of  justness.  So  these  little  sands  and  grains  of  gold  and  silver,  as 
it  seemeth,  helped  not  a  little  to  make  up  the  great  heap  and  bank." 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  First  Patent  is  to  the  father  and 
the  three  sons,  "and  to  the  heirs  of  them,  and  each  of  them 
and  their  deputies ;"  and  it  is  expressly  provided  that  the 
regions  discovered  by  them,  "  may  not  of  any  other  of  our 
subjects  be  frequented  or  visited,  without  the  licence  of  the 
aforesaid  John  and  his  sons,  and  their  deputies,  under  pain 
of  forfeiture  as  well  of  the  ships  as  of  all  and  singular  the  goods 
of  all  them  that  shall  presume  to  sail  to  those  places  so  found." 
Under  this  grant,  the  "Londe  and  Isles"  were  discovered, 
and,  of  course,  a  right  of  exclusive  resort  to  these  regions, 
vested  in  the  father  and  sons  for  an  indefinite  period.  The 
patent  of  3rd  February,  1498,  on  the  other  hand,  is  very 
cautiously  worded.  The  power  given  is  to  the  father  alone, 
described  as  a  Venetian,  and  to  his  deputies  without  any  words 
of  inheritance.  The  whole  merit  of  the  discovery  is,  perhaps 


94 

craftily,  represented  as  embodied  in  the  old  man.  The  privi 
lege  given  expired,  in  strictness,  with  John  Cabot ;  and  Se 
bastian,  by  having  incautiously  accepted  and  acted  under  such 
an  instrument,  might  be  held  to  recognise  it  as  the  consum 
mation  of  all  that  had  been  previously  done,  and  as  a  waiver 
of  the  terms  of  the  first  patent. 

The  Portuguese  patentees  of  19th  March  1501,  consent 
to  receive  the  privilege  of  exclusive  resort  for  only  ten  years ; 
and  it  is  provided  that  they  shall  not  be  interfered  with,  by 
virtue  of  any  previous  grant  to  a  foreigner  (" extraneus") 
under  the  gre&tseal  ("  virtute  aut  colore  alicujus  concessionis 
nostrse  sibi  Magno  Sigillo  Nostro  per  antea  factse").  It  is 
true  the  pen  is  drawn  through  this  passage  in  the  original 
Roll ;  but  attention  had  evidently  been  drawn,  in  an  adverse 
temper,  to  a  claim  that  might  be  set  up  under  the  previous 
grant.  It  was,  perhaps,  thought  better  not  to  aim  an  ungra 
cious,  and  superfluous  blow  at  what  had  already  expired. 
The  clause  is  retained  which  secures  the  new  patentees  against 
molestation  from  any  of  the  king's  subjects,  and  this  provision 
was  considered  as  applying  to  the  surviving  sons  who,  in  the 
original  patent,  are  not,  like  the  father,  called  Venetians,  but 
were  probably  all  born  in  England. 

It  is  not,  however,  certain  that  Henry  intended  to  super 
sede  the  claims  of  Cabot,  so  far  as  respected  discoveries  ac 
tually  made.  The  general  authority  to  the  three  Portuguese 
is  as  to  lands  "before  unknown  to  all  Christians;"  and  the 
reservation  may  mean  more  than  a  caution  to  respect  the 
rights  of  foreign  nations.  The  patent  of  19th  March  1501 
gives  a  wider  range  for  discovery  than  even  the  original  one 
to  the  Cabots.  It  authorises  discoveries  to  the  South ;  ad 
omnes  partes,  regiones  et  fines  maris  Orientalis,  Occidentalis, 
JLustralis,  Borealis  et  Septentrionalis."  The  two  marked 
words  occur  in  this  patent,  and  also  in  that  of  9th  December 
1502,  but  are  not  found  in  that  of  5th  March,  1496. 

However  all  this  may  be,  the  meagre  evidence  referred  to 


95 

is  all  that  remains  to  fill  up  fifteen  years  of  Cabot's  life  sub 
sequent  to  the  first  discovery. 

One  fact  is  too  remarkable  not  to  claim  especial  notice. 
Amerigo  Vespucci  accompanied  Hojeda,  and  it  is  now  agreed 
that  this  was  the  first  occasion  on  which  he  crossed  the  Atlan 
tic.  Sebastian  Cabot  was  found  prosecuting  his  Third  Voyage 
from  England.*  Yet,  while  the  name  of  one  overspreads  the 
New  World,  no  bay,  cape,  or  headland  recalls  the  memory  of 
the  other.  While  the  falsehoods  of  one  have  been  diffused 
with  triumphant  success,  England  has  suffered  to  moulder  in 
obscurity,  in  one  of  the  lanes  of  the  Metropolis,  the  very 
Record  which  establishes  the  discovery  effected  by  her  Great 
Seaman  fourteen  months  before  Columbus  beheld  the  Conti 
nent,  and  two  years  before  the  lucky  Florentine  had  been 
West  of  the  Canaries. 

*  See  Appendix  (B.)- 


96 


CHAP.  XII. 

CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  FERDINAND  OF  SPAIN  AND  LORD  WILLOUGH- 
BTDE  BROKE — CABOT  ENTERS  THE  SERVICE  OF  SPAIN  13TH  SEPTEM 
BER,  1512 REVISION  OF  MAPS  AND  CHARTS,  IN  1 5 1 5-^APPOINTED  A 

MEMBER  OF  THE  COUNCIL  OF  THE  INDIES— PROJECTED  EXPEDITION  TO 
THE   NORTH  UNDER  HIS   COMMAND,   TO    SAIL   IN   MARCH   1516— DEATH 

OF   FERDINAND    IN    JANUARY,  1516 — INTRIGUES CABOT    RETURNS  TO 

ENGLAND. 

THE  disappearance  of  Cabot's  Maps  and  Discourses,  which 
were,  so  long  after  his  death,  in  the  custody  of  William  Wor- 
thington,  ready  for  publication,  cannot  but  painfully  recur  to 
us  in  contemplating  the  long  period  during  which  we  are  ab 
solutely  without  materials  for  even  conjecturing  the  manner 
in  which  he  was  employed.  These  documents  would,  of 
course,  have  supplied  abundant  information ;  but  in  their 
absence  we  are  compelled  to  pass  abruptly  to  the  new  theatre 
on  which  he  was  called  to  perform  a  conspicuous  part. 

Singular  as  it  may  appear  with  regard  to  a  fact  so  well  set 
tled,  as  the  period  at  which  he  quitted  his  native  country 
and  entered  the  service  of  Spain,  there  exist  on  this  point 
statements  quite  irreconcilable  with  each  other,  and  yet 
equally  unfounded.  In  the  Conversation  given  by  Ramusio, 
and  with  which  the  name  of  Butrigarius  has  been  subse 
quently  connected,  Cabot  is  made  to  say  that  the  troubles  in 
England  led  him  to  seek  employment  in  Spain  where  he  was 
very  graciously  received  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  The 
queen  died  in  1504 ;  and  many  English  writers,  relying  on  the 
Conversation,  have  assumed  that  Cabot  entered  a  foreign  ser 
vice  immediately  after  his  return  from  the  original  discovery. 
Others  say,  that  he  first  went  abroad  after  the  expedition 
from  England  in  1517.  This  assertion  is  found  in  the  Biogra- 


97 

phia  Britannica,  Pinkerton,  Rees,  Aikin,  Chalmers,  Camp 
bell's  Lives  of  the  Admirals,  &c.  The  Biographic  Univer- 
selle  postpones  his  departure  to  1526. 

We  are  told  by  Peter  Martyr  (Decade  iii.  cap.  vi.),  that 
Cabot  did  not  leave  England  until  after  the  death  of  Henry 
VII. ,  which  occurred  in  1509.  The  venerable  Historian  of 
the  Indies  is  right,  and  we  thus  find  completed  the  circle  of 
errors  in  that  deceptive  Conversation.  Herrera,  the  writer 
of  the  highest  authority  on  these  subjects — Historiographer 
of  the  King  of  Spain,  and  enjoying  familiar  access  to  every 
document,  stated,  more  than  two  centuries  ago,  that  Cabot 
received  his  appointment  from  the  King  of  Spain  on  the  13th 
September  1512,  and  even  furnished  the  particulars  of  the 
negotiation. 

It  may  readily  be  conceived  that  the  wily  Ferdinand  would 
be  anxious  to  withdraw,  if  possible,  from  the  service  of  a 
youthful  monarch,  full  of  enterprise  and  ambition,  and  with 
the  accumulated  treasures  of  his  thrifty  father,  a  Navigator 
who  had  opened  to  England  the  glorious  career  of  discovery. 
He  had  little  reason  to  hope  that  Henry  would  pay  greater 
deference  ,than  his  father  to  the  Papal  Bull.  Vespucci,  too, 
who  had  filled  in  Spain  the  office  of  Pilot -Major,  was  just 
dead,  as  appears  by  a  provision  for  his  widow  (Navarette, 
torn.  iii.  p.  305),  on  the  28th  March,  1512.  The  period 
was  favourable  to  Ferdinand's  purpose.  Henry  had,  already, 
consented  to  mingle  rashly  in  the  dissensions  of  the  Conti 
nent,  which  finally  dissipated  the  hoards  of  his  father  and 
the  resources  of  his  kingdom  ;  and  in  this  very  year,  an  army 
was  despatched  from  England,  in  vessels  provided  by  Spain, 
to  co-operate  with  his  crafty  father-in-law.  It  is  now  that  Her 
rera  (Dec.  i.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xiii.)  speaks  of  the  king's  anxiety 
to  discover  the  long  sought  strait,  his  views  on  Baccalaos,  and 
his  wish  to  gather  round  him  all  the  ablest  Cosraographers  of 
the  time.  We  are  expressly  told  that  these  motives  induced 
him. 

N 


98 

"  A  traer  a  su  servicio  a  Sebastian  Gaboto,  Ingles,  por  tenir  noticia  que  era 
esperto  hombre  de  Mar  y  para  esto  escrivio  a  Milort  Ulibi  Capilan  General  del 
Key  de  Ingleterra  que  se  le  embiasse  y  esto  fufr  a  treze  de  Septembre  deste  anno 
Sebastian  Gaboto  vino  a  Castilla  y  el  Rey  le  dio  titulo  da  su  Capitan,  y  buenas 
gages,  y  quedo  en  su  servicio  y  le  mando  residir  en  Sevilla,  para  lo  que  se  le  or- 
denasse."" 

There  is  no  difficulty,  in  recognising,  through  the  disguise 
of  the  Spanish  orthography,  the  name  of  Lord  Willoughby. 
That  nobleman  is  found  at  the  head  of  a  Commission  for  levy 
ing  troops,  dated  29th  March,  1511  (Rymer,  vol.  xiii.  p. 
297),  and  immediately  followed  by  a  letter  from  Ferdinand 
to  Henry,  dated  Seville,  20th  April,  1511,  relative  to  the 
proposed  co-operation.  Lord  Willoughby  landed  at  Plai- 
sance  with  the  English  army  from  the  Spanish  vessels  on  the 
8th  June,  1512  (Herbert's  Life  of  Henry  VIIL,  p.  20). 

Surprise  will  doubtless  be  felt,  that  any  misconception 
should  exist  as  to  a  fact  so  clearly  established.  But  Herrera 
is  known  in  this  country  only  through  a  wretched  translation, 
made  about  a  century  ago  by  a  "  Captain  John  Stevens,"  re 
plete  with  errors,  and  in  which  many  passages  of  the  greatest 
interest  are  entirely  omitted.  Amongst  the  rest,  not  a  sylla 
ble  of  what  has  j  ust  been  quoted  is  found  in  it.  Unfortunately, 
too,  for  the  credit  of  those  who  cite  Herrera,  this  translator 
has  changed  the  order  of  Decades,  Books,  and  Chapters,  and 
yet  given  no  notice  that  he  had  taken  such  a  liberty.  The 
reader,  therefore,  who  attempts  to  verify  the  references  of 
most  English  authors,  will  find  them  agreeing  very  well  with 
the  book  of  Stevens,  but  furnishing  no  clew  to  the  passages 
of  the  original. 

The  Correspondence  referred  to  by  Herrera  between  Fer 
dinand  and  Lord  Willoughby,  would  seem  to  have  been 


*  "To  draw  into  his  service  Sebastian  Cabot,  an  Englishman,  having  heard  of 
his  ability  as  a  seaman;  and  with  this  view  he  wrote  to  Lord  Uliby,  Captain-Gene 
ral  of  the  King  of  England,  to  send  him  over,  and  it  was  on  the  13th  of  Septem 
ber  of  this  year  (1512)  that  Cabot  came  to  Spain.  The  King  gave  him  the  title 
of  his  Captain,  and  a  liberal  allowance,  and  retained  him  in  his  service,  directing 
that  he  should  reside  at  Seville  to  await  orders." 


99 

extant  about  a  century  ago,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  lan 
guage  used  in  the  "Ensaio  Cronologico  Para  La  Historia 
General  De  Florida,"  published  at  Madrid  in  1723.  This 
work,  though  it  appeared  under  the  name  of  Cardenas,  is 
understood  to  have  been  the  production  of  Andre  Goncalez 
Barcia,  Auditor  of  the  supreme  council  of  War  of  the  King 
of  Spain.  In  the  Introduction,  the  author,  after  conjecturing 
the  motives  which  led  Cabot  to  abandon  England  without  re 
luctance,  remarks — 

"  Y  aunque  conserve  siempre  la  Fama  de  Cosmografo,  no 
se  hico  caso  de  el,  en  Inglaterra,  hasta  que  el  Rei  de  Espana, 
por  el  mes  de  Septembre  de  1512,  entendiendo  de  Algunas 
Cosmografos  que  avia  algun  estrecho  a  la  parte  de  la  Tierra 
de  los  Baccalaos  y  otro  a  Occident e,  escrivio  a  Milord  Ulibi, 
Capitan  General  de  Inglaterra,  le  embiase  a  Gaboto,  lo  qual 
egecuto  luego,  como  cosa  que  le  importaba  poco."* 

The  readiness  with  which  Lord  Willoughby  yielded  to  the 
request  of  the  Spanish  monarch,  and  his  making  light  of  the 
favour  conferred,  would  seem  to  be  facts  that  could  only  be 
gathered  from  the  Correspondence  itself.  We  may  presume 
it  to  be  not  now  in  existence,  or  documents  so  curious  would 
doubtless  have  been  published  by  Navarette. 

No  specific  duties  were,  in  the  first  instance,  assigned  to 
Cabot;  but  his  value  was  quickly  discerned  .and  appreciated. 
We  find  him,  in  1515,  mentioned  (Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  i. 
cap.  xii.)  in  connexion  with  an  object,  about  which  the  King 
was  very  solicitous — a  general  revision- of  Maps  and  Charts; 
and  in  that  year,  Peter  Martyr  (Dec.  iii.  cap.  vi.)  speaks  of 
him  as  holding  the  dignified  and  important  station  of  a  Mem 
ber  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies.  The  same  writer  informs  us 

•  "  And  though  he  maintained  always  his  reputation  as  cosmographer,  yet  no 
account  was  made  of  him  in  England;  and,  at  length,  the  King  of  Spain,  in  the 
middle  of  September  1512,  understanding  from  cosmographers  that  there  was  a 
Strait  in  some  part  of  the  land  of  Baccalaos,  communicating  with  another  in  the 
West,  wrote  to  Lord  Vlibi,  Captain-General  of  England,  to  send  Cabot  to  him. 
which  he  did  forthwith  as  a  thing  of  little  moment." 


100 

that  an  expedition  had  been  projected  to  sail  in  March  1516, 
under  *the  command  of  Cabot,  in  search  of  the  North- West 
Passage. 

"Familiarem  habeo  domi  Cabotum  ipsum  et  contubernalem  interdum  Fbcatus 
namque  ex  Britannia  a  Rege  nostro  Catholico  post  Henrid  Majoris  Britannia  Regis 
mortem  concurialis  noster  est  expectatque  Indies  ut  navigia  sibi  parcntur  quibus 
arcanum  hoc  nature  latens  jam  tandem  detegatur.  Martio  mense  anni  futuri 
MDXVI.  puto  ad  explorandum  discessurum.  -  Quae  succedent  tua  San-citas  per 
me  intelliget  modo  vivere  detur.  Ex  Castellanis  non  desunt  qui  Cabotum  primum 
fuisse  Baccalorum  repertorem  negant,  tantumque  ad  Occidentem  tetendisse 
minime  assentiuntur.*" 

This  passage,  while  it  proves  that  his  talents  had  been  re 
cognised  and  rewarded  by  the  king,  and  that  his  personal 
character  had  endeared  him  to  the  historian,  also  shows  that 
there  already  existed  against  the  successful  stranger,  the  same 
malignant  jealousy  to  which  Columbus  fell  a  victim.  Unfor 
tunately  for  Cabot,  Ferdinand  died  on  the  23rd  of  January, 
1516.  This  circumstance  would  seem  to  have  put  an  end  to 
the  contemplated  expedition,  and  it  is  probable  that  in  the 
scenes  which  immediately  followed,  full  scope  was  given  to 
that  feeling  of  dislike  and  pretended  distrust,  which  had  not 
dared  to  exhibit  itself,  in  any  marked  manner,  during  the 
king's  life.  Charles  V.,  occupied  elsewhere,  did  not  reach 
Spain  for  a  considerable  time.  The  original  publication  of 
the  three  first  Decades  of  Peter  Martyr  has  a  Dedication  to 
him,  dated  October  1516,  in  which  the  youthful  sovereign  is 
entreated  to  enter  at  once  on  a  consideration  of  the  wonders  of 
that  New  World  with  which  the  work  is  occupied — "  Come 

•  «4  Cabot  is  my  very  friend  whom  I  use  familiarly,  and  delight  to  have  him 
sometimes  keepe  me  companie  in  my  own  house.  For  being  calledout  of  England 
by  the  commandment  of  the  Catholic  King  of  Castile,  after  the  death  of  King 
Henry  of  England  the  Seventh  of  that  name,  he  was  made  one  of  our  Council  and 
assistance  as  touching  the  affairs  of  the  New  Indies,  looking  daily  for  ships  to  be 
furnished  for  him  to  discover  this  hid  secret  of  nature.  This  voyage  is  appointed 
to  be  begun  in  March  in  the  year  next  following,  being  the  year  of  Christ  1516. 
"What  shall  succeed,  your  Holiness  shall  be  advertised  by  ray  letters  if  God  grant 
me  life.  Some  of  the  Spaniards  deny  that  Cabot  was  the  first  finder  of  Baccalaos, 
and  affirm  that  he  went  not  so  far  westward."  Eden's  translation,  Decades, 
fcl.  119. 


101 

therefore  most  Noble  Prince,  elected  of  God,  and  enjoy  that 
high  Estate  not  yet  fully  understood,"  &c.  During  what 
may  be  called  the  interregnum,  a  scene  of  the  most  odious 
intrigue  was  exhibited. 

««  All  the  great  qualities  of  Chievres,  the  Prime  Minister,  and  favourite  of  the 
young  King,  were  sullied  with  an  ignoble  and  sordid  avarice.  The  accession  of 
his  master  to  the  Crown  of  Spain,  opened  a  new  and  copious  source  for  the  grati 
fication  of  this  passion.  During  the  time  of  Charles's  residence  in  Flanders,  the 
whole  tribe  of  pretenders  to  office  or  to  favour,  resorted  thither.  They  soon 
discovered  that  without  the  patronage  of  Chievres,  it  was  vain  to  hope  for  pre 
ferment  ;  nor  did  they  want  sagacity  to  find  out  the  proper  method  of  securing 
him.  Vast  sums  of  money  were  drawn  out  of  Spain.  Every  thing  was  venal  and 
disposed  of  to  the  highest  bidder.  After  the  example  of  Chievres,  the  inferior 
Flemish  Ministers  engaged  in  this  traffic,  which  became  as  general  and  avowed  as 
it  was  infamous.*** 

A  curious  illustration  of  the  truth  of  these  representations 
is  found  amongst  the -papers  lately  published  by  Navarette. 
A  letter  occurs  (torn.  iii.  p.  307),  from  Charles  to  Bishop 
Fonseca,  dated  Brussels  18th  November  1516,  which  states 
a  representation  by  Andres  de  St  Martin,  that  on  the  death 
of  Amerigo  Vespucci,  about  five  years  before,  the  late  king 
had  intended  to  confer  on  the  said  St  Martin  the  office  of 
Pilot -Major,  but  that  owing  to  accidental  circumstances  this 
intention  was  frustrated,  and  Juan  Dias  de  Solis  appointed. 
The  latter  being  now  dead,  St  Martin  had  preferred  a  claim 
to  the  appointment.  Charles  commands  Fonseca  to  inquire 
into  the  facts,  and  also  into  the  capacity  and  fitness  of  the  ap 
plicant.  We  may  conceive  that,  at  such  a  period,  the  pros 
pect  was  a  cheerless  one  for  Cabot,  previously  regarded,  as 
has  been  seen,  with  obloquy.  It  is  of  evil  omen,  also,  to  find 
in  authority  the  intriguer  Fonseca,  who  has  obtained  an  in 
famous  notoriety  as  the  enemy  of  Columbus  against  whom  his 
most  successful  weapon  was  the  Spanish  jealousy  of  foreigners. 
Finding  himself  slighted,  Cabot  returned  to  England. 


*  Robertson's  Charles  V.  Book  I. 


103 


CHAP.  XIII. 

CABOT'S  VOYAGE  OF  1517  FROM  ENGLAND  IN  SEARCH  OF  THE  NORTH 
WEST  PASSAGE. 

THE  enterprising  and  intrepid  spirit  of  our  Navigator  would 
seein  to  have  found  immediate  employment,  and  he  is  again 
on  the  Ocean.  He  was  aided,  doubtless,  by  being  able  to 
point  to  his  own  name  in  Letters  Patent,  granted  so  long  be 
fore  by  the  father  of  the  reigning  monarch,  whose  provisions 
could  not,  in  justice,  be  considered  as  extinct. 

For  a  knowledge  of  this  expedition,  we  are  indebted,  prin 
cipally,  to  Richard  Eden,  that  friend  of  Cabot,  to  whom  a 
tribute  of  gratitude  has  been  heretofore  paid.  He  published 
in  1553  a  work*  bearing  this  title — 

"A  treatyse  of  the  Newe  India,  with  other  new  founde landes  and  Ilandes,  as 
well  Eastwarde  as  Westwarde,  as  they  are  known  and  found  in  these  cure  dayes 
after  the  description  of  Sebastian  Munster,  in  his  booke  of  Universal  Cosmogra- 
phie ;  wherein  the  diligent  reader  may  see  the  good  successe  and  rewarde  of  noble 
and  honest  enterprizes,  by  the  which  not  only  worldly  ryches  are  obtayned,  but 
also  God  is  glorified,  and  the  Christian  fayth  enlarged.  Translated  out  of  Latin 
into  English,  by  Bycharde  Eden.  Prxter  spem  sub  spe.  Imprinted  at  London, 
inLombarde  street,  by  Edward  Sutton,  1553." 

The  volume  is  dedicated  to  the  Duke  of  Northumberland. 
The  checks  are  so  many  and  powerful  on  a  departure  from 
truth,  even  aside  from  the  character  of  the  writer,  as  to  relieve 
us  from  any  apprehension  of  mis-statement.  Cabot  then  re 
sided  in  England,  occupying  a  conspicuous  station.  The 
passage  about  to  be  quoted  contains  a  reproach  on  a  sea- 
officer,  of  the  time  of  Henry  VIII. ,  and  it  is  not  likely  that 
such  expressions  would  be  addressed  to  one  who  had  been 

*  In  the  Library  of  the  British  Museum,  title  in  catalogue,  Munster. 


103 

Lord  High  Admiral  in  that  reign,  unless  the  facts  were  no 
torious  and  indisputable,  particularly  while  many  of  those 
engaged  in  the  expedition  were  living.  The  following  is  the 
language  of  the  Dedication — 

*«  Which  manly  courage  (like  unto  that  which  hath  been  seen  and  proved  in  your 
Grace,  as  well  in  forene  realmes  as  also  in  this  our  country)  if  it  had  not  been 
wanting  in  other  in  these  our  dayes  at  such  time  as  our  sovereigne  Lord  of  noble 
memory,  King  Henry  the  Eighth,  about  the  same  [eighth]  yere  of  his  raygne, 
furnished  and  set  forth  certen  shippes  under  the  governaunce  of  Sebastian  Cabot  yet 
living,  and  one  Sir  Thomas  Perte,  whose  faynt  heart  was  the  cause  that  that  viage 
toke  none  effect,  if  (I  say)  such  manly  courage  whereof  we  have  spoken  had  not 
at  that  tyme  bene  wanting,  it  myghte  happelye  have  come  to  passe  that  thatriche 
treasurye  called  Perularia  (which  is  now  in  Spayne,  in  the  citie  of  Civile  and  so 
named,  for  that  in  it  is  kepte  the  infinite  ryches  brought  thither  from  the  newe- 
foundland  of  Peru  myght  longe  since  have  bene  in  the  Tower  of  London,  to  the 
Kinges  great  honoure  and  welth  of  this  his  realme." 

With  this  passage  Hakluyt  (vol.  iii.  p.  498)  properly  con 
nects  the  language  employed  by  Robert  Thorne  in  1527,  in 
a  letter  addressed  to  Henry  VIII.  The  object  of  Thorne 
(Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  212)  was  to  urge  a  search  for  the  passage  in 
the  North,  and  he  suggests  three  routes— the  North-Eastern, 
afterwards  attempted  by  Willoughby — the  North-Western — 
and,  finally,  a  course  directly  over  the  Pole,  giving  a  prefer 
ence,  so  far  as  may  be  inferred  from  order  in  suggestion,  to  the 
first— 

"  Yet  these  dangers  or  darkness  hath  not  letted  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese 
and  others,  to  discover  many  unknown  realms  to  their  great  peril.  Which  con 
sidered  (and  that  your  Graces  subjects  may  have  the  same  light)  it  will  seem 
your  Graces  subjects  to  be  without  activity  or  courage,  in  leaving  to  do  this 
glorious  and  noble  enterprise.  For  they  being  past  this  little  way  which  they 
named  so  dangerous,  (which  may  be  two  or  three  leagues  before  they  come 
to  the  Pole,  and  as  much  more  after  they  pass  the  Pole)  it  is  clear,  that  from 
thenceforth  the  seas  and  lands  are  as  temperate  as  in  these  parts,  and  that 
then  it  may  be  at  the  will  and  pleasure  of  the  mariners,  to  choose  whether  they 
will  sail  by  the  coasts  that  be  cold,  temperate  or  hot.  For  they  being  past  the 
Pole,  it  is  plain  they  may  decline  to  what  part  they  list. 

"  If  they  will  go  toward  the  Orient,  they  shall  enjoy  the  regions  of  all  the  Tar- 
tariansthat  extend  toward  the  midday,  and  from  thence  they  may  go  and  proceed 
to  the  land  of  the  Chinese,  and  from  thence  to  the  land  of  Cathaio  Oriental,  which 
>s,  of  all  the  main  land,  most  Oriental  that  can  be  reckoned  from  our  habitation. 
And  if,  from  thence,  they  do  continue  their  navigation,  following  the  coasts  that 
return  toward  the  Occident,  they  shall  fall  in  with  Malaca,  and  so  with  all  the  In- 


104 

dies  which  we  call  Oriental,  and  following  the  way,  may  return  hither  by  the  Cape 
of  Buona  Speransa;  and  thus  they  shall  compass  the  whole  world.  And  if  they 
will  take  their  course  after  they  be  past  the  Pole,  toward  the  Occident,  they  shall 
go  in  the  backside  of  the  Newfoundland,  and  which  of  late  was  discovered  by  your 
Grace's  servants,  until  they  came  to  the  backside  and  south  seas  of  the  Indies  Oc 
cidental.  And  so  continuing  their-voyage,  they  may  return  through  the  strait  of 
Magellan  to  this  country,  and  so  they  compass  also  the  world  by  that  wayj  and  if 
they  go  this  third  way,  and  after  they  be  past  the  Pole,  go  right  toward  the  Pole 
antarctic,  and  then  decline  towards  the  lands,  and  islands  situated  between- the 
Tropics,  and  under  the  Equinoctial,  without  doubt  they  shall  find  there  the  rich 
est  lands  and  islands  of  the  World  of  Gold,  precious  stones,  balmes,  spices,  and 
other  things  that  we  here  esteem  most  which  come  out  of  strange  countries,  and 
may  return  the  same  way. 

*'  By  this  it  appeareth,  your  Grace  hath  not  only  a  great  advantage  of  the  riches, 
but  also  your  subjects  shall  not  travel  halfe  of  the  way  that  others  do,  which  go 
round  about  as  aforesaid." 

He  remarks  again , 

"To  which  places  there  is  left  one  way  to  discover,  which  is  into  the  North; 
/or  that  of  the  four  parts  of  the  world,  it  seemeth  thre.e  parts  are  discovered  by 
other  princes;  For  out  of  Spaine  they  have  discovered  all  the  Indies  and  seas 
Occidental,  and  out  of  Portugal  all  the  Indies  and  seas  Oriental:  so  that  by  this 
part  of  the.  Orient  and  Occident,  they' have  compassed  the  world.  For  the  one 
of  them  departing  toward  the  Orient,  and  the  other  toward  the  Occident,  met 
again  in  the  course  or  way  of  the  midst  of  the  day,  and  so  then  was  discovered  a 
great  part  of  the  same  seas  and  coasts  by  the  Spaniards.  So  that  now  rest  to  be 
discovered  the  said  North  parts,  the  which  it  seemeth  to  me  is  only  your  charge 
and  duty.  Because  the  situation  of  this  your  realm  is  thereunto  nearest  and  apt- 
«st  of  all  others  j  and  also  for  that  you  have  already  taken  it  in  hand.  And  in  mine 
opinion  it  will  not  seem  well  to  leave  so  .great  and  profitable  an  enterprise,  seeing 
it  may  so  easily  and  with  so  little  cost,  labor,  and  danger,  be  followed  and  ob 
tained,  though  heretofore  your  Grace  hath  made-/Aera>/  a  proofe,  and  found  not 
the  commodity  thereby  as  you  trusted,  at  this  time  it  shall  be  no  impedient.  For 
there  may  be  now  provided  remedies  for  things,  then  lacked*  and  the  inconve 
niences  and  lets  removed,  that  then  were  cause  that  your  Grace's  desire  took  no 
/ull  effect,  which  is,  the  courses  to  be  changed,  ami  followed  the  aforesaid  new 
courses.  And  concerning  the  mariners,  ships,  and  provisions,  an  order  may  be 
devised  and  taken  meet  and  convenient,  much  better  than  hitherto.  By  reason 
whereof,  and  by  God's  grace,  no  doubt  your  purpose  shall  take  effect.  Surely 
the  cost  herein  will  be  nothing,  in  comparison  to  the  great  profit.  The  labour  is 
much  less,  yea  nothing  at  all,  where  so  great  honour  and  glory  is  hoped  for;  and 
considering  well  the  courses,  truly  the  danger  and  way  is  shorter  to  us,  than  to 
Spain  or  Portugal,  as  by  evident  reasons  appeareth." 

It  would  seem  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  writer  here  puts 
distinctly  to  Henry,  as  the  two  grounds  for  looking  to  the 
North,  the  advantageous  position  of  his  own  dominions  in 


105 

reference  to  a  passage  in  that  quarter,  and  the  fact  that  his 
former  experiment  had  taken  that  direction. 

Hakluyt  approached  the  subject  under  a  misconception, 
the  source  of  which  will  presently  be  pointed  out,  that  Cabot 
had  gone  to  the  South  on  this  occasion,  and  supposes  that  he 
finds  a  confirmation  of  it  in  that  part  of  the  passage  quoted 
from  Thorne,  which  speaks  of  a  change  of  the  courses.  Not 
only,  however,  is  this  assumption  against  the  evidence  from 
other  quarters,  but  Thome's  own  words  repel  it.  He  had 
just  suggested  a  passage  by  the  North,  and  then  eagerly  anti 
cipates  and  answers  the  objections  which  might  be  urged,  and 
it  naturally  occurs  to  him  as  the  most  forcible  of  these,  that 
the  king  had  already  made  a  proof  in  that  quarter  without 
success.  Could  he  have  apprehended  such  an  objection  to 
his  project  from  a  failure  in  the  South?  To  suppose  that  he 
wished  to  combat  the  presumption  against  the  existence  of  a 
strait  arising  from  ill  success  there,  will  appear  ridiculous,  if 
we  note  that  the  passage  in  the  South  had  been,  in  point  of 
fact,  discovered  by  Magellan,  and  is  actually  referred  to  by 
Thorne  as  affording  a  convenient  route  for  the  return  voyage. 

The  words  on  which  Hakluyt  would  lay  this  undue  stress 
have  ample  operation  when,  aside  from  the  various  courses 
for  attempting  a  North- West  passage,  here  were  two  others 
suggested,  and  a  seeming  preference  given  to  that  by  the 
North-East.  Captain  Parry  took  many  different  "  courses" 
with  a  more  limited  object  in  view. 

In  the  reference  made  by  Thorne  to  the  Newfoundland, 
"which  of  late  was  discovered  by  your  Grace's  subjects" 
he  evidently  treats  as  an  original  discovery  that  further  ad 
vance  to  the  North,  which  we  may  presume  to  have  been 
made  on  this  occasion.  The  same  person,  in  his  letter  to  Dr 
Ley  (1  Hakluyt,  p.  219),  speaking  of  the  passage  by  the 
North,  remarks,  that  he^  probably,  derived  the  "  inclination 
or  desire  of  this  discovery"  from  his  father,  who,  "  with  ano 
ther  merchant  of  Bristow,  named  Hugh  Eliot,  were  the  dis 
coverers  of  the  Newfoundlands."  Now,  we  have  seen  his 
O 


106 

previous  application  of  the  epithet,  which  is,  in  truth,  most 
appropriate  to  the  latest  discovery.  Couple  this  with  another 
fact.  The  name  of  Thome  does  not  occur  in  any  of  the 
patents.  Of  the  two  to  which  we  shall  have  occasion  here 
after  to  advert,  subsequent  to  those  of  the  Cabots,  one  is 
dated  19th  March,  1501,  and  is  in  favour  of  certain  Portu 
guese,  who  are  associated  with  three  merchants  of  Bristol, 
Richard  Ward,  Thomas  Ashehurst,  and  John  Thomas.  This 
is  now,  for  the  first  time,  published  from  the  Rolls  in  the  pre 
sent  volume.  The  last  patent  bears  date  9th  December, 
1502,  and  is  found  in  Rymer  (vol.  xiii.  p.  37).  The  names 
of  Ward  and  Thomas  are  dropped,  and  Hugh  Eliot  is  asso 
ciated  with  Ashehurst  and  the  Portuguese.  Thus  the  name 
with  which  Thome  connects  that  of  his  father  does  not  ap 
pear  until  this  late  period.  We  have  no  doubt  that  when, 
after  an  interval  of  fifteen  years,  the  reappearance  of  Cabot 
called  attention  to  this  patent,  which  had  lain  dormant,  Thorne 
acquired  from  Ashehurst  or  his  representatives  the  interest 
of  that  person.  Robert  Thorne,  the  son,  speaks  of  the  two 
associates,  "  my  father,  who,  with  another  merchant  of  Bris- 
tow,  named  Hugh  Eliot/'  a  language  well  agreeing  with  the 
explanation  suggested. 

It  appears  from  the  epitaph  of  Robert  Thorne  (S tow's  Sur 
vey  of  London,  and  Fuller's  Worthies),  that  he  was  born  in 
1492,  a  circumstance  that  may  assist  in  enabling  us  to  sup 
pose  his  father  at  a  not  very  advanced  age  in  1516. 

A  striking  instance  of  the  inaccuracy  of  Purchas,  occurs 
in  his  statement  of  the  expression  used  by  Thorne.  He  says 
(Pilgrims,  vol.  iv.  p.  1812),  "  Robert  Thorne,  in  a  book  to 
Doctor  Leigh,  writeth,  that  his  father,  with  another  mer 
chant  of  Bristol,  Hugh  Eliot,  were  the  first  discoverers  of  the 
Newfoundlands."  Had  Thorne  really  said  "first"  he  must 
have  intended  deception ;  but  no  such  word  is  found  either 
in  the  letter  itself  (Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  219),  or  in  Hakluyt's 
subsequent  reference  to  it  (vol.  iii.  p.  10).  The  absence  of 
the  very  epithet  which  Purchas  deemed  it  necessary  to  inter- 


107 

poLte,  in  order  to  suit  his  own  notion  of  what  was  meant, 
forms  a  strong  argument  to  prove,  what  is  sufficiently  clear 
from  the  context,  that  Thome  alludes  to  the  recent  discovery 
made  by  the  subjects  of  Henry  VIII. 

It  may  be  repeated,  then,  that  in  his  speculations  on  the 
North-West  Passage,  Thome  says,  "  And  if  they  will  take 
their  course  after  they  be  past  the  Pole  toward  the  West, 
they  shall  go  on  the  back  side  of  the  Newfoundland  which 
of  late  was  discovered  \sy  your  Grace's  subjects,  until  they 
come  to  the  back  side  and  South  seas  of  the  Indies  Occident 
al."  Thus  by  advancing  resolutely  in  the  route  before  taken 
in  the  North  by  "  his  Grace's  subjects,"  the  Western  side  of 
the  American  Continent  would  be  attained.  Now  it  is  re 
markable,  that  in  speaking  of  the  effort  made  under  the  aus 
pices  of  Hugh  Eliot  and  his  father,  he  says  to  Dr  Ley  (Hak- 
luyt,  vol.  i.  p.  219),  "of  which  there  is  no  doubt  (as  now 
plainly  appeareth),  if  the  mariners  would  then  have  been 
ruled  and  followed  their  pilot's  mind  the  lands  of  the  West 
Indies  (from  whence  all  the  gold  cometh)  had  been  ours,  for 
all  is  one  coast  as  by  the  card  appeareth  and  is  aforesaid." 
Thus  we  find  that  the  frustration  of  the  object  is  imputed  to 
those  who  refused  to  follow  their  pilot's  wishes,  and  that  the 
golden  visions  of  Thorne  are  those  belonging  to  a  successful 
prosecution  of  the  North- Western  Discovery.  Is  it  possible 
to  hesitate  about  connecting  this  with  the  language  of  Eden  as 
to  the  faint-heartedness  of  Sir  Thomas  Pert,  and  the  general 
opinion,  in  1553,  that  owing  to  that  faint-heartedness  the  trea 
sures  of  Peru  were  at  Seville  instead  of  the  Tower  of  Lon 
don? 

The  manner  in  which  Hakluyt  and  subsequent  writers  have 
been  betrayed  into  error  with  regard  to  this  expedition  re 
mains  to  be  considered. 


108 


CHAP.  XIV. 

HAKLUYT'S  ERROR  WITH  REGARD  TO  THE  VOYAGE  OF  1517. 

HAKLUYT  was  under  an  impression  that  there  should  be  taken 
in  connexion  with  this  voyage  a  passage  in  the  Spanish  histo 
rian  Oviedo,  of  which  he  found  a  translation  in  Ramusio.  It 
is  but  just  that  he  should  be  fully  heard  on  this  point — 

"  Moreover  it  seemeth  that  Gonsalvo  de  Oviedo,  a  famous  Spanish  writer, 
alludeth  unto  the  sayde  voyage  in  the  beginning  of  the  13th  chapter  of  the  19th 
booke  of  his  generall  and  natural  historic  of  the  West  Indies^  agreeing  very  weU 
With  the  time  about  which  Richard  Eden  writeth  that  the  foresaid  voyage  was  be 
gun.  The  author's  wordes  are  these,  as  I  finde  them  translated  into  Italian  by  that 
excellent  and  famous  man  Baptista  Ramusius.*3* 

After  giving  the  Italian  version,  Hakluyt  proceeds — 

"This  extract  importeth  thus  much  in  English,  to  wit:  '  That  in  the  yeere 
1517,  an  English  rover,  under  the  colour  of  travelling  to  discover,  came  with  a 
great  shippe  unto  the  parts  of  Brasill,  on  the  coaste  of  the  firme  lande,  and  from 
thence  he  crossed  over  unto  this  Hand  of  Hispaniola,  and  arrived  neere  unto  the 
mouth  of  the  haven  of  the  citie  of  S.  Domingo,  and  sent  his  shipboate  full  of  men 
on  shore,  and  demanded  leave  to  enter  into  this  haven,  saying  that  he  came  with 
merchandise  to  traffique.  But  at  that  very  instant  the  governour  of  the  castle, 
.Francis  de  Tapia,  caused  a  tire  of  ordinance  to  be  shot  from  the  castle  at  the  ship, 
for  she  bare  in  directly  with  the  haven.  When  the  Englishmen  sawe  this,  they 
withdrew  themselves  out,  and  those  that  were  in  the  shipboate,  got  themselves, 
with  all  speede,  on  ship-board.  And  in  trueth  the  warden  of  the  castle  committed 
an  oversight:  for  if  the  shippe  had  entred  into  the  haven,  the  men  thereof  could  not 
have  come  on  lande  without  leave  both  of  the  citie  and  of  the  castle.  Therefore 
the  people  of  the  ship  seeing  how  they  were  received,  sayled  toward  the  Hand 
of  S.  John,  and  entering  into  the  port  of  S.  Germaine,  the  English  men  parled 
with  those  of  the  towne,  requiring  victuals  and  things  needefull  to  furnish  their 
ship,  and  complained  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  S.  Domingo,  saying  that 
they  came  not  to  doe  any  harme,  but  to  trade  and  traffique  for  their  money  and 
merchandise.  In  this  place  they  had  certaine  victuals,  and  for  recompense  they 
gave  and  paid  them  with  certain  vessels  of  wrought  tinne  and  other  things.  And 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  499. 


109 

afterward  they  departed  toward  Europe,  where  it  is  thought  they  arrived  not;  for 
we  never  heard  any  more  newes  of  them.'/* 

Herrera  has  an  account  of  the  visit  somewhat  more  at 
large  (Dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  iii.),  and  refers  to  the  statement  of 
Gines  Navarro,  the  captain  of  a  caravel  of  St  Domingo,  who 
happening  to  be  at  St  John  when  the  English  vessel  arrived 
at  that  Island,  went  off  to  her,  supposing  her  to  be  of  his  own 
country.  According  to  him,  the  ship  was  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  tons  burthen,  and  had  on  board  sixty  men.  She  was 
accompanied  by  a  pinnace  having  two  guns  in  her  bows,  with 
twenty-five  men  armed  with  crossbows  and  wearing  corslets. 
The  commander  of  the  ship  offered  to  show  his  instructions 
from  the  king  of  England  ("  la  instruccion  que  llevaba  de  el 
Rei  de  Inglaterra"),  and  requested  Navarro  to  proceed  in 
company  with  his  own  vessel  to  show  the  way  to  St  Domingo. 
The  English  were  plentifully  supplied  with  provisions,  and 
had  a  great  quantity  of  woollen  and  linen  goods  with  other 
merchandise,  for  the  purpose  of  traffic.  They  effected  at  St 
John's  a  barter  of  some  tin,  and  proceeding  afterwards  to  St 
Domingo,  sent  a  boat  ashore  with  a  message  that  their  object 
was  trade,  and  remained  off  the  island  for  two  days.  The 
commander  of  the  fort  sent  to  the  authorities  for  instructions 
how  to  act,  and  not  receiving  a  timely  answer  fired,  on  his 
own  responsibility,  at  the  strangers,  on  which  they  recalled 
their  boat  and  went  round  to  the  Island  of  St  John,  and  after 
remaining  some  time  carrying  on  a  barter  with  the  inhabitants 
of  the  town  of  St  Germain,  disappeared. 

The  account  which,  according  to  Navarro,  they  gave  of 
themselves,  was  this: — 

"  They  said  that  they  were  Englishmen,  and  that  the  ship  was  from  England, 
and  th&t  she  and  her  consort  had  been  equipped  to  go  and  seek  the  land  of  the 
Great  Cham,  that  they  had  been  separated  in  a  tempest,  and  that  the  ship  pur. 
suing  her  course  had  been  in  a  frozen  sea,  and  found  great  islands  of  ice,  and  that 
taking  a  different  course,  they  came  into  a  warm  sea,  which  boiled  like  water  in  a 
kettle,  and  lest  it  might  open  the  seams  of  the  vessel  they  proceeded  to  examine 


*  Ib. 


110 

the  Baccalaos,  where  they  found  fifty  sail  of  vessels,  Spanish,  French,  and  Portu 
guese,  engaged  in  fishing;  that  going  on  shore  to  communicate  with  the  natives, 
the  pilot,  a  native  of  Piedmont,  was  killed;  that  they  proceeded  afterwards  along 
the  coast  to  the  river  Chicory,  and  crossed  over  thence  to  the  island  of  St  John. 
Asking  them  what  they  sought  in  these  islands,  they  said  that  they  wished  to  ex 
plore  in  order  to  make  report  to  the  King  of  England,  and  to  procure  a  load  of 
the  Brasil  wood." 

Such  was  the  report  of  Navarro.  The  officer  commanding 
the  fort  was  arrested,  because  by  his  precipitate  conduct  the 
opportunity  was  lost  of  ascertaining  who  were  the  intruders, 
and  what  their  object.  On  the  facts  being  reported  to  the 
emperor,  he  viewed  them  with  great  uneasiness,  and  «  wished 
that  in  the  Island  of  St  Domingo  they  had  proceeded  in  a 
different  manner,  and  either  by  force  or  stratagem  got  pos 
session  of  the  vessel.  He  was  struck  with  the  inconveniences 
likely  to  result  from  English  vessels  frequenting  those  parts, 
and  gave  strict  orders  that  on  their  again  appearing,  measures 
should  be  adopted  for  taking  them  and  making  an  example  of 
them." 

These  circumstances  are  adverted  to,  for  the  purpose  of 
showing  the  attention  which  was  excited  by  this  visit,  and  the 
anxious  examination,  doubtless,  undergone  by  Navarro  who 
had  communicated  with  the  strangers.  When  Herrera  was 
ordered  by  Philip  II.  to  prepare  his  History,  there  were  sub 
mitted  to  him  documents  of  every  description,  even  the  most 
minute  (Decade  vi.  lib.  iii.  cap.  19) .  His  statement,  then, 
which  goes  thus  into  detail,  was,  probably,  derived  from  the 
Examination,  and  it  establishes  a  representation,  that  the 
Englishmen  spoke  of  the  Baccalaos  as  a  point  at  which  they 
had  touched  on  their  return  from  a  struggle  with  the  perils 
of  the  navigation  further  North, 

There  is  found  in  Purchas  (Pilgrims,  vol.  iii.  p.  855),  a 
« Description  of  the  West  Indies,"  by  Herrera,  being  the 
introduction  to  the  history,  with  a  remark,  "This  author  hath 
written  eight  Decades  of  the  Spanish  Acts  in  the  West  Indies, 
which  give  great  light  to  those  parts,  but  would  be  too  long 
for  this  work."  The  influence  of  the  passage  just  quoted  is 


Ill 

curiously  visible  in  Purchas.     On  reading  it,  he  saw,  at  once, 
that  the  statement  of  Navarro  had  reference  to  the  visit 
spoken  of  by  Oviedo,  and  it  therefore  passed  into  his  mind 
that  the  expedition  proceeded,  in  the  first  instance,  to  the 
North.     When  he  had  occasion,  however,  to  advert  to  the 
circumstance  afterwards,  he  evidently  could  not  recollect 
whence  he  had  derived  the  impression,  or  there  would  have 
been  found  a  reference  to  Herrera  in  his  ambitious  margin, 
instead  of  the  vague  assertion:  "  Afterwards  the  same  Sir 
Sebastian  Cabot  was  sent,  A.t>.  1516,  by  king  Henry  the  VIII., 
together  with  Sir  Thomas  Pert,  Vice- Admiral  of  England/ 
which  after  coasting  this  Continent  the  second  time,  as  I 
have  read9  discovered  the  Coast  of  Brasil,  and  returned  from 
thence  to  St  Domingo  and  Porto  Rico"  (vol.  iv.  p.  1812). 

A  peculiar  anxiety  is  felt  with  regard  to  this  voyage,  be 
cause  it  bears  directly  on  our  estimate  of  Cabot's  character. 
He  had  taken  up,  with  all  the  ardour  which  belongs  to  the 
conceptions  of  a  man  of  his  stamp,  the  opinion  that  a  North- 
West  passage  was  practicable,  and  we  are  grieved  as  well  as 
surprised,  to  find  him  apparently  faltering  in  the  pursuit. 
We  know  from  Peter  Martyr,  his  undiminished  confidence  in 
1515,  and  cannot  understand  why,  immediately  afterwards,  he 
should  be  found  in  a  confused,  rambling  voyage  to  the  South, 
instead  of  following  up  his  great  purpose. 

The  examination  thus  far  has  assumed  that  the  date  given 
by  Ramusio,  in  his  translation  of  Oviedo,  and  adopted  by  E[ak- 
luyt,  is  correct.  It  now  remains  to  show  that  there  has  been 
an  entire  misconception  on  this  point,  and  that  Hakluyt  has 
paid  the  deserved  penalty  of  his  folly  in  quoting  a  Spanish 
book  from  an  Italian  translation. 

The  reference  is  correctly  given  to  book  xix.  cap.  xiii.  of 
Oviedo ;  but  on  turning  to  the  passage,  he  is  found  to  repre 
sent  the  visit  of  the  English  ship  as  occurring  not  in  1517, 
but  in  1527.  There  are  in  the  library  of  the  British  Mu 
seum  the  edition  of  his  work  published  at  Seville  in  1535, 
and  the  next  edition,  corrected  by  the  author,  published  at 


112 

Salamanca,  in  1547.  In  the  king's  library  there  is  a  copy 
of  the  latter  edition.  The  date  given  in  both  editions  is 
MDXXVII.  It  may  be  very  idle  to  attempt  to  fortify  the  state 
ment  of  a  writer  of  the  highest  credit,  and  who  resided  in 
St  Domingo  at  the  very  period  in  question;  but  the  fact  may 
be  mentioned  that  his  narrative  had  not  only  carried  him  up 
to  this  period  but  beyond  it,  for  in.  a  preceding  chapter  (the 
vii.)  of  the  same  book,  he  speaks  of  an  incident  which  oc 
curred  in  September,  1530. 

As  the  reliance  of  Hakluyt  is  exclusively  on  the  "famous 
Spanish  writer  Oviedo,"  it  might  be  sufficient  to  shift  to  its 
proper  side  of  the  scale  the  weight  which  has  been  thus  mis 
placed.  The  point,  however,  is  one  of  interest,  in  reference 
to  the  subsequent  voyage  from  England,  in  1527,  and  we  may 
draw  to  the  rectification  the  testimony  of  Herrera. 

That  writer,  it  is  true,  affixes  no  date  to  the  visit,  and 
while  considering,  at  an  early  period,  the  condition  of  the 
colonies,  he  adverts  to  this  as  one  of  the  circumstances  which 
had  led  to  complaint  and  uneasiness*  This  sort  of  grouping 
is  always  dangerous  in  the  hands  of  an  ambitious  and  florid 
historian,  anxious  to  be  relieved  from  a  chronological  detail  of 
isolated  facts,  and  to  treat  them  in  combination,  and  in  their 
supposed  influence  on  results.  He  has,  while  considering  an 
early  incident,  taken  up  this  and  others  which,  though  pos 
terior  in  point  of  time,  yet  preceded  the  measures  of  pre 
caution,  of  which  they,  in  succession,  indicated  the  necessity. 
The  question  is  placed  beyond  doubt  by  another  occurrence 
almost  contemporary.  Oviedo,  in  the  same  chapter  which 
refers  to  the  Visk  of  the  English  vessel,  adds,  that  about  a 
year  afterwards  ("desde  a  poco  tiempo  o  en  el  siguiente  an- 
no"),  a  French  corsair  made  its  appearance  at  Cuba,  guided 
by  a  villainous  Spaniard,  named  Diego  Ingenio  ("  guiado 
por  un  mal  Espagnol  llamado  Diego  Ingenio").  This  inci 
dent  is  mentioned  by  Herrera,  under  the  year  1529,  and  he 
states  it  to  have  taken  place  in  the  middle  of  October  of  that 
year  (Herrera,  Dec.  iv~  lib.  vi.  chap.  xii.).  His  next  chap- 


113 

ter  (xiii.)  is  occupied  with  the  precautions  taken  for  the  secu 
rity  of  the  Indies,  and  they  are  expressly  referred  to  the  visit 
of  the  English  and  French  Ships.*  Thus  is  obtained  a  de 
cided,  though  superfluous,  confirmation  of  the  accuracy  of 
Oviedo. 

So  soon  as  we  are  assured  of  his  real  statement,  the  im 
probability  that  this  visit  could  have  been  on  the  part  of  Ca 
bot's  expedition  occurs  with  irresistible  force. 

Is  it  at  all  likely  that  one  who  had  just  quitted  the  service 
of  Spain,  and  ^vho  knew  the  jealous  system  of  exclusion  auopted 
with  regard  to  her  American  possessions,  would  be  found  en 
gaged  in  a  silly  and  confused  attempt  to  carry  on  a  commerce 
in  that  quarter?  Again,  is  it  not  probable  that  Navarro 
would  have  recognized  one  whom  we  may  presume  to  have 
been  familiarly  known  to  the  seamen  of  that  day  ?  Would  a 
man,  moreover,  who  had  been  one  of  the  captains  of  the  King 
of  Spain,  and  afterwards  a  member  of  the  council  of  the  Indies, 
have  been  anxious  to  open  a  communication  with  the  author 
ities  of  St  Domingo  ?  Cabot  would  have  known  not  only  that 
the  application  was  idle,  but  that  it  would  subject  him  to  the 
most  odious  reproaches,  for  endeavouring  to  turn  against  Spain 
the  knowledge  acquired  by  having  so  recently  heldji  confi 
dential  post  in  her  service. 

This  last  consideration,  indeed,  suggests  a  pleasing  reflec 
tion  that  his  fame  may  be  successfully  relieved  from  the  sus 
picion  of  having,  even  at  a  moment  of  pique,  consented  to 
engage  in  such  an  enterprise.  The  pure  and  lofty  character  to 
which  all  the  incidents  of  his  life  lay  claim,  renders  us  unwil 
ling  to  credit  what  could  not  but  be  deemed  derogatory.  His 
vindication  has  already,  it  is  hoped,  been  made- out;  and 
when  we  come,  in  its  proper  place,  to  a  voyage  from  England, 
in  1527,  under  totally  diiferent  auspices,  there  will  be  seen 


*  *'  Con  occasion  de  la  nave  Inglesa  que  havia  llegada  al  JPuerto  de  la  Ciudad 
de  Santo  Domingo  de  la  Isla  Espanola,  i  de  los  Franceses  de  que  se  ha  tratado  en 
cl  capitulo  precedente,  el  Obispo  de  Santo  Domingo,  Presidente  del  Audencia 
higo  una  Junta  de  todos  las  Estados  de  la  Isla,  adonde  se  confirio  lo  que  se  debia 
hacer,"  &c. 

P 


114 

the  happy  application  of  what  Oviedo  correctly  refers  to  that 
year.  By  keeping  separate  the  clews  which  Hakluyt  has 
crossed  and  entangled,  there  will  be  attained,  in  each  case,  a 
point  from  which  a  survey  may  be  made  with  the  greatest 
clearness  and  assurance  of  accuracy. 


115 


CHAP.  XV. 

VOYAGE  OF  1517  THE  ONE  REFERRED  TO  BY  CABOT  IN  HIS  LETTER  TO 

RAMUSIO. 

IT  being,   then,  certain  that  the  expedition  of  1517  had  for 
its  object  the  North- West  Passage,  was  it  on  the  llth  June 
1517,  that  Cabot  attained  the  point  mentioned  in  his  letter  to 
Ramusio  ?    The  day  of  the  month  is  given,  not  only  in  that  let 
ter  but  again  by  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  (iii.  Hakluyt,  p.  16), 
from  Cabot's  map.    Many  circumstances  of  corroboration  press 
on  us.     When  Eden  speaks,  in  magnificent  phrase,  of  the 
opportunity  lost  to  England  of  taking  the  lead  of  Spain,  his 
language  is  naturally  referable,  as  has  been  said,  to  the  frus 
tration  of  that  great  effort  to  find  a  way  to  Cataya  which 
Cabot  had  already  essayed,  and  which  Peter  Martyr,  in  1515, 
expressly  tells  us  he  was  on  the  eve  of  again  undertaking. 
In  the  letter  to  Ramusio,  Cabot  declares  that  when  arrested  at 
67°  and-a-half  by  the  timidity  of  his  associates,  he  was  san 
guine  of  success,  and  that  if  not  overruled  he  both  could  and 
would  have  gone  to  Cataya.    Does  not  Eden,  then,  merely  sup 
ply  the  name  of  the  principal  object  of  this  reproach  ?     Let 
us  refer  again  to  the  language  of  Thorne,  which  applies,  we 
know,  to  the  expedition  of  1517  (i.  Hakluyt,  p.  219),  "Of 
the  which  there  is  no  doubt,  as  now  plainly  appeareth,  if  the 
mariners  would  then  have  been  ruled  and  followed  their  pilot's 
mind,  the  lands  of  the  West-Indies,  from  whence  all  the  gold 
cometh,  had  been  ours."     Can  it  be  doubted  that  these  sev 
eral  passages  all  point  to  the  same  incident  ? 

In  the  work  of  Peter  Martyr,  written  before  this  last  voy 
age,  no  allusion  is  found  to  a  mutiny  in  the  North,  but  he 
mentions  expressly  that  in  the  South  the  expedition  was  stop 


116 

ped  by  a  failure  of  provisions.  While  conveying  such  minute 
information  he  would  hardly  have  failed  to  advert  to  a  fact  so 
remarkable  in  itself,  and  bearing  moreover  so  directly  on  the 
question  of  the  supposed  practicability  of  the  enterprise. 

On  the  occasion  alluded  to,  the  lat.  of  67°  and-a-half  had 
been  attained  on  the  llth  June.  This  could  not  have  been 
in  1497,  because  land  was  first  seen  on  the  24th  of  June  of  that 
year.  With  regard  to  the  expedition  of  1498,  which  Peter 
Martyr  and  Gomara  are  supposed  more  particularly  to  refer 
to,  the  month  of  July  is  named  as  that  in  which  the  great 
struggle  with  the  ice  occurred.  Did  not  Cabot,  then,  in 
structed  by  experience,  sail  from  England  earlier  in  the  year 
than  on  the  former  occasions?  In  order  to  be  within  the 
eighth  year  of  Henry  VIII.  mentioned  by  Eden,  he  must  have 
got  off  before  the  22nd  of  April,  if  he  sailed  in  1517. 

The  advance  on  this  occasion  was  so  far  beyond  what  had 
been  made  on  former  voyages,  that  Thorne  does  not  hesitate 
to  give  to  the  region  newly  visited  the  designation  of  New 
foundland  ;  and  it  was  then  probably  that  Cabot  "  sailed  into 
Hudson's  Bay  and  gave  English  names  to  sundry  places  there 
in."* 

No  date  is  mentioned  by  Ramusio  for  the  voyage  alluded  to 
in  Cabot's  letter,  though  from  his  speaking  of  that  Navigator 
as  having  made  discoveries  in  the  time  of  Henry  VII. ,  the 
reader  might  be  led  to  refer  it  to  that  early  period.  One  ex 
pression  is  remarkable.  After  stating  Cabot's  long- continued 
course  West  with  a  quarter  of  the  North,  and  his  reaching 
67°  and-a-half,  Ramusio  says  that  he  would  have  gone  further 
but  for  the  "  malignita  del  padrone  et  de  marinari  sollevati" 
(the  refusal  of  the  master  and  the  mutinous  mariners).  We 
can  hardly  err  in  referring  this  allusion  to  Sir  Thomas  Pert, 
"  whose  faint  heart,"  according  to  Eden,  "was  the  cause  that 
the  voyage  took  none  effect." 

*  Anderson's  History  of  Commerce,  vol.  i.  p.  549.     M'Pherson's  Annals  of  Com 
merce,  vol.  ii.  p.  12. 


117 

It  only  remains  to  express  a  hope  that  as  the  errors  with 
regard  to  this  voyage  had  become  so  firmly  fixed,  and  their 
rectification  was  so  important  to  the  fame  of  Cabot,  the  pre 
ceding  tedious  detail  will  be  excused.  Dr  Robertson,  who  it 
appears  by  the  list  of  authorities  prefixed  to  his  History  of 
America  knew  of  Oviedo  only  through  the  Italian  translation, 
thus  speaks  of  the  memorable  expedition : 

"  Some  merchants  of  Bristol  having  fitted  out  two  ships  for 
the  southern  regions  of  America,  committed  the  conduct  of 
them  to  Sebastian  Cabot,  who  had  quitted  the  service  of  Spain. 
He  visited  the  coasts  of  Brazil,  and  touched  at  the  islands  of 
Hispaniola  and  Porto  Rico,"  &c«  (Book  ix. )  And  in  a  work 
of  the  present  year  (Lardner's  Cyclopaedia,  Maritime  and  In 
land  Discovery,  vol.  ii.  p.  138),  it  is  said,  "Sebastian  Cabot 
sailed  in  1516  with  Sir  John  Pert  to  Porto  Rico,  and  after 
wards  returned  to  Spain," 


118 


CHAP.  XVI. 

CABOT  APPOINTED,    IN    1518,    PILOT-MAJOR. OF  SPAIN SUMMONED  TO  AT 
TEND    THE    CONGRESS    AT    BADAJOS   IN    1524 PROJECTED    EXPEDITION 

UNDER  HIS  COMMAND  TO  THE  MOLUCCAS. 

THE  result  of  the  expedition  of  1517,  however  it  may  have 
added  in  England  to  the  fame  of  Cabot  for  ardent  enterprise 
and  dauntless  intrepidity,  was  not  such  as  to  lead  immediately 
to  a  renewed  effort.  There  had  been  a  failure ;  and  a  second 
expedition  might  be  frustrated  by  similar  causes.  The  mer 
chants  who  were  engaged  in  it  had  probably  sustained  a  heavy 
loss,  and  the  king  was  at  that  time  full  of  anxious  speculations 
about  the  affairs  of  the  Continent.  The  horrible  Sweating- 
Sickness,  too,  which,  from  July  to  December  1517,  spread 
death  and  dismay  not  only  through  the  court  and  the  city, 
but  over  the  whole  kingdom,  suspending  even  the  ordinary 
operations  of  commerce,  left  no  time  to  think  of  the  prosecu 
tion  of  a  distant  and  precarious  enterprise.  It  is  probable, 
therefore,  that  Cabot  might  have  languished  in  inactivity  but 
for  the  new  and  more  auspicious  aspect  of  affairs  in  Spain. 

If  the  youthful  successor  of  Ferdinand  had  looked  into  the 
volume  dedicated  to  him  by  Peter  Martyr,  containing  a  faith 
ful  and  copious  account  of  that  splendid  empire  in  the  west 
to  which  he  had  succeeded,  he  could  not  fail  to  be  struck 
with  the  memorable  enterprise  of  Cabot,  and  the  estimate  of 
his  character  by  that  honest  chronicler.  The  records,  too, 
would  show  the  pains  which  had  been  taken  to  secure  his 
services,  and  the  posts  of  honour  and  confidence  to  which  he 
had  been  rapidly  advanced.  It  would  doubtless  be  asked, 
what  had  been  the  issue  of  that  expedition  under  his  com 
mand,  which  it  appeared  was  to  sail  in  March  1516.  Coup- 


119 

ling  its  abandonment  with  what  he  found  stated  of  the  jealous 
denial  of  that  Navigator's  merits  by  the  Spaniards,  the  sa 
gacity  of  Charles  could  hardly  fail  to  detect  the  secret  causes 
of  Cabot's  disappearance. 

Immediate  measures  in  the  way  of  atonement  would  seem 
to  have  been  taken.  In  1518  Cabot  was  named  Pilot-Major 
of  Spain.* 

The  appointment  is  noted  in  the  general  arrangement  and 
scheme  of  reformation  of  that  year,  but  we  find  it  announced 
again  in  1520,  (Dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  vii.)  with  the  instruc 
tions  of  the  emperor  that  no  pilot  should  proceed  to  the  Indies 
without  previous  examination  and  approval  by  him. f  Possi 
bly,  therefore,  the  final  arrangement  was  not  concluded  until 
the  visit  of  Charles  V.  to  England  in  the  latter  year.  It  would 
seem  that  there  was  no  intermediate  Pilot  Major  between 
Juan  de  Solis  and  Cabot,  for  in  a  Royal  order  of  16th  No 
vember  1523,  relative  to  a  charge  in  the  time  of  De  Solis,  on 
the  salary  of  the  office  (Navarette,  torn.  iii.  p.  308),  Cabot 
is  spoken  of  as  his  successor. 

The  functions  of  this  office,  though  of  great  importance  and 
responsibility,  supply,  of  course,  but  few  incidents  for  record. 
We  might  expect  to  find  the  project  of  the  North- West  pass 
age  revived,  but  many  considerations  were  opposed  to  it. 
The  same  reasons  which  suggested  the  passage  in  the  North 
as  so  desirable  to  England,  on  account  of  her  local  position, 
would  disincline  Spain  from  the  search ;  and  we  accordingly 
find,  that  the  only  feeble  efforts  in  reference  to  it  were  those 
of  Cortez  and  Gomez  on  the  southern  coast  of  North  America. 
All  eyes  were  directed  to  the  South.  Peter  Martyr  is  even 
impatient  that  attention  should  be  turned  towards  Florida 
where  Ayllon  had  landed  in  1523,  and  made  a  tedious  report 
as  to  its  productions.  "  What  need  have  we  of  these  things 


*  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  vii.  Ensaio  Chronologico  para  la  Florida,  In 
troduction- 

fDiose  titulo  Piloto  Major  k  Sebastian  Gaboto  con  orden  que  ningun  Pilot' 
pasase  a  las  Indias  sin  ser  primero  por  el  examinado  i  aprobado. 


120 

which  are  common  with  all  the  people  of  Europe?  To  the 
South !  To  the  South!  They  that  seek  riches  must  not  go 
to  the  eold  and  frozen  North"  (Dec.  viii.  cap.  x.).  The 
hopes  of  adventurers  were  directed  to  the  Moluccas,  through 
the  passage  which  Magellan  had  been  fortunate  enough  to  find 
in  53°,  through  toils  and  perils  so  much  less  than  those  which 
had  been  encountered  in  vain  in  the  North.  The  next  men 
tion  we  find  of  Cabot,  is  a  reference  to  his  opinion  (Herrera, 
Dec.  iiu  lib.  iv.  cap.  xx.),  as  to  the  existence  of  many  islands 
worthy  of  being  explored,  in  the  same  region  with  the  Mo 
luccas.  Seeing  that  the  spirit  of  enterprise  had  taken  this 
direction,  he  seems  to  have  looked  to1  it  as  affording  a  chance 
of  more  active  employment  than  his  present  office.  An  in 
cident  soon  brought  him  conspicuously  forward  in  connexion 
with  this  region. 

Portugal  had  interposed  an  earnest  representation  that  the 
Moluccas  fell  within  the  limits  assigned  to  her  under  the  Pa 
pal  Bull,  and  she  remonstrated,  in  the  strongest  terms,  against 
any  attempt  on  the  part  of  Spain  to  carry  on  a  commerce 
in  that  quarter.*  The  emperor  decided,  therefore,  that  a 
solemn  conference  should  be  held,  at  which  the  subject  might 
be  fully  discussed  and  an  opportunity  afforded  to  Portugal  of 
stating  her  pretensions.  The  son  of  Columbus,  Ferdinand, 
was  also  present^ 

In  attendance  on  this  remarkable  assemblage,  were  the  men 
most  famed  for  their  nautical  knowledge  and  experience ;  not 
as  members,  but  for  the  purpose  of  reference  as  occasion  might 
arise.  At  the  head  of  a  list  of  these,  we  find  the  name  of 
Cabot4  The  conference  was  held  at  Badajos,  in  April  1 524, 
and  on  the  31st  May  the  decision  was  solemnly  proclaimed, 
declaring  that  the  Moluccas  were  situate,  by  at  least  20°, 
within  the  Spanish  limits.  The  Portuguese  retired  in  disgust, 
and  rumours  immediately  reached  Spain,  that  the  young  king 
of  Portugal  was  preparing  a  great  fleet  to  maintain  his  pre- 

*  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  vi.  cap.  ix.  f  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  vi.  cap.  x. 

*  Gomara,  cap.  c-i  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  vi.;  Eden,  Decades,  fol.  241. 


121 

tensions  by  force  and  to  take  and  destroy  any  vessels  which 
might  be  found  presuming  to  urge  a  commerce  in  that  quarter.* 

Immediately  after  the  decision,  a  company  was  formed  at 
Seville  to  prosecute  the  trade  which  had  received  so  high  and 
solemn  a  sanction,  and  Cabot  was  solicited  to  take  the  com 
mand,  f  One  of  the  parties  to  the  association  was  Robert 
Thome  of  Bristol,  then  resident  in  Spain,  who  with  his  part 
ner  was  led  into  the  adventure,  "  principally,"  as  he  says, 
"  for  that  two  English  friends  of  mine,  which  are  somewhat 
learned  in  cosmographie,  should  go  in  the  same  ships  to  bring 
me  certain  relation  of  the  country,  and  to  be  expert  in  the 
navigation  of  those  seas.f  In  September,  1524,  Cabot  re 
ceived  from  the  council  of  the  Indies  permission  to  engage  in 
the  enterprise,  and  he  proceeded  to  give  bond  to  the  Com 
pany  for  the  faithful  execution  of  his  trust. §  His  original 
request  was,  that  four  ships  properly  armed  and  equipped 
should  be  provided  at  the  expense  of  the  Treasury,  while  the 
Company  on  its  part  should  supply  the  requisite  funds  for  the 
commercial  objects.  ||  The  agreement  with  the  emperor  was 
executed  at  Madrid  on  4th  March,  1525, H  and  stipulated  that 
a  squadron  of,  at  least,  three  vessels  of  not  less  than  one  hun 
dred  tons  should  be  furnished,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men.**  The  title  of  Captain  General  was  conferred  on  Ca 
bot  The  emperor  was  to  receive  from  the  Company  four 
thousand  ducats  and  a  share  of  the  profits. 

It  was  proposed,  instead  of  pushing  directly  across  the  Pa- 


*  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  vi.  cap.  x. 

f  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  iii. 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  215.    We  may  conjecture  one  of  these  to  bare  been  Jorge 
Barlo  (George  Barlow),  who,  with  another,  brought  to  Spain  Cabot's  Despatch 
from  the  La  Plata  (Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  iii.  cap.  L). 

§  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  vii.  cap.  vi. 

|  Ib. 

1  Herrera,  Dec.  iil  lib.  ix.  cap.  iii. 

**  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  vii.  cap.  vi.  Herrera, 'Dec.  iii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  iii.  Gomara 
says  two  hundred  and  fifty,  but  his  assertion  has  no  weight  against  the  concurring 
testimony  of  the  two  Historians  cited,  one  a  member  of  the  Council,  and  the  other 
referring  to  official  document0 

Q 


122 

cific,  after  penetrating  through  the  Strait,  as  Magellan  had 
done,  to  proceed  deliberately  and  explore  on  every  side,  par 
ticularly  the  western  coast  of  the  Continent.* 

The  arrangement  at  first  was,  that  the  expedition  should 
sail  in  August,  1525;f  hut  it  was  delayed  by  circumstances  to 
which  it  may  be  proper  now  to  advert  as  bearing  on  its  ulti 
mate  fate. 


*  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  yii.  cap.  vi« 
fib. 


123 


CHAP.  XVII. 


JEALOUSY  OF  THE    CONTEMPLATED    EXPEDITION  ON  THE    PART  OF   PORTU 
GAL MISSION  OF  DIEGO  GARCIA,  A  PORTUGUESE. 

IN  order  to  understand  fully  the  circumstances  which  con 
spired  to  throw  vexatious  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  expe 
dition,  and  in  the  end  to  defeat  its  main  object,  we  must  go 
back  to  the  voyage  of  Magellan  that  first  opened  to  Spain  a 
direct  communication  with  those  regions  of  which  Portugal 
had  before  monopolised  the  lucrative  commerce. 

No  sooner  did  the  project  of  that  intrepid  navigator  be 
come  known  in  Portugal  than  the  utmost  alarm  was  excited. 
Remonstrances  were  addressed  to  the  government  of  Spain; 
threats  and  entreaties  were  alternately  used  to  terrify  or  to 
soothe  the  navigator  himself,  and  assassination  was  openly 
spoken  of  as  not  unmerited  by  so  nefarious  a  purpose.  Find 
ing  these  efforts  vain,  a  tone  of  bitter  derision  was  adopted. 

The  Portuguese  said,  that  the  king  of  Castile  was  incurring 
an  idle  expense,  inasmuch  as  Magellan  was  an  empty  boaster, 
without  the  least  solidity  of  character,  who  would  never  ac 
complish  what  he  had  undertaken."* 

Had  Magellan  perished  a  month  earlier  than  he  did,  these 
contemptuous  sneers  would  have  passed  into  history  as  de 
scriptive  of  his  real  character.  There  is  every  reason  to  be 
lieve,  that  he  fell  a  victim  to  the  treachery  infused  into  the 
expedition ;  and  the  pilot,  Estevan  Gomez,  who  openly  urged 
retreat  after  a  considerable  progress  had  been  made  in  the 

*  Decian  los  Portugueses  que  el  Rei  de  Castilla  perderia  el  gasto  porque  Her- 
nando  de  Magallanes  era  hombre  hablador,  i  de  poca  substancia,  i  que  no  saldria 
con  lo  que  prometia."  Herrera,  Dec.  li.  lib.  iv.  cap.  x. 


124 

Strait,  was,  we  know,  a  Portuguese.*  The  conduct  of  the 
Portuguese  authorities  to  the  surviving  vessels  was  marked  by 
cruelty  and  rapacity,;  and  even  the  gentle  spirit  of  Peter 
Martyr  breathes  indignation.  Official  notice  was  received 
that  the  ship  Trinity  had  been  captured  and  plundered  by 
the  Portuguese,  and  that  this  had  been  followed  up  by  their 
going  to  the  Moluccas,  taking  possession  of  them,  and  seizing 
property  of  every  description. 

"The  Pilots  and  King's  servants  who  are  safely  returned,  say  that  both  robbe 
ries  and  pillage  exceed  the  value  of  two  hundred  thousand  ducats,  but  Christo- 
phorus  de  Haro  especially)  the  General  director  of  this  aromatical  negotiation, 
under  the  name  of  Factor,  confirmeth  the  same.  Our  senate  yieldeth  great  credit 
to  this  man.  He  gave  me  the  names  of  all  the  five  ships  that  accompanied  the 
Victory,  and  of  all  the  Mariners,  and  mean  Officers  whatsoever.  And  in  our 
senate  assembled  he  showed  why  he  assigned  that  value  of  the  booty  or  prey, 
because  he  particularly  declared  how  much  spices  the  Trinity  brought. 

"It  may  be  doubted  what  Caesar  will  do  in  such  a  case.  I  think  he  will  dissem 
ble  the  matter  for  a  while,  by  reason  of  the  renewed  affinity,  yet  though  they 
were  twins  of  one  birth,  it  were  hard  to  suffer  this  injurious  loss  to  pass  unpun 
ished."! 

In  reference  to  the  voyage  of  Cabot,  the  alarm  of  the  Por- 
guese  would  seem  to  have  been  yet  more  serious ;  for  they 
saw  in  it  not  a  doubtful  experiment,  but  a  well  concerted  com 
mercial  enterprise.  The  emperor  was  besieged  with  impor 
tunities  ;  the  King  of  Portugal  representing  that  it  would  be 
"  the  utter  destruction  of  his  poor  kingdom,"  to  have  his  mo 
nopoly  of  this  trade  invaded.f  The  honest  historian  is  per 
suaded,  that  though  a  tie  of  consanguinity  existed  between 
the  two  monarchs  by  their  common  descent  from  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  and  though  the  Emperor  had  given  his  sister 
Catherine, ' <  a  most  delicate  young  lady  of  seventeen,"  in  mar 
riage  to  the  King  of  Portugal,  a  step  "so  injurious  to  the 
kingdom  of  Castile,  the  chief  sinews  of  his  power,"  as  the 
arrest  of  the  expedition,  would  not  be  taken.§  So  far  as 

*  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xv.    Purchas,  vol.  i.  B.  i.  ch-  ii. 
f  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  viii.  cap.  x. 
|  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  vii.  cap.  vii. 
.§  Peter  Martyr,  Deci.  vii.  cap.  vii. 


125 

> 

endearing  domestic  ties  could  influence  such  a  matter,  the 
apprehension  here  implied  was  to  be  yet  further  increased. 
A  negotiation  was  going  on  for  the  Emperor's  marriage  to 
Isabella,  the  sister  of  the  King  of  Portugal,  and  the  ceremony 
took  place  in  March,  1526.     The  dowry  received  was  nine 
hundred  thousand  crowns,  and  rumours,  in  the  course  of  the 
treaty,  were  current  that  one  of  the  articles  of  the  double 
alliance  stipulated  an  abandonment  of  the  Moluccas.    Passing 
onward  with  the  subject,  it  may  be  stated  that  early  in  1529 
the  emperor  relieved  himself  from  all  difficulty  by  mortga 
ging  the  Moluccas  to  the  King  of  Portugal  for  three  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  ducats,  with  the  right  of  exclusive  trade 
until  redemption.*    This  step  excited  the  utmost  disgust  in 
Spain,  and  it  was  openly  said  that  he  had  better  have  mort 
gaged  Estremadura  itself.     He  would  listen,  however,  to  no 
representations  on  the  subject.     A  proposition  having  been 
made  to  pay  off  the  mortgage  money,  on  condition  that  the 
applicants  should  have  six  years  enjoyment  of  the  trade,  the 
Emperor,  then  in  Flanders,  not  only  rejected  the  offer,  but 
sent  a  message  of  rebuke  to  the  council  for  having  entertained 
it.     Aside  from  private  feelings,  he  doubtless,  as  a  politician, 
thought  it  unwise  to  put  in  peril  an  alliance  so  intimate  and 
assured  for  any  commercial  purpose  unconnected  with  the 
schemes  of  ambition  by  which  he  was  engrossed. 

Matters,  however,  had  not  reached  this  crisis  before  Cabot 
sailed ;  and  the  intense  anxiety  of  Portugal  could,  therefore, 
look  only  to  the  indirect  efforts  at  frustration,  for  which  the 
intimate  relations  of  the  two  countries  might  afford  opportu 
nities. 

In  all  the  accounts  of  Cabot's  enterprise  given  by  the  Span 
ish  historians,  reference  is  found  to  an  expedition  under  the 
command  of  a  Portuguese,!  named  Diego  Garcia,  which  left 
Spain  shortly  after  Cabot;  touched  at  the  Canaries,  as  he  had 


*_Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.v.  cap. 
t  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  x.  cap. 


126 

done;  found  its  way  to  the  La  Pldta;  fixed  itself  in  his  neigh 
bourhood  ;  and,  finally,  by  the  misconduct  of  certain  persons 
connected  with  it,  brought  on  a  general  and  overwhelming 
attack  on  Cabot,  from  the  natives,  who  had  previously,  by  a 
mixture  of  boldness  and  good  management,  been  brought  into 
alliance  with  him.  Charlevoix  (Histoire  du  Paraguay,  torn. 
i.  p.  28)  supposes  that  Garcia  was  employed  avowedly  by 
Portugal ;  but  according  to  Herrera  (Dec.  iii.  lib.  x.  cap.  i.), 
the  expedition  was  fitted  out  by  the  Count  D.  Fernando  de 
Andrada  and  others,  for  the  La  Plata,  and  consisted  of  a  ship 
of  one  hundred  tons,  a  pinnace,  and  one  brigantine,  with  the 
frame  of  another  to  be  put  together  as  occasion  might  require. 
One  great  object  was  to  search  for  Juan  de  Cartagena,  and  the 
French  priest  whom  Magellan  had  put  on  shore.  Garcia  left 
Cape  Finisterre  on  the  5th  of  August,  1526,  and  touching  at 
the  Canaries  (where  Cabot  had  been)  took  in  supplies  and 
sailed  thence  the  1st  of  September. 

These  plain  matters  of  fact  have  been  recently  mis-stated. 
In  Dr  Lardner's  Cyclopaedia  (History  of  Maritime  and  Inland 
discovery,  vol.  ii.  p.  89),  it  is  said,  "Diego  Garcia  was  sent 
with  a  single  ship  to  the  river  of  Solis ;  but  as  he  lingered  on 
his  way  at  the  Canary  Islands,  he  was  anticipated  in  his  dis 
coveries  by  Sebastian  Cabot.  That  celebrated  Navigator  had 
sailed  from  Spain  a  few  months  later  than  Garcia,"  &c. 
Cabot  sailed  in  April  1526.  The  fact  is  important,  because 
had  he  left  Spain  under  the  circumstances  stated,  he  could 
not  have  been  ignorant  of  the  claim  of  Garcia,  under  a  grantj 
as  is  alleged,  from  the  emperor,  and  his  going  to  the  same 
quarter  would  have  been  both  fraudulent  and  absurd.  His 
manifest  ignorance  on  the  subject  corroborates  the  suspicion 
that,  on  finding  the  intrigues  to  arrest  Cabot  ineffectual,  this 
expedition,  under  the  command  of  the  Portuguese,  was  hastily 
got  up  to  watch  his  movements,  and  probably  to  act  in  con 
cert  with  the  disaffected,  with  an  understanding  as  to  certain 
points  of  rendezvous  in  case  the  mutineers  should  gain  the 
mastery.  It  is  important  to  note  that  in  Peter  Martyr,  whose 


127 

work  embraces  the  early  part  of  1526,*  no  reference  b  made 
to  any  projected  expedition  to  the  quarter  for  which,  as  it  is 
now  said,  Garcia  was  destined. 

At  Decade  iv.  lib.  i.  cap*  i.  Herrera  resumes  his  abstract 
of  Garcia's  report.     That  personage  is  now  off  the  coast  of 
Brasil.     He  touched  at  the  Bay  of  St  Vincent,  and  there 
found  a  Portuguese  of  the  degree  of  Bachelor,  from  whom  he 
received  refreshments,  and  whose- son- in- law  agreed  to  accom 
pany  him  to  the  La  Plata.     In,  running  down  the  coast  he 
touched  at  the  island  of  Patos  (now  St  Catherine)  in  27°, 
where  Cabot  had  been  before  him,  and,  as  Garcia  asserts,  had 
behaved  in  a  very  shameful  manner,  carrying  off  the  sons  of 
several  chiefs  who  had  treated  him  with  great  kindness.    Pro 
ceeding  up  the  La  Plata,  Garcia  found  the  ships  which  Cabot, 
oh  ascending  the  river,  had  left  under  the  charge  of  an  offi 
cer.     He  resolved  to  follow  in  his  brigantine ;  and  here  we 
are  let  into  the  character  of  this  personage.     While  at  St 
Vincent,  he  had  hired,  to  his  host  the  Bachelor,  the  ship  of  a 
hundred  tons,  to  carry  eight  hundred  slaves  to  Portugal ;  and 
"  to  colour,"  says  Herrera,  "his  covetousness,  he  said,  that 
he  had  protested  to  the  Count  Don  Fernando  de  Andrada,  that 
the  vessel  was  useless,  being  much  too  large  for  the  naviga 
tion  and  discovery  of  the  La  Plata."f    Thus,  with  the  blind 
ness  of  an  absurd  prejudice,  has  the  author  consented  to 
spread  upon  his  pages  all  the  malignant  invective  of  this  man 
against  Cabot — to  make  it  a  part  of  the  History  of  the  Indies 
— and  yet  he  winds  up,  at  last,  by  telling  us  of  Garcia's  fraud, 
and  of  the  falsehood  by  which  it  was  sought  to  be  disguised ! 
The  Portuguese,  in  order  to  break  the  force  of  indignation 
against  himself,  evidently  laboured  to  turn  the  resentment  of 
his  employers  on  Cabot,  by  whom  they  supposed  their  views 


*  He  speaks  of  the  marriage  of  the  Emperor  with  the  sister  of  the  King  of 
Portugal,  which  took  place  in  March,  1526. 

f  "  Para  dar  color  a  esta  codicia,  dixO  que  havia  protestado  al  Conde  Don  Fer 
nando  de  Andrada  que  no  le  diese  esta  nave  porque  era  mui  grande  e  inutil  para 
la  navegacion  i  descubrimiento  del  Rio  de  la  Plata."  Herrera,  Dec.  iv  lib.  i. 
cap.  i. 


128 

to  have  been  thwarted.  One  reflection  is  obvious.  If  this 
man  could  be  seduced  from  his  duty  by  the  Portuguese 
Bachelor,  we  may  presume  that  the  agents  of  Portugal  had 
no  great  difficulty  in  negotiating  with  him  and  inducing  him 
to  give  his  voyage  a  turn  to  suit  their  purposes.  Even  sup 
posing  his  employers,  then,  honest  and  sincere,  we  have  no 
assurance  that  he  did  not  act  from  sinister  motives.  We  shall 
meet  Garcia  again  in  the  La  Plata. 

There  is  another  circumstance,  somewhat  posterior  in  point 
of  time,  but  which  serves  to  show  the  anxious  expedients  to 
which  Portugal  did  not  disdain  to  resort,  even  at  the  expense 
of  its  dignity.  A  Portuguese,  named  Acosta,  returned  with 
Cabot  from  Brazil,  and  immediately  afterwards  the  king  of 
Portugal  was  detected  in  an  unworthy  correspondence  with 
him.*  It  is  remarkable,  also,  that  the  complaints  of  the  mu 
tineers  whom  Cabot  put  ashore  were  brought  to  Spain  by  a 
Portuguese  vessel.f 


*  Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  x.  cap.  yi. 
f  -  Ib.  Dec.  iy.  lib.  iii.  cap.  i. 


129 


CHAP.  XVIII. 

INTERFERENCE   WITH    THE   ARRANGEMENTS    FOR  THE  VOYAGE MENDEZ 

APPOINTED  SECOND  IN  COMMAND  CONTRARY,  TO  THE -WISHES  OF  CABOT 
— DE  ROJAS THE  SEALED  ORDERS PREJUDICES  OF  THE  SPANISH  HIS 
TORIANS EXPEDITION  SAILS. 

IN  a  letter  dated  November,  1525,  Peter  Martyr  *  speaks  of 
the  expedition  as  at  length  about  to  sail.  It  was  doomed, 
however,  to  yet  further  delays ;  and  even  in  matters  of  detail 
the  presence  of  an  evil  spirit  is  but  too  obvious. 

Three  ships  were  provided  by  the  Emperor,  to  which  a 
small  caravel  was  added  by  an  individual.!  The  principal 
authority  over  the  arrangements  would  seem  to  have  been  ex 
ercised  by  certain  agents  or  deputies  (disputados)  named  by 
the  freighters.  They  controlled  Cabot,  in  every  particular ; 
and  it  is  obvious,  therefore,  that  the  fate  of  the  expedition 
lay  in  their  integrity  or  corruptibility.  The  whole  sum  which 
the  company  had  at  stake  is  stated  to  have  been  only  ten  thou 
sand  ducats. 

The  leading  subject  of  difference  between  Cabot  and  these 
persons,  as  appears  by  the  meagre  accounts  left  to  us,  was  as 
to  the  person  who  should  fill  the  office  of  Lieutenant-General. 
Cabot  was  anxious  for  the  appointment  of  his  friend  De  Rufis; 
but  the  choice  of  the  agents  fell  on  Martin  Mendez  who  had 
been  in  one  of  Magellan's  ships  as  Treasurer  (contador),  a  sit 
uation  bearing,  it  may  be  presumed,  an  analogy  to  the  present 
office  of  Purser.  They  are  said  to  have  made  the  selection  on 


*  Decade  viii.  cap.  he. 

f  Such  is  the  account  of  Herrera,  confirmed  by  Robert  Thome.  Writers  who 
make  a  different  statement  (Charlevoix,  for  example,  in  his  Histoire  du  Paraguay 
torn.  i.  p.  25)  have  been  misled  by  looking  to  the  original  requisition  of  Cabot 
instead  of  the  limited  force  finally  placed  under  his  command. 

R 


130 

account  of  their  differences  with  Cabot.*  These  disputes 
rose  to  such  a  height  that  the  Emperor  was  urged  to  appoint 
another  commander.  .When  it  is  stated  that  this  same  Martin 
Mendez  was  one  of  those  expelled  from  the  squadron,  for  mu 
tiny,  by  Cabot  who  afterwards  justified  himself  to  the  Empe 
ror  for  having  done  so,  we  not  only  see  the  irksome  position 
in  which  he  was  placed,  but  will,  probably,  deem  the  efforts 
to  get  rid  of  him  the  highest  compliment  to  his  energy  and 
incorruptibility.  A  hollow  compromise  was  at  length  effected 
by  a  provision,  on  paper,  that  Mendez  should  take  part  in 
nothing  which  was  not  expressly  committed  to  him  by  Cabot, 
and  never  act  except  in  the  absence  or  disability  of  the  chief.f 
Thus,  with  regard  to  an  officer  to  whom  the  commander 
should  be  able  to  look,  at  every  turn,  for  confidential  counsel 
and  cordial  co-operation,  the  utmost  that  Cabot  could  procure 
was  a  stipulation  that  he  should  preserve  a  sullen  indifference, 
and  not  be  actively  mischievous. 

A  number  of  young  men  of  family,  animated  by  the  love  of 
adventure,  joined  the  Expedition,  and  amongst  them  three 
brothers  of  Balboa. 

There  are  two  personages  destined  to  act,  with  Mendez,  a 
conspicuous  part,  and  who  may  therefore  be  here  mentioned. 
The  first  was  Miguel  de  Rodas,  a  sort  of  supernumerary,  to 
whom  no  particular  post  was  assigned,  but  who  is  stated  to 
have  been  a  man  of  great  valour  and  nautical  experience,  and 
to  have  enjoyed  the  favour  of  the  emperor.  J  The  other  was 
Francisco  de  Rojas,  captain  of  one  of  the  ships,  the  Trinidad. 
Though  a  slight  difference  is  perceptible  in  the  names,  they 
would  seem  to  have  been  brothers,  for,  at  a  subsequent  period, § 
in  speaking  of  the  leading  conspirators,  these  two  are  describ- 

*  "  Los  disputados  de  los  armadores  por  diferencias  que  con  el  General  avian  lenido 
quisieron  que  fuesse  Martin  Mendez  y  no  Miguel  de  Rufis  dquien  pretendia  llevar 
eneste  cargo  Sebastian  Gaboto."  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  iii. 

f  "Que  no  se  occupasse  sino  en  las  cosas  que  el  General  le  cometiese,  y  estando 
ausente  o  impedido,  y  no  de  otra  manera  porque  le  llevaba  contra  su  voluntad. " 
Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  ix.  cap  iii. 

\  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  iii. 

§  Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  i.  cap  i. 


131 

ed,  with  a  yet  further  variation,  as  "  los  dos  hermanos  Roxas 
i  Martin  Mendez"  ("the  two  brothers  Roxas  and  Martin 
Mendez"). 

The  most  extraordinary  part,  however,  of  the  arrangement, 
consisted  of  the  Sealed  Orders,  of  which  a  copy  was  given  to 
each  vessel.*  We  are  not  informed  at  what  time  they  were 
to  be  opened,  but  from  the  nature  of  their  contents  we  may 
infer  that  it  was  to  be  done  immediately  on  getting  to  sea,  and 
from  the  sequel  we  may  infer  how  idle  would  have  been  any 
inj  unction  of  forbearance.  Provision  was  therein  made  for  the 
death  of  Cabot,  and  eleven  persons  were  named  on  whom,  in 
succession,  the  command  in  chief  was  to  devolve.  Should  this 
list  be  exhausted,  a  choice  was  to  be  made  by  general  vote 
throughout  the  squadron,  and  in  case  of  an  equality  of  suf 
frages  the  candidates  were  to  decide  between  themselves  by 
casting  lots !  At  the  head  of  the  list  are  found  the  three  in 
dividuals  just  mentioned.  It  is  remarkable  that  Gregario 
Caro,  the  captain  of  one  of  the  ships  and  who  is  afterwards 
found  in  command  of  the  fort  in  the  La  Plata  when  Cabot  as 
cended  further  up  the  river,  stands. last  oji  this  list,  after  all 
the  treasurers  and  accountants.  This  person  is  subsequently 
statedf  to  have  been  a  nephew  of  the  Bishop  of  Canaria,  and 
seems  to  have  acted  throughout  with  integrity. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  a  scheme  better  calculated 
to  nourish  disaffection.  Each  individual  of  note  found  a  pro 
vision  by  which  he  might  be  brought  into  the  chief  command, 
and  was  invited  to  calculate  the  chances  of  its  reaching  him 
through  the  successive  disappearance  of  his  predecessors  on 
the  list ;  and  the  crews,  while  under  the  pressure  of  severe 
discipline,  not  only  saw  a  hope  of  bettering  their  condition  by 
a  change,  but  at  each  step  approached  nearer  to  the  clause 
which  placed  the  supreme  power  in  their  own  gift.  A  con 
tingency  thus  provided  for  they  knew  must  have  been  deemed, 
at  home,  within  the  range  of  possible  occurrences,  and  they 


*  Jlerrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  iii. 
f  Ib.  Dec.  IT.  lib.  i.  cap.  i. 


132 

would  have  little  disposition  to  let  the  precaution  be  found  a 
superfluous  one. 

While  there  exist  so  many  causes  for  misunderstanding 
Cabot's  conduct,  and  motives  for  misrepresenting  it,  the  wri 
ter,  unfortunately,  whose  statements  have  since  been  adopted 
almost  without  question,  prepared  his  history  under  circum 
stances  little  inclining  him  to  impartiality.  The  Decades  of 
Peter  Martyr  terminate  before  the  sailing  of  the  expedition, 
and  the  venerable  author  complains,  at  the  close,  of  the  in 
firmities  which  then  pressed  on  him  in  his  seventieth  year* 
The  next  work — that  of  Gomara — appeared  in  1552,  shortly 
after  Cabot  had  abandoned  the  service  of  Spain,  and  returned 
to  his  native  country.  Charles  V.,  in  1549,  had  made  a  for 
mal,  but  ineffectual,  demand  on  Edward  VI.  for  his  return.* 
That  Gomara  had  his  eye  on  him  in  this  new  and  invidious 
position  is  evident,  because  in  speaking  of  the  conference  at 
Badajos  he  incidentally  mentions  Cabot  as  one  of  the  few  sur 
vivors  of  those  who  had  been  present  on  that  occasion  (cap. 
C.).  In  a  work,  therefore,  dedicated  to  the  Emperor,  we  are 
not  to  look  for  a  vindication  of  our  navigator  from  the  calum 
nies  which  might  be  current  to  his  disadvantage;  and  we  find, 
accordingly,  every  allusion  to  him  deeply  tinctured  with  pre 
judice.  The  mutineers,  of  whom  a  severe  example  was  made, 
had  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  at  home,  and  were  doubtless 
able  to  raise  a  clamorous  party.  Those  who  fitted  out  the 
expedition  of  Garcia,  were  led  to  TOgard  Cabot  invidiously, 
and  when  it  is  added  that  the  mercantile  loss  of  his  own  em 
ployers  would  unavoidably  lead,  on  the  part  of  some,  to  re 
proachful  criticism,  however  unmerited,  we  see  at  once  that 
his  reputation  lay  at  the  mercy  of  a  writer  ready  and  eager  to 
embody  the  suggestions  of  disappointment  or  malevolence. 

But  our  patience  is  exhausted  by  the  long  detention  of  the 
expedition.  It  sailed  at  length  in  the  beginning  of  April, 
1526.t 

*  Strype's  Memorials  of  the  Reformation,  vol.  ii.  p.  190. 
t  Gomara,  cap.  Ixxxix.    Hen-eta,  Dec,  iii.  lib.  i*  cap.  ;iii.     Robert  Thome 
(1  Hakluyt,  p.  215)     There  has  been  a-  general  misconception  on  this  point  in 


133 

English  compilations,  attributable,  probably,  to  the  wretched  version  of  Herrera 
by  Stevens,  which  names  April  1525  (Stevens'  Translation,  vol.  iii.  p.  380),  in 
defiance  of  the  work  it  professes  to  translate.  The  same  mistake  is  found  in 
Campbell's  Lives  of  the  Admirals,  and  the  source  of  the  author's  error  becomes 
manifest  by  his  incautious  citation  of  Herrera.  The  reference  given  is  totally  in 
applicable  to  the  original  \rork,  but  corresponds  exactly  with  the  new  and  arbi 
trary  distribution  of  Decades,  books,  and  chapters  by  Stevens.  In  most  recent 
works  the  date  is  mis-stated,  amongst  the  rest  by  Mr  Southey  (History  of  Brasil, 
p.  52),  and  by  the  Quarterly  Review  (vol.  iv.  p.  459).  The  former  writer,  speak* 
ing  of  this  voyage  in  1526,  infers  from  Cabot's  being  called  Pilot-Major,  that 
AmericusVespucius  who  had  held  that  office  was  "probably"  then  dead  (p.  52), 
a  singular  remark,  as  it  is  well  known  that  Vespucias  died  fifteen  years  before. 
He  was  succeeded,  as  we  have  seen,  by  Juan  Dias  de  Soils.  Cabot's  appoint 
ment  as  Pilot-Major  in  1518,  his  attendance  at  Badajos,  &c.,  are  altogether  un 
noticed  in  the  pretended  translation  of  Stevens  ! 


134 


CHAP.  XIX. 


COMPLAINTS  IN  THE  SQUADRONS—PRETENDED  CAUSES  OF  DISSATISFACTION 
— MUTINY — QUELLED  BY  THE  ENERGY  OF  CABOT— HAPPY  RESULTS*— 
HIS  CONDUCT  JUSTIFIED  TO  THE  EMPEROR— RIDICULOUS  CHARGES  SUG 
GESTED  BY  THE  PORTUGUESE,  DIEGO  GARCIA. 

WE  look  for  an  explosion  as  the  vessels  quit  the  shore.  It 
would  seem,  however,  that  the  train  was  prepared  to  burn 
more  slowly.  The  Squadron  is  seen  to  move  on  steadily  and 
in  silence,  but  beneath  the  fair  and  smiling  canvass  we  know 
there  is  dark  treachery. 

In  attempting  to  pierce  the  obscurity  which  veils  the  scenes 
that  follow,  and  to  place,  ourselves  by  the  side  of  Cabot,  we 
nave  unfortunately  to  rely  on  those  whose  very  purpose  is 
disparagement.  Yet  to  that  quarter  we  do  not  fear  to  turn, 
and  have  at  least  an  assurance  that  we  shall  find  whatever  the 
most  malignant  industry  could  collect. 

Something  is  said  by  Herrera  as  to  a  scarcity  of  provi 
sions,  owing,  as  far  as  he  will  speak  out,  to  their  injudicious 
distribution  amongst  the  vessels.  Now  it  is  quite  inconceiv 
able  that  in  an  expedition  prepared  for  the  circumnavigation 
of  the  globe  there  should  have  been  found  this  deficiency  on 
the  coast  of  Brasil,  and  the  fact,  moreover,  would  be  disgrace 
ful  to  the  commanders  of  the  other  vessels,  and  to  the  agents 
at  home.  It  is  obvious  that  while  nothing  is  more  unlikely 
than  such  improvidence  on  the  part  of  Cabot,  it  would  be  easy 
for  disaffected  officers  to  circulate  amongst  the  men  complaints 
of  scarcity,  and  thus  refer  the  odium  of  a  limited  allowance 
to  the  Commander-in-Chief. 

We  hear,  also,  that  he  did  not  take  sufficient  pains  to  soothe 
the  angry  feelings  which  had  been  excited  at  Seville.*  Then 

•  The  whole  passage  has  that  wr  of  vagueness  so  characteristic  of  falsehood. 


135 

it  seems  that  dissatisfaction  arose  not  from  any  thing  occurring 
during  the  voyage,  but  from  continued  brooding  over  antece 
dent  griefs.  Doubtless,  Martin  Mendez,  of  whose  unfitness 
Cabot  had  made  a  representation,  and  against  whose  mischiev 
ous  intermeddling  he  had  been  forced  to  obtain  a  stipulation, 
was  in  no  very  complacent  mood,  even  if  we  put  out  of  view 
the  probability  of  his  having  been  tampered  with  by  the  Por 
tuguese.  The  complaint,  too,  that  Cabot  did  not  sufficiently 
exert  himself  to  make  others  forget  the  late  angry  discussions, 
comes  from  the  very  persons  who  broke  out  into  open  mutiny, 
and  whose  statements,  embittered  by  a  recollection  of  the  se 
vere  punishment  inflicted  on  them,  compose  our  evidence. 
It  might  be  superfluous  to  add  a  word  to  this  explanation,  yet 
the  remark  cannot  be  forborne,  that  if  there  be  one  trait  in 
the  character  of  Cabot  more  clearly  established  than  another, 
it  is  the  remarkable  gentleness  of  his  deportment;  and  in  every 
reference  to  him,  by  those  who  had  enjoyed  a  personal  inter 
course,  there  breaks  forth  some  endearing  form  of  expression 
that  marks  affectionate  attachment. 

But  pretexts  will  never  be  wanting  where  a  mutinous  tem 
per  exists.  The  squadron  was  running  down  the  coast  of 
Brasil  when  it  seems  to  have  been  thought  netfessary  to  bring 
matters  to  a  crisis.  Murmurs  became  general  and  vehement. 
The  Lieutenant-General  Mendez,  De  Rojas,  and  De  Rodas 
were  louder  than  the  rest  in  blaming  the  government  of  Ca 
bot.*  In  a  word,  relying  on  the  clamour  they  had  raised,  it 
is  plain  that  these  men  now  broke  out  into  open  insolence,  pre 
suming  that  disaffection  would  thus  reach  its  height,  and  a 
new  arrangement  take  place  conformably  to  the  indication  of 
the  Sealed  Orders. 

The  situation  of  Cabot  would  to  one  of  ordinary  stamp  have 

"Porque  le  falt6  la  victualla  por  ser  mal  repartida  y  como  por  las  diferencias  de 
Sevilla,  iban  algunos  animos  mal  satisfechos  y  el  tuvo  poco  cuydado  en  sossegarlos 
nacieron  murmuraciones  y  atrevimientos  en  el  armada."  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  ix. 
cap.  iii. 

*  "  Teniente  de  General,  Martin  Mendez,  al  Capitan  Francisco  de  Rojas  y  a 
Miguel  de  Rodas  porque  demas  que  les  tenia  mala  voluntad,  con  libertad  repre- 
hendian  su  govierno."  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  iii.) 


136 

been  appalling.     The  three  persons  highest  in  authority,  and 
to  whom  he  ought  to  have  been  able  to  look  for  support  at  such 
a  crisis,  had  artfully,  and  in  concert,  fomented  discontent, 
and  were  now  ready  to  place  themselves  at  its  head.     He  was 
in  the  midst  of  those  who  disliked  and  undervalued  him  as  a 
foreigner.     There  were  but  two  of  his  own  countrymen  on 
board.     De  Rojas,  he  might  anticipate,  had  made  sure  of  his 
own  crew  of  the  Trinidad,  and  De  Rodas,  a  man  of  varied 
service  and  high  reputation,  was  likely  to  rally  round  him  the 
confidence  and  enthusiasm  of  the  spirited  young  cavaliers, 
volunteers  in  the  expedition.     Cabot  had  performed  no  mem 
orable  service  for  Spain.     There  now  comes  over  us,  too, 
almost  with  dismay,  what  before  had  scarcely  excited  atten 
tion.     The  Spaniards,  Peter  Martyr  said,  denied  that  Cabot 
had  achieved  what  he  pretended,  even  in  the  service  of  Eng 
land.     Such  an  insinuation  could  not  have  escaped  the  eager 
malevolence  of  those  now  around  him.     Here  then  was  ex 
ercised,  harshly  and  haughtily,  over  Castilians,  an  authority 
yielded,  incautiously,  to  the  adroit  falsehoods  of  the  English 
adventurer ! 

But  Cabot  belonged  to  that  rare  class  of  men  whose  powers 
unfold  at  trying  moments.  There  seems  to  belong  to  com 
mand  on  the  Ocean  a  peculiar  energy,  the  offspring  of  incess 
ant  peril  and  of  that  very  insolation  which  throws  the  brave 
man  on  himself,  and  leads  him  to  muse  habitually  over  all  the 
exigences  that  may,  on  a  sudden,  task  to  the  uttermost  his 
fortitude  or  his  intrepidity.  Cabot  saw  that  his  only  safety 
lay  in  extreme  boldness.  He  was  no  longer,  as  with  Sir 
Thomas  Pert,  a  mere  guide  in  the  career  of  discovery.  A 
high  responsibility  was  on  him.  He  knew  that  by  a  daring 
exercise  of  that  rightful  authority,  to  which  habit  lends  a  moral 
influence,  men  may  be  awed  into  passive  instruments,  who, 
but  the  moment  before,  meditated  fierce  mutiny.  His  deter 
mination  was  instantly  made,  and  well  justified  that  reputation 
for  dauntless  resolution  borne  back  to  Spain  and  to  England 
from  this  expedition.  He  seized  De  Rojas — took  him  out  of 
his  ship  the  Trinidad — and  placing  him  with  Mendez  and  de 


137 

Rodas  in  a  boat,  ordered  the  three  to  be  put  on  shore.  The 
scene  was  one  of  deep  humiliation ;  and  these  men  long  after 
wards  are  found  dwelling  with  bitterness  on  the  indignity,  in 
their  memorial  to  the  Emperor.*  The  effect  was  instant. 
Discord  vanished  with  this  knot  of  conspirators.  During  the 
five  years  of  service  through  which  the  expedition  passed,  full 
as  they  were  of  toil,  privation-,  and  peril,  we  hear  not  the 
slightest  murmur;  on  the  contrary,  every  thing  indicates  the 
most  harmonious  action  and  the  most  devoted  fidelity. 

Curiosity  runs  eagerly  forward  to  learn  the  view  taken  by 
the  Emperor  of  this  high-handed  measure.  It  can  only  be 
inferred  from  circumstances,  for  there  is  no  account  of  any 
formal  trial.  That  a  thorough  investigation  took  place  cannot 
be  doubted.  Miguel  de  Rodas  had  been  in  the  Victory,  the 
ship  of  Magellan's  squadron  which  effected  the  circumnavi 
gation  of  the  globe,  had  received  from*  the  Emperor  a  large 
pension  for  life,  and  a  device  for  his  Coat  of  Arms,  commemo 
rative  of  that  achievement.!  Martin  Mendez  had  been  in 
the  same  ship,  and  the  device  prepared  for  him  is  of  a  yet 
more  flattering  description.  J  It  was  doubtless  found,  with 
out  going  into  the  question  of  Portuguese  bribery,  that  their 
accidental  association  with  so  memorable  an  enterprise,  had 
given  to  them  a  reputation  quite  beyond  their  merit,  and  that 
these  very  marks  of  distinction,  and  a  certain  feeling  as  vete^ 
rans,  had  led  to  an  insolent  assumption  which  rendered  it  in 
dispensable  for  Cabot  to  vindicate  the  ascendancy  due  to  his 
station  and  to  his  genius.  By  a  Portuguese  vessel  the  three 
mutineers  gave  notice  of  their  situation,  and  complained  in 
the  bitterest  terms  of  the  conduct  of  Cabot.§  The  Emperor 
sent  orders  to  have  them  conveyed  to  Spain  in  order  that 
justice  might  be  done.  Hernando  Calderon  and  Jorge  Barlo 
despatched  by  Cabot,  afterwards  reached  Toledo,  and  made  re- 


*  "  Con  tanta  afrenta  suia."    Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  Hi.  cap.  i. 

f  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  xiv. 

i  Ibid. 

§  Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  iii.  cap.  i. 

s. 


138 

port  of  all  that  had  taken  place*  The  emperor  yielded  to  the 
solicitations  of  Cabot  for  succour  and  permission  to  colonise  the 
country  (Herrera,  Dec.  iv.lib.  iii.  cap.  5.),  and  the  merchant 
adventurers  declining  to  co  operate  in  what  had  ceased  to  be 
a  mercantile  speculation,  the  Emperor  undertook  to  bear  the 
whole  expense  himself  (Dec.  iv.  lib.  viii.  cap.  xi.).  As  we 
never  hear  of  any  censure  on  Cabot,  and  know  that  he  after 
wards  resumed  his  high  and  honourable  office  in  Spain;  and 
that  when,  long  after,  he  went  to  England,  the  Emperor  ear 
nestly  solicited  his  return,  we  cannot  doubt  that  his  vindica 
tion  was  complete. 

A  singular  proof  here  occurs  of  the  disingenuousness  of 
the  Spanish  historians.  It  is  manifest,  that  Cabot  could  not 
have  escaped  the  sharpest  rebuke,  and  punishment,  without 
making  out  a  clear  justification  of  his  conduct ;  yet,  while  not 
a  syllable  is  given  of  his  statement,  which  must,  from  the 
result,  have  triumphed,  all  the  disparaging  suggestions  that 
malignity  could  invent,  and  the  falsehood  of  which  must  have 
been  established  at  the  time,  are  eagerly  detailed.  There 
can  only  be  wrung  from  Gomara  a  cold  acknowledgement  that 
the  voyage  was  frustrated,  "  not  so  much,  as  some  say,  by  his 
fault,  as  by  that  of  his  associates."* 

It  might  be  superfluous,  under  such  circumstances,  10  ex 
amine  these  allegations,  yet  they  are  on  their  face  so  improba 
ble,  that  we  may  safely  advert  to  them,  even  in  the  absence 
of  Cabot's  Defence, 

It  is  asserted,  that  at  the  island  of  Patos  (the  present  St 
Catherine's),  where  he  was  treated  with  the  utmost  kindness 
by  the  inhabitants,  and  took  in  refreshments,  he  basely  seized 
the  sons  of  some  of  the  principal  chiefs  and  carried  them 
forcibly  away.  This  story  is  taken  from  the  report  of  the 
Portuguese,  Diego  Garcia,  who,  although  denounced  for  fraud 
on  his  own  employers,  is  considered  a  good  witness  against 
Cabot.  He  represents  himself  to  have  subsequently  visited 


*  "  No  tanto,  a  lo  que  algunos  dicen,  por  su  culpa  como  por  la  de  su  gente. 
Gomarn,  cap.  Ixxxix. 


139 

the  island,  and  to  have  been  very  graciously  received,  not 
withstanding  the  recent  outrage.  This  last  circumstance  is 
not  the  least  of  the  improbabilities  involved  in  his  tale,  for 
putting  that  out  of  view,  as  well  as  the  polluted  source  from 
which  the  charge  proceeds,  let  us  consider  its  claims  to 
credit.  The  seizure  is  represented  to  have  taken  place  not 
on  the  return,  but  on  the  outward  voyage.  What,  then,  was 
the  object  of  so  wanton  a  piece  of  cruelty  ?  But  further,  the 
orders  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  were  peremptory  that  no 
violence  should  be  used.  Peter  Martyr  (Dec.  viii.  cap.  x.), 
speaking  of  the  expedition  of  Gomez  in  1524,  adverts  with 
indignation  to  his  having  brought  away  a  number  of  natives, 
and  expressly  states  it  to  be  in  violation  of  the  standing  orders 
of  the  Council.  Now,  Cabot  had  been,  as  early  as  1515,  a 
member  of  that  Council,  was  familiar  with  the  orders,  and 
instrumental  in  framing  them.  He  was  in  Spain  when  Go 
mez  returned,  and  knew  of  the  indignation  excited  by  the 
abduction.  Is  it  at  all  likely,  then,  that  he  would  subject 
himself  to  a  similar  rebuke  without  any  conceivable  motive? 
It  is  remarkable,  that  in  Cabot's  own  instructions  to  Sir  Hugh 
Willoughby,  long  afterwards,  we  recognise  the  analogy  to 
those  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  for  while  he  enjoins  every 
effort,  by  gentleness,  to  get  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the 
natives,  he  expressly  forbids  the  use  of  "  violence  or  force" 
(§.  23  of  Instructions,  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  228). 

We  must  advert  again,  more  particularly,  to  the  indigna 
tion  which,  in  1524,  Peter  Martyr  expresses  at  the  conduct 
of  Gomez. 

"  Contrary  to  the  laws  made  by  us,  that  no  violence  should 
be  offered  to  any  nation,  he  freighted  his  ship  with  people  of 
both  sexes  taken  from  certain  innocent  half-naked  nations,  who 
contented  themselves  with  hovels  instead  of  houses."* 

It  is  with  this  historian  that  Cabot  is  found  on  terms  of  inti- 


*  "  Contra  Leges  a  nobis  dictatas  ne  quis  ulli  gentium  vim  afferat,  ab  innoc- 
cutibus  quibusdam  seminudis  popults  magalibus  pro  domibus  contentis,"  &c. 
(Dec.  viii.  cap.  x.) 


140 

macy  more  than  ten  years  before,  and  the  good  old  man  speaks 
of  him  as  one  of  a  congenial  temper,  or  as  Eden  and  Hakluyt 
have  it,  "  Cabot  is  my  very  friend  Whom  I  use  familiarly  and 
delight  to  have  him  sometimes  keep  me  company  in  my  own 
house."  At  the  moment  of  his  penning  the  denunciation  of 
Gomez,  Cabot  was  his  associate  with  the  ripened  friendship  of 
the  intermediate  years.  Yet  Mr  Southey  (History  of  Brazil, 
p.  52)  has  not  only  consented  to  echo  the  calumny  of  a  vile 
Portuguese  convicted  of  fraud  and  falsehood,  but  adds  this 
coarse  and  cruel  invective — "  Cabot  touched  at  an  island  on 
the  coast  called  Ilhados  Patos,  or  Duck  Island,  and  there  took 
in  supplies ;  requiting  the  good  will  which  the  natives  had 
manifested  with  the  usual  villainy  of  an  old  discoverer,  by 
forcibly  carrying  away  four  of  them."  And  the  same  writer 
(ib.)  denounces,  as  "an  act  of  cruelty,"  the  energetic  pro 
ceeding  by  which  Cabot  .quelled  the  mutiny,  and  probably 
'saved  his  own  life. 

Another  item  of  criticism  is  derived  from  the  report  of  the 
same  Portuguese,  Diego  Garcia.  He  sailed  from  the  Cana 
ries  on  the  first  September,  and  before  he  reaches  the  Cape 
de  Verd  Islands  a  boast  is  uttered  of  his  superior  skill  in  the 
choice  of  a  route.  So  earnest  is  the  wish  to  make  this  im 
pression,  that  we  are  again  told  he  proceeded  from  the  Cape 
de  Verds  "for  Cape  St  Augustine  [on  the  coast  of  Brazil], 
which  he  places  in  eight  degrees  ten  minutes  of  Southern 
latitude,  and  this  route,  on  account  of  the  great  currents  from 
the  rivers  of  Guinea,  which  drive  the  ships  to  the  North- 
West,  is  perilous,  and  Sebastian  Cabot  did  not  know  how  to 
take  advantage  of  it  (as  has  been  already  said),  because  though 
he  was  a  great  Cosmographer,  he  was  not  so  great  a  Sea 
man."* 


•  "Fue  en  demanda  del  Cabo  de  San  Augustin,  que  este  Piloto  pone  en  ocho 
Grades,  i  unsesmo  de  Grado  de  la  Vanda  del  Sur,  de  la  otra  parte  de  la  Equinoc. 
tial.  Y  este  Camino,  por  la  grandes  corrientes  que  salen  de  los  Rios  de  Guinea, 
que  baten  los  Navios  a  la  Vanda  del  Norueste  es  peligroso  ni  le  supO  tomar  Se 
bastian  Gaboto  (como  se  ha  dicho)  porque  aunque  era  gran  Cosmogi-afo,  no  era  tan 
gran  Marinero."  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  x-  cap.  i. 


141 

Now  first  as  to  the  facts.     Garcia's  criticism  seems  to  be 
that  Cabot  stood  across  the  Atlantic  before  he  got  as  far  South 
as  the  Cape  de  Verd  Islands.     That  this  very  point  had  been 
the  subject  of  anxious  deliberation  we  learn  from  Peter  Mar 
tyr,  (Dec.  vii.  cap.  vi.)  " Cabot  will  set  oif  in  the  next  month 
of  August,  1525.     He  departs  no  earlier,  because  things  ne 
cessary  for  an  enterprise  of  such  importance  cannot  be  pre 
pared,  nor  by  the  course  of  the  heavens  ought  he  to  begin  his 
voyage  before  that  time ;  as  he  has  to  direct  his  course  towards 
the  Equinoctial  when  the  sun,"  &c.* 

It  might  be  supposed,  perhaps,  that  the  vexatious  delays 
had  caused  some  change  of  the  route  originally  projected ; 
but  so  far  is  this  from  the  fact,  Herrera  tells  us  expressly — 

"  After  many  difficulties  Sebastian  Cabot  departed  in  the 
beginning  of  April  of  this  year  (1526),  &c.  He  sailed  to  the 
Canaries  and  the  Cape  de  Verd  Islands,  and  thence  to  Cape  St 
Augustine,"  &c.f 

Thus  he  took  the  very  route  in  which  Garcia  followed! 
Even  supposing  Herrera  to  be  mistaken,  and  to  have  describ 
ed  the  course  originally  resolved  on  at  Seville,  instead  of  that 
which  Cabot  actually  pursued,  the  latter  would  only  be  found, 
in  avoiding  the  Cape  de  Verds,  opening  a  path  which  is  more 
generally  followed  in  modern  times.  Take  it  either  way,  the 
impudence  and  absurdity  of  the  cavil  are  palpable.  Yet  note 
the  manner  in  which  an  English  writer  of  reputation  has 
caught  it  up.J 

"  Cabot's  conduct  in  this  voyage  did  not  give  satisfaction, 
and  was  thought  unequal  to  the  high  reputation,  he  had  ac- 

*  "  Est  Cabotus,  Augusto  mense  proximo  anni  MDXXV.  discessurus,  nee  citiusi 
quidem  quia  nee  prius  queunt  ad  rem  tantum  necessaria  parari  nee  per  coelorum 
cursus  debet  prius  illud  iter  inchoari ;  oportet  quippe  tune  versus  Equinoctium 
vela  dirigere  quando  Sol,"  &c. 

t  "Despues  de  muchas  dificultades  partio  Sebastian  Gaboto  a  los  primeros  de 
Abril  de  este  ano  (1526),  &c.  Fue  navegando  a  las  Canarias  y  a  las  Islas  de  Cabo 
Verde,  y  despues  al  Cabo  de  San  Agustin."  Herrera,  Dec.  iii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  iii. 

4= '« A  Chronological  History  of  the  Discoveries  in  the  South  Sea  or  Pacific 
Ocean,  &c.  By  James  Burney,  Captain  in  the  Royal  Navy,"  vol.  i.  p.  162. 


142 

quired.     The  Spanish  writers  say  of  him  (!),  that  he  was  a 
better  cosmographer  than  a  mariner  or  commander." 

Wearied  as  the  reader  may  be,  we  must  advert  to  another 
sneer  of  this  Portuguese.  In  ascending  the  La  Plata,  Cabot 
proceeded  with  deliberation,  examining  carefully  the  country, 
and  opening  a  communication  with  the  different  tribes  on  its 
banks.  This  was  of  course  a  work  of  time  as  well  as  of  labour 
and  peril.  When  Garcia  arrived,  he  proceeded  hastily  up 
the  river,  and  boasts  that  "in  26  days  he  advanced  as  far  as 
Sebastian  Cabot  had  done  in  many  months."*  The  folly  of 
this  idle  vaunt  has  not  deterred  Herrera  from  making  it  a  part 
of  the  History  of  the  Indies  5  and  it  has  found  a  ready  place 
with  English  writers. 

We  might,  indeed,  be  almost  led  to  believe  in  a  concerted 
plan,  on  the  part  of  his  countrymen,  to  defame  this  great  nav 
igator,  were  not  the  causes  of  misconception  obvious.  To 
some  the  perfidious  translation  of  Stevens  has  proved  a  snare, 
and  the  few  who  proceeded  further  have  been  led,  by  an  im 
perfect  knowledge  of  the  language,  to  catch  at  certain  leading 
words  and  phrases,  readily  intelligible,  and  thus  to  present 
them  apart  from  the  context,  which,  in  the  original,  renders 
the  calumny  harmless  and  even  ridiculous. 

*  Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  i.  cap.  i. 


143 


CHAP.  XX. 

CABOT    ENTERS    THE    LA   PLATA NECESSITY  FOR    CAUTION — HIS   PREDE 
CESSOR   AS    PILOT-MAJOR    KILLED    IN   ATTEMPTING   TO    EXPLORE   THAT 

RIVER CARRIES  THE  ISLAND    OF    ST    GABRIEL HIS    PROGRESS  TO    ST 

SALVADOR  WHERE  A  FORT  IS  ERECTED ITS  POSITION LOSS  IN  TAKING 

POSSESSION. 

CABOT  was  left  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  La  Plata  at  the 
moment  when,  by  a  determined  effort,  he  "shook  to  air"  the 
m'utiny  that  sought  to  fasten  on  him. 

It  is  plain,  that  after  expelling  the  three  individuals  who, 
in  the  event  of  his  death,,  were  named,  in  succession,  to  the 
command  in  chief,  he  would  not  have  been  justified  in  pro 
ceeding,  with  the  squadron  which  the  Emperor  had  confided 
to  him,  on  the  long  and  perilous  voyage  originally  contem 
plated.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  put  into  the  La  Plata 
and  send  advice  of  what  had  occurred.  His  predecessor  in 
the  office  of  Pilot-Major,  Diego  de  Solis,  had  been  slain  in 
attempting  to  explore  this  river;  Cabot  now  resolved  to  renew 
the  experiment. 

An  additional  reason  for  postponing,  until  further  orders, 
the  prosecution  of  the  enterprise  was  the  loss,  by  shipwreck, 
of  one  of  the  vessels.  This  fact  is  mentioned  by  Richard 
Eden  (Decades,  fol.  316),  who  has  a  chapter  on  the  region 
of  the  La  Plata  in  which  he  adverts  to  the  expedition,  in 
terms*  that  bespeak  the  reports  conveyed  to  England,  prob 
ably,  by  Robert  Thorne,  then  at  Seville,  and  his  two  friends 
who  were  engaged  in  it.  He  states  the  loss  of  the  vessel,  and 

*  "The  Emperoure's  Majestic  and  Kynge  of  Spayne  Charles  the  fifte,  sente 
forthe  Sebastian  Cabot  (a  man  of  great  courage  and  skylfull  in  Cosmographie,  and 
of  no  lesse  experience  as  concernynge  the  starres  and  the  sea)  with  command 
ment,"  Sec. 


144 

that  "the  men  that  saved  their  lyves  by  swymmynge  were 
receaved  into  the  other  shyppes." 

It  is  the  more  necessary  to  understand  the  considerations  by 
which  Cabot  was  influenced,  as  in  a  recent  work  (Dr  Lard- 
ner's  Cyclopaedia,  History  of  Maritime  and  Inland  Discovery? 
vol.  ii.  p.  89),  the  following  strange  assertion  is  found  amidst 
a  tissue  of  errors:  "On  touching  at  the  mouth  of  the  river 
in  which  Solis  had  lost  his  life,  Cabot  found  two  Spaniards 
who  had  deserted  from  that  Commander,  besides  fifteen  other 
stragglers  from  subsequent  expeditions.  All  these  men  con 
curred  in  representing  the  country  up  the  river  as  singularly 
rich  in  the  precious  metals,  and  easily  persuaded  Cabot  to 
proceed  in  that  direction !"  Not  the  slightest  allusion  is  made 
to  the  mutiny,  or  to  the  loss  of  one  of  the  vessels.  Thus,  an 
Officer  in  command  of  the  Emperor's  squadron  with  specific 
orders,  and  under  bond,  moreover,  to  the  merchants  of  Se 
ville,  is  represented  as  abandoning  his  duty  and  becoming  an 
easy  dupe  to  the  idle  stories  of  some  runaways! 

At  this  point  we  have  again  to  deplore  the  loss  of  Cabot's 
Maps.  One  of  them  described  his  course  up  the  La  Plata, 
and  would  seem  to  have  been  made  public,  for  Eden  (Decades, 
fol.  316)  says,  "  From  the  mouth  of  the  river,  Cabot  sayled 
up  the  same  into  the  lande  for  the  space  of  three  huwlreth 
and  fiftie  leagues,  as  he  wryteth  in  his  own  Carde"  This 
statement  is  the  more  important,  as  the  extent  of  his  progress 
has  been  singularly  misrepresented. 

In  the  Conversation  reported  by  Ramusio,  and  usually  con 
nected  with  the  name  of  Butrigarius  the  Pope's  legate,  Ca 
bot  is  made  to  say  that  he  sailed  up  the  La  Plata  more  than  six 
hundred  leagues.*  This  is  the  passage,  it  may  be  remember 
ed,  which  the  Biographic  Universelle  could  not  find  in  Ra 
musio.  Eden  correctly  translates  it  (Decades,  fol.  255),  but 
Hakluyt,  who  adopts  his  version  with  anxious  servility  up  to 
this  point,  has  "more  than  six  score  leagues!"  (vol.  iii.  p.  7) 
thus  furnishing  a  new  proof  of  his  utter  faithlessness.  The 

*  "  Et  andai  all*  insu  per  quello piu  de  secento  leghe."    Kamusio,  torn.  i.  fol.  415. 


145 

exaggeration  of  the  original,  as  honestly  given  by  Eden,  pre 
pares  us  for  Ramusio's  remark,  to  which  reference  has  already 
been  made,  that  he  could  not  pretend  to  trust  his  memory 
about  the  exact  terms  of  the  Conversation.  Hakluyt,  by  an 
arbitrary  and  absurd  reduction,  not  only  obscures  this  pre 
sumptive  evidence  of  general  error,  but  leads  us  to  infer— as 
such  matters  are  usually  over-rated — that,  in  point  of  fact, 
Cabot  did  not  proceed  so  far.  It  will  appear,  presently,  that 
there  was  no  exaggeration  in  the  statement  of  the  "Card." 

The  career  on  which  Cabot  was  now  entering  demanded 
circumspection  as  well  as  courage.  De  Solis  with  a  party  of 
fifty  men  had  been  fiercely  assailed  and  cut  off,  the  bodies  of 
himself  and  his  companions  devoured  by  the  ferocious  natives, 
and  the  survivors  of  the  expedition,  who  witnessed  the  scene 
from  the  ships,  had  left  the  river  in  dismay,  and  returned  to 
Spain  with  the  horrid  news.*  In  accompanying  Cabot  we 
take  Herrera  as  our  principal  guide  (Dec.  iii.  lib.  ix.  cap. 
iii.).  Running  boldly  up  the  river,  which  is  to  this  day  the 
dread  of  navigators,  he  reached  a  small  island  about  half  a 
league  from  the  Northern  shore,  nearly  opposite  the  present 
Buenos  Ayres,  and  gave  to  it  the  name  of  Gabriel,  which  it 
yet  bears.  It  is  a  short  distance  from  Martin  Gareia's  island, 
so  called  after  the  Pilot  of  De  Solis  who  was  buried  there 
(Eden's  Decades,  fol.  316).  The  natives  had  collected  and 
made  a  very  formidable  show  of  resistance,  but  Cabot,  ac 
cording  to  Eden,  "  without  respect  of  peril,  thought  best  to 
expugneitby  one  meanesor  other,  wherein  his  boldness  tooke 
good  effecte  as  oftentymes  chaunceth  in  great  afFayres^  (Eden, 
fol.  316). 

At  this  island  Cabot  left  his  ships,  and  proceeding  seven 
leagues  further  in  boats,  reached  a  river  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  St  Salvador.  As  it  offered  a  safe  and  commodious 
harbour,  he  returned  and  brought  up  the  ships,  but  was 

*  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  i.  .cap.  vii.  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  iii.  cap.  x.  Gomara, 
Cap.  Ixxxix.  "  Lo  mataron;  i  comiefon  con  todos  las  Espanoles  que  sacq,  i  aun 
quebraron  el  batel.  Los  otros  que  de  los  Navios  miruban,  alcarou  anclas  i  velas, 
sin  osar  tomar  venganca  de  la  muerte  de  su  Capituu." 

T 


146 

obliged  to  lighten  them  at  the  entrance  of  the  river.     Here 
he  erected  a  Fort. 

It  is  obvious,  on  looking  at  a  map  of  this  reign,  and  com 
paring  it  with  the  statement  of  Herrera,  that  the  river  spo 
ken  of  might  be  either  the  Uruguay,  which,  on  the  right, 
takes  a  northern  direction,  or  one  of  the  various  streams  into 
which  the  Parana  is  broken  by  the  islands  at  its  mouth.  Ca 
bot  would  hardly  follow  the  Uruguay,  because  it  evidently 
struck  into  Brasil,  and,  at  a  much  higher  point  of  ascent,  he 
is  found  avoiding,  expressly  for  that  reason,  a  great  river  on 
the  right  hand.  In  speaking  of  the  position  occupied  by  his 
ships  he  states  it,  according  to  Herrera,  to  be  on  the  Brasil, 
meaning  the  northern  side  of  the  river,  a  mode  of  designa 
tion,  which,  supposing  him,  as  we  reasonably  may,  to  have 
been  aware  of  the  general  course  of  the  great  stream  discov 
ered  by  De  Sol  is,  would  not  distinguish  any  position  up  the 
Uruguay,  both  sides  of  which  were  equally  within  that  re 
gion,  according  to  the  distribution  with  reference  to  which 
he  spoke.  But  the  position  of  St  Salvador  is  conclusively 
settled  by  information  from  another  quarter.  In  Hakluyt 
(vol.  iii.  p.  729),  is  «  a  Ruttier  for  The  River  Plate/'  The 
pilot  who  prepared  it  gives  the  various  methods  of  striking 
the  mouths  of  the  Parana  in  proceeding  from  the  island  of 
Martin  Garcia.  A  caution  is  interposed — "  and  if  you  fall 
into  the  mouth  of  the  river  which  is  called  the  Uruay  you 
must  leave  it  on  the  right  hand."  He  adds  that  all  the  mouths 
of  the  Parana,  which  are  five  in  number,  have  their  eastern 
termination  infested  with  shoals  for  an  extent  of  more  than 
two  leagues.  Describing  one  of  the  routes  more  particularly, 
ne  says,  "  From  the  isle  of  Martin  Garcia  unto  St  Salvador, 
is  nine  or  ten  leagues.  This  is  an  island  which  standeth  two 
leagues  within  theirs*  mouth,  where  Sebastian  Caboto  took 
possession"  The  pilot,  it  will  be  seen,  gives  the  name  of 
St  Salvador,  not  to  the  river,  but  to  a  port.  Cabot  himself 
does  the  same,  for  in  describing  the  assault  finally  made  on  the 
upper  fort  by  the  natives,  he  speaks  of  a  similar  attack  on 


147 

the  port  of  St  Salvador,  where  the  ships  lay.*  It  seems 
certain,  then,  that  the  first  position  fortified  by  Cabot  was  in 
the  most  northern  mouth  of  the  Parana,  on  an  island  about 
two  leagues  from  where  it  reaches  the  La  Plata,  On  the  map 
of  Louis  Stanislaus  d'Arcy  de  la  Rochette,f  this  most  north 
ern  avenue  is  divided  into  two  parts,  the  upper  of  which  is 
designated  as  "  Rio  Paca,"  and  the  lower,  that  issues  into  the 
La  Plata,  as  "  Rio  Naranjos."  St  Salvador  was,  of  course, 
situated  on  the  latter,  or  perhaps  on  the  stream  next  in  order 
to  the  south,  which  also  communicates  with  the  Rio  Paca  and 
thus  forms  with  the  Rio  Naranjos  a  considerable  delta.  In  a 
Memoir  drawn  up  by  Lopez  Vaz,  a  Portuguese,  and  taken 
with  the  author  by  the  fleet  sent  forth  in  1586  by  the  Earl  of 
Cumberland,  the  fort  where  Cabot  left  his  ships  is  said  to  be 
then  standing.  Its  distance  from  the  sea  is,  however,  mis 
stated  either  by  him  or  the  translator  (Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p. 
788). 

It  is  desirable  to  fix  this  first  point  of  occupation,  not  only  as 
a  matter  curious  in  itself,  but  because  Charlevoix  (Histoire  du 
Paraguay,  torn*  i.  p.  27),  with  his  usual  wild  inaccuracy, 
would  throw  the  whole  subject  into  confusion.  He  repre 
sents  Cabot  to  have  finally  left  the  ships  at  the  island  of  St 
Gabriel,  and  proceeded  in  boats  up  the  Uruguay,  by  mistake, 
and  he  imagines  two  reasons  why  such  a  blunder  was  commit 
ted.  He  does  not  even  allow  the  Uruguay  to  have  been  the 


*  "Lomesmo  hizieron  de  la  poblacion  que  avian  hecho  en  el  puerto  que 
Raman  de  S.  Salvador  adonde  estaban  los  navios"  (Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  viii. 
cap.  xi.). 

f  "  Colombia  prima  or  South  America,  in  which  it  has  been  attempted  to  de 
lineate  the  extent  of  our  knowledge  of  that  continent,  extracted  chiefly  from  the 
original  manuscript  Maps  of  His  Excellency,  the  late  Chevalier  Pinto;  likewise 
from  those  of  Joao  Joaquim  da  Rocha,  Joao  da  Costa  Ferreira,  El  Padre  Fran 
cisco  Manuel  Sobreviela,  &c.  And  from  the  most  authentic  edited  accounts  of 
those  countries.  Digested  and  constructed  by  the  late  eminent  and  learned  Geo 
grapher,  Louis  Stanislas  D'Arcy  de  la  Rochette.  London,  published  by  William 
Faden,  Geographer  to  His  Majesty  and  te  His  Royal  Highness  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  June  4th,  1807-"  This  Map  is  in  the  Topographical  Department  of  the 
King's  Library,  British  Museum. 


148 

St  Salvador,  but  makes  it  one  of  the  tributaries  of  that  river 
a  considerable  distance  up  the  stream. 

In  order  to  avoid  the  tedious  interruption  of  the  narrative, 
one  other  probable  misconception  was  not  adverted  to  at  the 
moment.  It  has  been  assumed,  with  Herrera,  that  Cabot  left 
his  vessels  at  the  island  of  St  Gabriel,  and  proceeded  thence 
in  boats.  More  probably,  however,  the  island  of  Martin 
Garcia  was  the  one  intended.  Eden  says  expressly  (fol.  316), 
that  De  Solis  was  killed  in  attempting  to  take  possession  of  the 
island  of  Martin  Garcia,  and  that  it  was  the  same  afterwards 
carried  by  Cabot.  We  must  bear  in  mind  that  Herrera  is 
giving,  somewhat  loftily  and  reluctantly,  the  details  of  an  expe 
dition  to  which  he  attaches  little  importance,  and  he  might  not 
care  for  minute  accuracy.  He  saw  the  name  of  Gabriel  confer 
red  by  Cabot,  and  did  not  choose,  perhaps,  to  occupy  the  page 
of  his  History  with  describing  the  further  progress  of  six 
leagues  before  the  ships  were  quitted.  The  account  of  Eden, 
who  approached  the  subject  in  a  different  temper,  is  confirmed 
by  other  considerations.  The  island  is  spoken  of  by  Herrera 
as  one  standing  by  itself.  Now  the  St  Gabriel  is  a  group  of 
small  islets,  correctly  stated  in  the  "  Ruttier"  to  be  five  in  num 
ber.  But  still  more  conclusively :  Cabot's  report,  as  given  by 
Herrera,  states  that  seven  leagues  from  the  island  at  which 
he  left  his  ships,  he  came  to  the  mouth  of  a  river,  which  he 
called  St  Salvador,  and  to  which  he  afterwards  brought  up 
his  ships.  Now  the  "  Ruttier"  speaks  of  the  position  at  St 
Salvador,  as  nine  leagues  in  all  from  the  island  of  Martin 
Garcia,  two  of  which  being  up  the  St  Salvador,  there  is,  of 
course,  an  exact  correspondence.  The  St  Gabriel  group,  on 
the  contrary,  is  correctly  stated  in  the  "  Ruttier"  to  lie  six 
leagues  lower  down  than  the  island  of  Martin  Garcia.  While 
the  statement  of  Eden  produces  greater  harmony  in  the  ac 
counts,  the  position  of  the  fort  is  not  contingent  on  success 
in  this  reconciliation,  but  seems  conclusively  settled  by  the 
language  of  the  "  Ruttier." 


149 

An  incident  is  mentioned  by  Gomara,*  but  without  the 
attendant  circumstances,  as  occurring  at  this  point,  from  which 
it  would  appear  that  the  position  was  not  gained  without 
resistance.  The  natives  killed  and  carried  off  two  Spaniards 
but  declared,  in  a  spirit  of  fierce  derision,  that  they  would 
not  eat  them,  as  they  were  soldiers,  of  whose  flesh  they  had 
already  had  a  specimen  in  De  Solis  and  his  followers! 


*  Gomara,  cap.  Ixxxix.  "En  el  puerto  de  San  Salvador  que  es  otro  Rio  quar- 
enta.  leguas  arriba,  que  entra  en  el  de  la  Plata,  le  mataron  los  Indies  dos  Espanoles 
i  no  los  quisieron  comer  diciendo  que  eran  Soldados  que  ia  los  havian  probado  en 
Solis  i  sus  companeros." 


150 


CHAP.  XXI. 

CABOT  PROCEEDS  UP  THE  PARANA ERECT?  ANOTHER  FORT  CALLED  SAN- 

TUS    SPIRITUS,    AND    AFTERWARDS    FORT    CABOT ITS    POSITION CON 
TINUES  TO  ASCEND CURIOSITY  OF  THE  NATIVES  AS  TO  THE  EXPEDITION 

—PASSES  THE  MOUTH  OF  THE  PARANA ENTERS  THE  PARAGUAY SAN- 

OtTINARY    BATTLE     THIRTY-FOUR     LEAGUES    UP    THAT    RIVER THREE 

HUNDRED  OF  THE  NATIVES  KILLED,  WITH  A  LOSS  TO  CABOT  OF  TWENTY- 
FIVE  OF  HIS   PARTY— MAINTAINS    HIS    POSITION — GARCIA    ENTERS    THE 

RIVER— INTERVIEW   WITH    CABOT MISTAKES  OF  CHARLEVOIX,    8cC. 

CABOT  RETURNS  TO  THE  FORT   u  SANTUS  SPIRITUS." 

HAVING  completed  the  Fort,  and  taken  every  precaution  for 
the  safety  of  the  ships  at  St  Salvador,  Cabot  resolved  to  as 
cend  the  Parana.  Leaving,  therefore,  a  party  under  the 
command  of  Antonio  de  Grajeda,  he  proceeded  in  the  boats 
and  a  caravel  cut  down  for  the  purpose.  The  point  at  which 
he  next  paused  and  built  a  second  Fort,  is  not  a  matter  of  doubt. 
It  was  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Parana,  near  a  river  called 
by  the  natives  Zarcaranna  or  Carcaranna.  This  name  was 
subsequently  changed  by  the  Spaniards  into  Terceiro.  On 
the  map  of  De  la  Rochette,  already  referred  to,  and  also  on 
that  of  Juan  de  la  Cruz  Canoy  Olmedilla,*  it  is  designated  at  the 
early  stages  as  Terceiro,  but  lower  down,  gathering  strength, 
it  re-assumes  the  aboriginal  title.  The  Fort  stood  not  immedi 
ately  on  the  bank  of  this  river  but  some  miles  further  up  the 


*  "  Mapa  Geografica  de  America  Meridional  dispuesto  y  gravado  por  de  Juan 
de  la  Cruz  Canoy  Olmedilla,  Geogfo-  Pensd°-  de  S.  M.  Individuo  de  la  Rl.  Academia 
de  Sn«  Fernando,  y  de  la  Sociedad  Bascongada  de  los  Amig-os  del  Pais ;  teniendo 
presentes  varies  mapas  y  noticias  originates  con  arreglo  d  observaciones  astrono- 
micas  Ano  de  1775.  Este  Mapa  de  los  Dominios  Espanoles  y  Portugueses  en 
America  Meredional,  es  una  copia  literal  y  exacta  de  un  Mapa  Espanol  mui  raro ; 
compuesto  y  gravado  en  Madrid,  ano  1775,  de  orden  del  Rey  Espana,  por  Dn-  Juan 
de  la  Cruz  Cano  y  Oniedilla,  Geofo-  Pedo-  de  S.  M.  C.  Londres,  Publicardo  por 
Guillermo  Faden,  Geografo  del  Rey,  y  del  Principe  de  Gales,  Enero  1.  de  1799.' 


151 

Parana,  as  appears  by  the  earliest  maps,  and  by  the  small  but 
admirable  one  of  D'Anville,  in  vol.  xxi.  of  the  "  Letters,  Edi- 
fiantes  et  curieuses."*  On  the  great  map  of  De  la  Rochette 
its  position  is  marked  with  much  precision.  JThere  is  laid 
down  the  "Cart  Road"  from  Buenos  Ayres  to  Sante  Fe, 
which  passes  through  El  Rosario  and  8.  Miguel;  then  comes 
"el  Rincon  de  Caboto,  Fort  destroyed  ;"  then  Calcachi,  and, 
a  little  beyond  this  last,  the  river  Monge.  The  same  repre^ 
sentation  is  made,  substantially,  by  Juan  de  la  Cruz  Canay 
Olmedilla.  The  only  remark  of  Cabot  with  regard  to  the  na 
tives  of  this  quarter  which  Herrera  repeats  is,  that  they  were 
intelligent  ("  gente  de  buena  razon"). 

He  left  in  this  fort  a  garrison  under  the  command  of  Gre- 
gorio  Caro,  who  had  commanded  the  Maria  del  Espinar,  one 
of  the  ships  of  the  squadron,  and  proceeded  in  person  further 
up  the  river*  His  force  must  now  have  been  inconsiderable, 
consisting,  as  it  did,  originally,  of  only  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  increased  perhaps  by  the  gentlemen  volunteers.  Be 
sides  the  loss  of  three  principal  officers,  and  inevitable  mortal 
ity,  he  had  weakened  his  numbers  by  leaving  garrisons  in 
two  forts.  Yet  his  plan  was,  undoubtedly,  a  prudent  one  of 
thus  forming  points  on  which  he  could  fall  back,  in  case  of 
disaster,  and  break  the  force  and  rapidity  of  a  rush  towards 
the  vessels.  Herrera  furnishes  no  account  of  his  intermediate 
movements  until  he  reaches  the  Parana.  The  incidents  which 
occurred  during  that  long  and  interesting  route  are  therefore 
unknown,  except  from  a  slight  glimpse  given  in  the  conver 
sation  reported  in  Ramusio.  In  ascending  the  river,  Cabot  is 
there  represented  as  "  fyndynge  it  every  where  verye  fayre 
and  inhabited  with  infinite  people  which  with  admyration 
came  rannynge  dayly  to  oure  shyppes."f 

*  "Lettres  Edifiantes  et  curieuses  ecrites  des  Missions  Etrangers  par  quelques 
Missionaires  de  la  Campagnie  de  Jesus."  The  work  is  in  the  King's  Library, 
British  Museum  (title  in  Catalogue  Epistolae). 

f  Richard  Eden's  Decades,  fol,  255.  The  original  in  Ramusio,  torn.  i.  fol.  415. 
"  Trovandolo  sempre  bellissirao  et  habitato  da  infiniti  popoli  che  per  maraviglis* 
correvano  k  vedermi." 


152 

On  reaching  the  junction  of  the  Parana  and  Paraguay,  he 
saw  that  the  direction  of  the  former  was  to  Brasil,  and,  there 
fore,  leaving  it  on  his  right  lie  ascended  thirty-four  leagues  up 
the  other. 

The  region  on  which  he  was  now  entering  presented  a  new 
aspect.  For  the  first  time,  the  natives  were  found  engaged 
in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  and,  with  the  feeling  that  springs 
from  exclusive  property,  they  regarded  the  strangers  with 
jealousy.  The  tribes  in  this  quarter  are  marked,  both  on  the 
old  and  the  recent  maps,  as  distinguished  for  ferocity  and  as 
the  deadliest  enemies  of  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese.  A 
collision  soon  took  place.  Three  of  Cabot's  men  having,  in 
cautiously,  strayed  from  the  main  body  to  gather  the  fruit  of 
the  palm  tree,  were  seized  by  the  natives.  There  followed 
a  fierce  and  very  sanguinary  battle.  Three  hundred  of  the 
natives  were  killed,  and  Cabot  lost  twenty-five  of  his  party.* 
He  would  seem  to  have  maintained  his  position,  for,  among 
the  incidents  occurring  below,  to  which  it  is  time  to  turn,  we 
find  the  commander  of  the  lower  fort  apprised,  by  letter,  of 
what  had  taken  place. 

The  Portuguese  Diego  Garcia  now  re-appears  in  the  nar 
rative  of  Herrera.  That  personage,  who  had  left  Spain  in 
August  1526,  after  touching  at  the  Canaries  and  Cape  de 
Verds  proceeded  to  the  coast  of  Brasil,  and  is  found  in  January 
1527f  at  the  Abrolhos  shoals.  He  visits  the  Bay  of  All  Saints, 
the  Island  of  Patos  (now  St  Catherine),  all  places  at  which 
Cabot  had  touched,  and  finally  the  La  Plata.  We  are  now 
without  dates,  except  that  in  ascending  the  river  Good  Friday 
is  mentioned  as  the  day  of  his  departure  from  Santus  Spiri- 
tus.f  Of  his  previous  history  nothing  is  known,  except  from 
the  anecdote  told  by  Herrera  of  the  fraud  on  his  employers  in 
hiring  the  principal  vessel  to  the  slave-dealer  at  Cape  Vincent. 
We  might  charitably  conclude  that  he  was  looking  for  Juan 


*  Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  i.  cap.  i. 
t  Ib.,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  i.  cap.  i. 
*Ib.,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  i.  cap.  i. 


153 

de  Cartagena  and  the  French  priest ;  but,  unfortunately  for 
his  fair  fame,  those  persons  were  put  on  shore  by  Magellan, 
at  Port  St  Julien,  in  Patagonia,  some  fifteen  degrees  to  the 
southward  of  the  La  Plata. 

He  found  the  ships  of  Cabot  at  St  Salvador,  as  we  left 
them,  under  the  charge  of  Antonio  de  Grajeda,  whose  anx 
ious  vigilance  was  increased  by  a  letter' just  received  from 
Cabot,  announcing  the  bloody  affair  above,  and  probably  sent 
down  with  the  wounded.  Grajeda,  seeing  strangers  approach, 
supposed  that  they  were  the  mutineers  whom  Cabot  had  put 
on  shore,  the  two  brothers  Roxas  and  Martin  Mendez.*  Un 
der  this  impression,  he  manned  his  boats,  and  proceeded  in 
force  against  them.  At  the  moment  of  collision,  Diego  Gar 
cia  caused  himself  to  be  recognized,  and  the  parties  returned 
amicably  together  to  St  Salvador.  Garcia  here  sent  away  his 
ship  to  fulfil  the  contract  about  the  slaves,  and  brought  his 
remaining  small  vessels  to  St  Salvador,  which  was  found,  on 
examination,  to  offer  the  most  secure  harbour.  Proceeding  up 
the  river  with  two  brigantines  and  sixty  men,  he  reached  the 
Fort  of  Santw  Spiritus^  and  required  the  commander,  Gre- 
gorio  Caro,  to  surrender  it,  as  the  right  of  discovery  belonged 
not  to  Cabot,  but  to  himself,  under  the  orders  of  the  Empe 
ror.  The  answer  of  Caro  was,  that  he  held  the  Fort  in  the 
name  of  the  Emperor  and  of  Sebastian  Cabot ;  but  that  he 
was  willing  to  render  it  useful,  in  any  way,  to  the  new-comers, 
He  begged,  as  a  favour,  of  Garcia,  that  if,  on  ascending  the 
river,  he  found  that  any  of  the  Spaniards  had  been  taken,  he 
would  use  his  efforts  to  ransom  them,  "  because,  although  he 
knew  that  Cabot  had  defeated  the  Indians,  yet  it  was  imposs 
ible  but  that  some  must  have  been  taken."f  It  is  plain,  from 

*  Here  occurs  the  expression  from  which  it  is  inferred,  that  the  two  mutineers 
whose  names  are  so  nearly  alike  were  brothers,  "  vieron  dos  naos  de  Sebastian 
Gaboto  cuio  Teniente  era  Anton  de  Grajeda  que  salio  con  ciertos  Canoas  i  un 
Batel  armados  pensando  que  eran  los  dos  Hermanos  Roxas  \  Martin  Mendez,  que 
iban  contra  el  porquc  Sebastian  Gaboto,  por  inquietos,  los  havia  dexado  en  una 
isla  desterrados  entre  los  Indies."  Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  i.  cap.  i. 

f  "Porque  aunque  sabia  que  Sebastian  Gaboto  havia  desbaratado  los  Indios  era 
imposible  que  no  huviesen  peligrado  algunos."  Herrera,  Dec.  iv  lib.  i.  cap.  i. 

u 


154 

these  expressions,  that  Cabot  was  known  to  have  made  good 
his  stand.  Caro  personally  pledged  himself  to  the  repayment 
of  whatever  Garcia  might  find  it  necessary  to  advance  in  the 
way  of  ransom;  and  he  begged,  if  Cabot  had  fallen,  that  Garr 
cia  would  not  leave  them  in  that  country.* 

On  arriving  at  the  junction  of  the  Parana  and  Paraguay, 
Garcia,  instead  of  proceeding  to  support  Cabot,  turned  into 
the  former  river,  about  which  he  makes  a  report  that  Her- 
rera  declines  to  insert,  as  Nunez  Cabeca  de  Vaca  had  subse 
quently  examined  it  with  greater  care.  At  length,  he  reached 
the  Port  of  Santa  Jlna^  the  name  given  by  Cabot  to  his  last 
position.  Herrera,  although  not  accurate  as  to  distances,  de 
termines  the  place  of  meeting,  by  stating  it  to  have  been 
where  the  Indians  had  killed  twenty- five  Spaniards ;  and  hav 
ing  his  own  authority  for  fixing  that  point  thirty-four  leagues 
up  the  Paraguay,  we  may  suppose  that  Cabot,  after  chastising 
the  natives,  had  come  to  a  good  understanding  with  them. 
He  was  employed,  as  we  shall  hereafter  have  reason  to  con 
clude,  in  diligently  collecting  information  about  the  region 
from  which  had  been  brought  the  precious  metals  that  he  saw 
in  this  quarter. 

Of  the  circumstances  attending  the  interview  at  Santa  Ana 
nothing  is  known ;  but  Garcia,  doubtless,  repeated  the  remon 
strance  which  he  had  addressed  to  the  commander  of  the  fort. 

It  was  not  in  the  character  of  Cabot,  or  consistent  with  his 
standing  in  Spain,  to  struggle  for  lawless,  or  even  doubtful, 
power,  and  he  descended  the  river  in  company  with  Garcia. 

In  the  absence  of  any  evidence  as  to  these  points,  imagina 
tion  has  been  drawn  upon.  Charlevoix,  as  has  been  already 
stated,  supposes  Garcia  to  have  been  sent  into  the  La  Plata 
by  the  Captain- General  of  Brasil,  thus  betraying  an  entire 
ignorance  of  the  precise  statement  of  Herrera,  and  of  the  fact 
that  there  was  no  such  officer  as  he  speaks  of,  until  many 


•  "Qu*  si  hallase  muerto  a  Sebastian  Gaboto  le  rogaba  que  no  los  dcxasse 
alii."    Ib. 


155 

years  after.     To  suit  this  main  fiction,  he  fabricates  a  series  of 
collateral  incidents  equally  unfounded  and  ridiculous.* 

*  "Gabot  yit  arriver  a  son  Camp  un  Capitaine  Portugais  nomme  Diegue  Gar- 
cias  lequel  avoit  etc  envoie"  par  le  Capitaine  General  de  Bresil  pour  reconnoitre  le 
pals  et  en  prendre  possession  au  nom  de  la  Couronne  de  Portugal  mais  qui  n'&voit 
pas  assez  de  monde  pour  executer  sa  Commission  malgre  les  Espagnols,  qu'il  ne 
s'etoitpas  attendu.  de  trouver  en  si  grande  nombre  sur  les  bords  du  Paraguay. 
Gabot  de  son  cot£  fit  reflexion  qu'il  ne  pourroit  jamais  empecbxr  les  Portugais  de  se 
rendre  maitres  du  pays  si  ils  y  revenoient  avec  des  forces  superieures  que  la  prox- 
imit6  du  Bresel  leur  donnoit  le  moien  d'y  faire  entrer  en  peu  de  terns;  sur  quoi  il 
prit  le  parti  de  faire  quelques  presens  a  Garcias  pour  I'engager  a  le  suivre  au  Fart 
du  S.  Esprit.  II  y  reussit!"  &c.  &c. 


156 


CHAP.  XXII. 

CABOT'S  REPORT  TO  CHARLES  v.— ITS  PRESUMED  CONTENTS— PROSPECT 

WHICH  IT  HELD  OUT PERU  CONTEMPLATED  IN  HIS  ORIGINAL  PLAN  OF 

1524 SPECIMENS  FOUND  BY  CABOT  OF  THE  PRECIOUS  METALS  OBTAINED 

XHENCE  BY  THE  GUARANIS— EMPEROR  RESOLVES  ON  A  GREAT  EXPEDI 
TION — HIS  PECUNIARY  EMBARRASSMENTS PIZARRO  OFFERS  TO  MAKE 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  PERU  AT  HIS  OWN  EXPENSE — REFLECTIONS — THE 
NAME  RIO  DE  LA  PLATA  NOT  CONFERRED  BY  CABOT — MISREPRESENTA 
TION  ON  THIS  AND  OTHEH  POINTS. 

ON  returning  to  the  Fort  of  Santus  Spiritus,  Cabot  made  ar 
rangements  to  convey  to  the  Emperor  intelligence  of  his  dis 
coveries.  He  prepared,  also,  a  comprehensive  statement  of 
the  incidents  which  had  occurred  since  he  left  Seville,  and  of 
the  circumstances  which  compelled  him  to  abandon  the  expe 
dition  originally  contemplated,  This  report  is  referred  to 
by  Herrera9*  but  while  all  the  calumnies  of  Cabot's  enemies 
are  repeated>  he  furnishes,  as  has  been  before  remarked,  no 
part  of  the  vindication  which  must  have  been  conclusive. 
This  document  is  probably  yet  in  existence  amongst  the  ar 
chives  of  Spain. 

The  bearers  of  the  communication  wereHernando  Calderon, 
and  an  individual  designated  by  Herrera  in  one  place  as  Jorge 
Barlo,  and  in  another  as  Jorge  Barloque,  conjectured  to  have 
been  one  of  the  two  English  gentlemen,  friends  of  Thome, 
who  accompanied  the  expedition,  and  whose  name,  probably 
George  Barlow,  has  undergone  a  slighter  transformation  than 
might  have  been  anticipated. 

Of  the  hopes  and  prospects  which  this  communication  held 
out  we  are  ignorant ;  and  only  know  that  the  Emperor  re- 

*  Dec.  iv.  lib.  iii.  cap.  i. 


157 

solved  to  fit  out  a  great  expedition,  but  that  the  execution  of 
his  intention  was  unfortunately  too  long  delayed. 

It  may  well  be  imagined  that  the  expectations  of  Cabot  had 
been  raised  to  a  high  pitch,  and  that  he  eagerly  solicited  per 
mission  and  means  to  follow  up  the  enterprise.  He  had  reach 
ed  the  waters  which,  rising  in  Potosi,  fall  into  the  Paraguay, 
and  had,  doubtless,  ascertained  the  quarter  to  which  the  na 
tives  were  indebted  for  those  ornaments  of  the  precious  metals 
which  he  saw  about*  their  persons.  Even  from  the  fort  on 
the  Parana,,  the  obstacles  between  him  and  Peru  present  no 
very  formidable  difficulty  to  the  modern  traveller.  That  he 
had  his  eye  on  that  empire,  the  riches  of  which  Pizarro  was 
enabled,  a  few  years  afterwards,  to  reach  by  a  different  route, 
may  be  inferred  from  the  care  with  which  he  is  found  collect 
ing  information,  and  the  obvious  facilities  which  they  disclose. 
In  an  abstract  given  by  Herrera  of  Cabot's  final  report  to  the 
emperor,  there  occur  the  following  passages: — 

"The  principal  tribe  of  Indians  in  that  region  are  the  Guaranzs,  a  people  war 
like,  treacherous,  and  arrogant,  who  give  the  appellation  of  slaves  to  all  who 
speak  a  different  language."  "In  the  time  of  Guaynacapa,  King  of  Peru,  father 
of  Atabilipa,  these  people  made  an  irruption  into  his  dominions,  which  extend 
more  than  five  hundred  leagues,  and  reached  Peru,  and  after  a  most  destructive 
progress,  returned  home  in  triumph,"  &c.  "Cabot  negotiated  a  peace  with  this 
tribe.  By  friendly  intercourse  he  came  to  leafn  many  secrets  of  the  country,  and 
procured  from  them  gold  and  silver  which  they  had  brought  from  Pert*,"  &c.* 

It  had  been  a  part  of  Cabot's  original  plan,  as  stated  by 
Peter  Martyr,  to  visit  the  western  coast  of  America  $  "  Hav 
ing  passed  the  winding  Strait  of  Magellan,  he  is  to  direct 
his  course  to  the  right  hand  in  the  rear  of  our  supposed  Con 
tinent."  f<  He  will  scour  along  all  the  South  side  of  our  sup- 

*  "La  relacion  que  hico  al  Rey  fue  que  la  mas  principal  generacion  de  Inclios 
de  aquella  tierra  son  los  Guaranist  gente  guerrera,  traydora  y  sobervia,  y  que 
llaman  esclavos  a  todos  los  que  no  son  de  su  lengua."  Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  viii. 
cap.  xi.  "  En  tiempo  de  Guaynacapa,  Rey  de  el  Peru,  Padre  de  Atabilipa,  salieron 
grandes  companias  y  caminando  por  todos  las  tierras  de  su  nacion,  que  se  es- 
tenden  mas  de  quinientas  leguas  llegaron  a  tierra  del  Peru  y  despues  de  aver 
hecho  grandes  destruyciones  se  bolvieron  vitoriososa  su  naturaleca." — Ib.  "Y 
haviendo  hecho  Sebastian  Goboto  la  Paz  con  esta  generacion,  &c.  con  el  amitad 
destos  supo  muchos  secretos  de  la  tierra  y  huvo  de  ellos  oro  y  plata  de  la  que 
traian  del  Peru." 


158 

posed  Continent,  and  arrive  at  the  Colonies  of  Panama  and 
Nata  erected  on  those  shores,  the  bounds  of  the  Golden  Cas 
tile,  and  whosoever  at  that  time  shall  be  governor  of  that  pro 
vince  called  Golden  Castile  is  to  give  us  intelligence  of  his  suc 
cess."*  Cabot  now  found  himself  within  striking  distance  of 
these  regions,  and  the  intelligence  received  quickened  his 
eagerness  to  reach  them.  The  intervening  obstacles  were 
nothing  to  his  restless  activity  and  indomitable  spirit,  and 
the  opposition  to  be  encountered  not  worth  a  thought  when  he 
knew  that  a  war-party  of  the  savages,  whom  his  own  little  band 
had  so  severely  chastised,  were  able  to  overrun  the  Empire  of 
Peru  and  carry  off  its  treasures. 

But  however  well  disposed  the  Emperor  might  be  to  yield 
a  ready  belief  to  the  representations  of  Cabot,  the  means  were 
absolutely  wanting  to  furnish  the  promised  aid.  The  only 
key  to  this  part  of  the  history  of  Charles  V. ,  is  a  recollection 
of  his  struggles  with  pecuniary  embarrassment.  The  soldiers 
of  Bourbon  had  muthiied  for  want  of  pay,  and  were  brought 
back  to  duty  only  by  the  great  personal  exertions  and  influ 
ence  of  their  chief,  and  by  the  hope  of  plunder;  ancl  even 
after  the  sack  of  Rome,  they  refused  to  quit  that  city  until 
the  arrears  due  to  them  should  be  discharged,  «  a  condition," 
says  Dr  Robertson,f  "  which  they  knew  to  be  impossible." 
During  the  very  year  in  which  Cabot's  messengers  arrived, 
the  Cortes  had  refused  the  grant  of  money  solicited  by  the 
Emperor.  J  We  have  already  had  occasion  to  advert  to  the 
mortgage  of  the  Moluccas  to  Portugal  in  1529,  as  security  for 
a  loan,  to  the  infinite  chagrin  of  his  Castilian  subjects.  Pi- 
zarro  had  the  advantage  of  being  able  to  employ  personal  im 
portunity,  and  he  asked  no  money.  On  26th  July  1528,  the 
Emperor  yielded  to  that  adventurer  a  grant  of  the  entire  range 
of  coast,  which  it  had  been  part  of  Cabot's  plan  of  1524  to 
visit.  At  his  own  expense  Pizarro  engaged  to  raise  a  large 
force,  "  and  to  provide  the  ships,  arms,  and  warlike  stores 
requisite,  towards  subjecting  to  the  Crown  of  Castile  the 

*  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  vii.  cap.  vi. 
f  Life  of  Charles  V.,  book  v. 


159 

country  of  which  the  government  was  allotted  to  him."*  He 
proceeded  at  once  to  the  task,  though  it  was  not  until  Feb 
ruary  1531  that  he  was  enabled  to  set  out  from  Panama  on  his 
successful,  but  infamous,  career. 

It  were  idle  to  indulge  the  imagination,  in  speculating  on 
the  probable  result  had  the  expedition  to  Peru  been  conduct 
ed  by  Cabot,     With  all  the  better  qualities  of  Pizarro,  it  is 
certain  that  the  very  elevation  of  his  moral  character  must 
have  stood  in  the  way  of  that  rapid  desolation,  and  fierce  ex 
action,  which  have  made  the  downfall  of  the  Peruvian  Em 
pire  a  subject  of  vulgar  admiration.     In  following  Pizarro, 
the  heart  sickens  at  a  tissue  of  cruelty,  fraud,  treachery,  and 
cold-blooded  murder,  unrelieved  even  by  the  presence  of 
great  danger ;  for  after  the  resistance  at  the  island  of  Puna, 
which  detained  him  for  six  months,  no  serious  obstacles  were 
encountered.     Even  the  Guaranis,  who  had  achieved  an  easy 
conquest  over  the  unwarlike  Peruvians,  in  the  preceding 
reign,  were  guiltless  of  the  atrocities  which  marked  his  pro 
gress.    Of  one  thing  we  may  be  certain.     Had  the  conquest 
fallen  to  the  lot  of  Cabot>  the  blackest  page  of  the  History  of 
Spanish  America  would  have  been  spared.    The  murder  of 
the  Inca,  to  gratify  the  pique  of  an  illiterate!  ruffian,  forms  one 
of  the  most  horrid  images  of  History.     It  was  no  less  impolitic 
than  atrocious,  and  roused  the  indignation  even  of  the  des- 


*  Robertson's  History  of  America,  book  vi. 

f  "  Among  all  the  European  Arts,  what  he  admired  most  was  that  of  reading 
and  writing;  and  he  long  deliberated  with  himself,  whether  he  should  regard  it  as 
a  natural  or  acquired  talent.  In  order  to  determine  this,  he  desired  one  of  the 
soldiers  who  guarded  him,  to  write  the  name  of  God  on  the  nail  of  his  thumb. 
This  he  showed  successively  to  several  Spaniards,  asking  its  meaning;  and  to  his 
amazement,  they  all,  without  hesitation,  returned  the  same  answer.  At  length 
Pizarro  entered  ;  and  on  presenting  i£  to  him,  he  blushed,  and  with  some  confu 
sion  was  obliged  to  acknowledge  his  ignorance.  From  that  moment,  Atahualpa 
considered  him  as  a  mean  person,  less  instructed  than  his  own  soldiers;  and  he  had 
not  address  enough  to  conceal  the  sentiments  with  which  this  discovery  inspired 
him.  To  be  the  object  of  a  barbarian's  scorn  not  only  mortified  the  pride  of  Pi 
zarro,  but  excited  such  resentment  in  his  breast,  as  added  force  to  all  the  other 
considerations  which  prompted  him  to  put  the  Inca  to  death."  (Robertson's  Hist- 
America. 


160 

peradoes  who  accompanied  Pizarro.  The  career  of  Cabot 
who,  at  the  Council  Board  of  the  Indies,  had  been  a  party  to 
the  order  forbidding  even  the  abduction  of  a  Native,  could 
not  have  been  stained  by  crimes  which  make  us  turn  with 
horror  from  the  guilty  splendour  of  the  page  that  records  them. 
Reverting  to  the  Despatch  of  Cabot  to  the  Emperor,  it  re 
mains  to  notice  a  charge  against  hini  of  having  conferred  the 
name  of  Rio  de  la  Plata,  or  River  of  Silver,  with  a  view  to 
colour  his  failure,  and  to  encourage  deceptive  hopes.  Now 
Gomara,  who  wrote  half  a  century  before  Herrera,  tells  us 
expressly  that  this  designation  was  given  by  the  original  dis 
coverer,  De  Solis  (cap.  Ixxxix.). 

"Topb  con  un  grandissimo  Rio  que  los  Naturales  Hainan  Paranaguaca,  que 
quiere  decir  Rio  como  Mar  o  Agua  grande;  vido  en  el  muestra  de  Plata,  inombrolo 
de  ella."  ("He  fell  in  with  an  immense  river  which- the  natives  called  Paran- 
aguacay  that  is  to  say,  a  river  like  the  sea  or  great  water ;  he  saw  in  it  specimens  of 
silver,  and  named  it  from  that  circumstance") 

Thus  in  a  work  dedicated  to  the  Emperor,  we  find  the 
origin  of  that  name  which  Cabot  is  represented  to  have  fraud 
ulently  conferred  so  long  afterwards  for  the  purpose  of  mis- 
.leading  him! 

The  same  statement  is  made  by  Lopez  Vaz  (Hakluyt,  vol. 
iii.  p.  788),  "The  first  Spaniard  that  entered  this  river  and 
inhabited  the  same,  was  called  Solis,  who  passed  up  a  hundred 
leagues  into  it,  and  called  it  by  the  name  of  Rio  de  La  Plata, 
that  is  to  say,  The  River  of  Silver" 

Herrera  gives  a  somewhat  different  account.  In  the  chap 
ter  devoted  to  Garcia's  expedition,  he  says  after  speaking  of 
the  precious  metals  obtained  by  Cabot, 

"Tambien  Diego  Garcia  huro  alguna  cantidad  de  Plata  de  los  Indies,  desde 
donde  se  llamo  este  Rio  de  la  Plata  porque  fue  la  primera  que  se  traxo  a  Castilla 
de  las  Indios,  i  era  de  la  que  los  Indios  Guaranis  traian  en  planchas  i  otras  piecas 
grandes  de  las  Provincias  del  Peru."* 

*  Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  i.  cap.  i.  "  Diego  Garcia  also  obtained  some  portion  of 
silver  from  the  Indians,  whence  it  was  called  Rio  de  La  Plata,  or  River  of  Silver, 
because  this  was  the  first  of  that  metal  brought  to  Spain  from  the  Indies,  and  it 
was  part  of  that  which  the  Guaranis  Indians  obtained  in  plates  and  other  large 
pieces  from  the  Provinces  of  Peru." 


161 

Let  us,  then,  for  a  moment,  suppose  Gomara  and  Lopez 
Vaz  in  error ;  and  further,  that  the  tide  was  not  a  device  of 
Garcia  who  was  struggling  to  connect  himself  ostentatiously  with 
this  region — who  boasts  of  his  superior  activity  in  exploring 
it — and  with  whose  name,  previously  rendered  infamous,  Her- 
rera  more  immediately  associates  the  appellation.  After  all 
these  concessions  it  would  then  appear  that  the  epithet  was  one 
popularly  applied  (like  Brazil,  the  Spice  Islands,  the  Sugar 
Islands,  &c.),  from  the  article — the  Silver  of  Potosi — which 
had  been  brought  thence  and  attracted  general  attention  and 
interest.  There  is  not  the  least  reason  to  suppose  that  it  was 
conferred  by  Cabot,  or  that  he  concealed  the  quarter  whence 
the  treasure  came — a  fact  which  Herrera  is  found  correctly 
stating  from  his  Report.  That  document  was  doubtless  full  and 
explicit ;  giving  a  prominent  place  to  the  hopes  which  had 
been  excited,  but  with  a  statement,  also,  of  the  great  fertility 
of  the  country,  its  healthy  climate,  and  general  advantages  for 
colonization,  aside  from  the  avenue  it  offered  to  those  regions 
of  the  precious  metals  embraced  in  the  plan  of  1524. 

But  while  of  the  Spanish  writers,  evil-disposed  as  they  are 
to  Cabot,  no  one  has  ventured  to  put  forth  any  such  charge 
of  deception,  his  own  countrymen  have  exhibited  an  eager 
anxiety  to  fasten  on  him  the  odious  accusation,  Two  speci 
mens  may  suffice : — 

"Cabot,  in  the  mean  time,  contrived  to  Bend  home  to  the  Emperor  an  account 
of  his  proceedings;  and  as  he  had  found  among  the  savages  of  the  interior  some 
ornaments  of  gold  and  silver,  which  he  easily  obtained  in  exchange  for  various 
trinkets,  he  took  advantage  of  this  slender  circumstance  to  represent  the  country  as 
abounding  in  those  mdakt  and  in  conformity  with  his  description,  he  gone  the 
river  the  name  of  La  Plata."* 

"  Juan  Dias  de  Solis  had  discovered  a  prodigious  river  to  which  he  gave  his 
own  name,  and  where  he  was  killed  and  eaten  by  an  ambush  of  savages.  In  1525, 
[this  error  has  already  been  exposed]  Cabot,  following  the  tract  of  Magalhaens, 
arrived  at  the  same  stream,  and  explored  it  as  high  as  the  Paraguay.  A  little  gold 
and  silver,  which  had  been  obtained  from  the  natives,  raised  his  opinion  of  the 

•  Dr  Lardner's  Cyclopaedia,  History  of  Maritime  and  Inland  Discovery,  vot  ti. 

V 


162 

importance  of  the  country;  the  river  was  named  Rio  de  la  Plata,  and  many  an  ad 
venturer  was  lured  to  his  destruction  by  this  deceptive  title."* 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add  that  the  statement  that  Ca 
bot  was  "sent  to  the  coast  of  Brasil,  where  he  made  the 
important  discovery  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata, "f  advances  for 
him  an  unfounded  claim.  Some  difference  of  opinion  exists 
as  to  the  time  of  the  discovery  by  De  Solis.  Herrera,  in  the 
"Description  de  las  Indias  Occidentales"  (cap.  xxiv.),  pre 
fixed  to  his  History,  says,  "Juan  Diaz  de  Solis  descubrio  el 
Rio  de  la  Plata  ano  de  1515  i  Sebastian  Gaboto  Ingles  iendo 
con  armada  por  orden  del  Emperador,"  <fec.  ("Juan  Diaz 
de  Solis  discovered  the  Rio  de  la  Plata,  and  Sebastian  Cabot, 
an  Englishman,  proceeding  afterwards  with  a  squadron  by 
order  of  the  Emperor,"  &c.).  According  to  some  accounts, 
the  discovery  of  De  Solis  took  place  a  few  years  before  the 
date  here  mentioned ;  but  no  doubt  exists  as  to  the  fact  of  an 
antecedent  visit  by  him.  It  is  not  necessary  to  inquire  here 
into  the  yet  earlier  claims  of  others. 


*  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  iv.  p.  459. 

f  Historical  Account  of  Discoveries,  &c.  by  Hugh  Murray,  Esq.  (Vol.  i.  p.  65). 
The  same  idle  assertion  is  made  by  Mr  Barrow,  in  the  Chronological  History  of 
Voyages,  &c.  p.  35. 


163 


CHAP.  XXIII. 

CABOT'S  RESIDENCE  IN  THE  LA  PLATA — SUBJECTION  OF  REMOTE  TRIBES 
—CLAIMS  OF  SPAIN  RESTED  ON  THIS  EXPEDITION— TREATY  WITH  THE 
GUARANIS— DETAILED  REPORT  TO  THE  EMPEROR  AS  TO  THE1  PRODUC 
TIONS,  ETC.  OF  THE  COUNTRY MISCONDUCT  OF  THE  FOLLOWERS  OF 

GARCIA LEADS  TO  A  GENERAL  ATTACK  FROM  THE  NATIVES RETURN 

TO  SPAIN. 

CABOT'S  residence  in  the  La  Plata,  though  measured  tedi 
ously  by  hope  deferred,  and  finally  blasted,  was  not  passed 
inactively.  The  small  force  which  remained,  after  one  of 
the  vessels  had  been  despatched  to  Europe,  might  be  supposed 
insufficient  to  enable  him  to  maintain  his  position ;  yet  it  is 
certain  that  his  operations  were  of  a  very  bold  and  adventur 
ous  character.  He  seems  to  have  pushed  his  researches  as 
far  as  could  be  done  without  quitting  the  waters  which  ena 
bled  him  to  be  promptly  advised  of  the  arrival  of  the  expected 
reinforcement. 

Of  these  operations  we  are  left  to  gather  the  extent  rather 
from  circumstances  than  any  direct  information  afforded  by 
the  Spanish  historians.  In  a  Memoir  prepared  by  the  Court 
of  Spain,  to  resist  the  pretensions  of  Portugal  in  this  quar 
ter,  it  is  made  the  leading  argument,  after  an  enumeration  of 
a  vast  number  of  tribes,  that  Sebastian  Cabot  erected  forts  hi 
the  country,  administered  justice  there  in  civil  and  criminal 
cases,  and  reduced  all  these  nations  under  the  obedience  of  the 
Emperor.* 

It  is  impossible  not  to  be  struck  by  the  reflection  which 


*  Herfreca,  Dec  iv  lib  viii.  cap.  xi  "  Que  Sebastian  Gaboto  avia  cdificado  en 
aquellas  tierras  fortalezas  y  exercitado  justicia  civil  y  criminal  y  traido  a  la  obedi- 
encia  Real  todas  las  sobredichas  generaciones." 


164 

this  passage  suggests,  as  to  what  may  almost  be  termed  the 
ubiquity  of  this  adventurous  and  indefatigable  seaman  in  the 
new  world.  While  England  has  rested  her  claim  at  one  ex 
tremity  of  it,  and  Spain  at  the  other,  on  the  personal  agency  of 
the  same  Native  of  Bristol,  we  have  an  assurance  that  he  was 
found  at  the  intermediate  point,  with  a  party  of  Englishmen, 
on  the  first  visit  of  the  individual  whose  name  now  over 
spreads  the  whole. 

Some  of  the  tribes  referred  to  are  named  in  the  following 
passage  of  Herrera — 

"TheGuaranis  occupy  the  islands.  The  principal  nations  are  the  Charruas 
and  the  Quirondis.  On  a  river  on  the  left-hand  are  the  Carcaras,  and  yet  further 
up  the  Trimbus*  the  Curundas  and  Camis.  Yet  higher  are  the  Quilbasas,  Col" 
chines  and  Chanas,  who  are  savages.  After  these  come  the  Mecoretas  and  the  Me- 
penes,  who  continue  for  im  extent  of  100  leagues.  Beyond  these  are  twenty-seven 
nations  of  different  appellations,  and  languages  and  customs  almost  dissimilar,  the 
names  of  which  are  omitted  for  fear  of  being  tedious  ("  Que  por  no  dar  molestia  se 
dexan  de  nombrar'**). 

The  incursion  of  the  Guaranis  into  Peru,  has  been  adverted 
to.  On  their  return,  some  of  the  fierce  invaders  lingered  on 
the  way  and  permanently  occupied  the  mountains,  whence 
they  annoyed  the  Choreas,  their  mode  of  warfare  being  to 
make  night  attacks,  and  after  sweeping  every  thing  before 
them  to  retire  to  their  fastnesses  quite  secure  from  pursuit 
The  Nation  subjected  to  these  vexatious  attacks  is  found  to 
occupy  the  same  position  on  the  modern  maps. 

As  no  supplies  were  received  from  Spain,  subsistence  must 
have  been  drawn  from  the  labours  of  the  party.  Expe 
riments  were  made  on  the  fertility  of  the  soil  and  the  results 
carefully  noted.f  Cabot's  final  report  to  the  Emperor  de 
scribed,  with  great  minuteness,  the  various  productions  of  that 
region,  and  spoke  also  of  the  wonderful  increase  of  the  hogs, 
horses,  &c.  brought  out  from  Spain.J  This  Memoir  would 
be,  even  at  the  present  day,  highly  curious  and  interesting. 

•  Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  via.  cap*-xi. 

f  Gomara,  cap.  Ixxxix.    Eden,  fol.  255,  and  again,  fol.  317- 

I  A  brief  abstract  is  found  in  Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  viii.  cap.  xi. 


165 

It  is,  doubtless,  preserved  in  Spain,  and  there  was  probably  a 
copy  of  it  amongst  the  papers  left  with  Worthington. 

In  the  midst  of  his  labours  the  same  evil  spirit  which  had 
pursued  him  to  the  La  Plata  was  preparing  a  final  blow.  The 
Portuguese,  Diego  Garcia,  would  seem  to  have  quitted  the 
country  immediately,  with  the  specimens  he  had  obtained  of 
the  precious  metals,  but  he  left  behind  a  party  of  his  follow 
ers.  These  men  were  guilty  of  some  act  which  roused  the 
wildest  resentment  of  the  Guaranis,  with  whom  Cabot  had 
made  a  treaty.  It  is  expressly  declared  that  the  latter  had 
no  concern  with  the  cause  of  exasperation,*  but  the  ven 
geance  of  this  fierce  and  sanguinary  people  made  no  distinc 
tion,  and  it  was  determined  to  sacrifice  every  white  man  in 
the  country.  Secret  meetings  were  held,  and  a  plan  of  action 
deliberately  concerted. 

A  little  before  day-break  the  whole  nation  burst  upon  the 
feeble  garrison  of  Santus  Spiritus.  It  was  carried,  and  the 
other  position,  at  St  Salvador,  furiously  assaulted.  We  have 
no  particulars,  but  know  that  Cabot  must  have  repelled  the 
shock,  for  he  was  enabled  to  prepare  for  sea  and  to  put  on 
board  the  requisite  supplies.  This  done,  he  quitted  the  ill- 
omened  region. 

Amongst  the  wild  tales  which  have  passed  into  traditions 
of  the  La  Plata,  one  would  represent  Cabot  to  have  fallen  in 
the  course  of  the  sanguinary  conflicts  with  the  natives.  This 
misconception  is  embodied  in  the  "Argentina  y  Conquista 
Del  Rio  de  la  Plata,"  a  poem  on  its  early  history,  written  by 
Don  Martin  de  el  Barco,  and  which  finds  a  place  in  the  His- 
toriadores  Primitives  (vol.  iii.) — 

"La  muerte,  pues,  de  aqueste  ia  sabida 

El  gran  Carlos  embia  al  buen  Gaboto 

Con  una  flata  al  gusto  proveida 

Como  hombre  que  lo  entiende  i  que  es  piloto; 

Entro  en  el  Paranna,  i  ia  sabida 

La  mas  fuerga  del  Rio  ha  sido-roto 

*  Herrera,  Dec.  iv.  lib.  viii.  cap.  xi.  "  For  algunas  occasiones  que  dieron  los 
soldados  que  fueroncon  Diego  Garcia  en  que  Sebastian  Gaboto  netuvoculpa." 


166 

Del  Guaranl,  dejando  fabricada 

La  Torre  de  Gaboto  bien  nombrada 

Algunos  de  los  suios  se  escaparon 

De  aquel  Rio  Timbuz  do  fue  la  guerra 

A  Sant  Salvador  Rio  se  bajaron 

A  do  la  demas  gente  estaba  en  tierra 

A  nuestra  dulce  Espana  se  tornaron,  &c."* 


•  Another  story,  but  too  obviously  false  to  screen  the  writer  from  the  charge  of 
fabrication,  is  found  in  Techo,  and  embellished  by  Charlevoix  (Histoire  du  Para 
guay,  Tom.  i.  p.  29).  It  represents  Cabot  to  have  left  behind  a  force  of  one  hun 
dred  and  twenty  men,  under  the  command  of  Nuno  de  Lara;  and  a  series  of  roman 
tic  adventures  is  framed  out  of  the  attachment  of  a  savage  chieftain  to  the  wife  of 
Hurtado,  one  of  the  principal  officers  of  the  garrison! 


167 


CHAP.  XXIV. 


EMPLOYMENT  OF  CABOT  AFTER  HIS  RETURN—RESUMES  HIS  FUNCTIONS  A3 
PILOT-MAJOR — MAKES  SEVERAL  VOYAGES HIS  HIGH  REPUTATION- 
VISIT  OF  A  LEARNED  ITALIAN CABOT*S  ALLUSION  TO  COLUMBUS. 

CABOT  must  now,  in  1531,  have  begun  to  feel  the  influence 
of  advancing  years,  of  which  thirty-five  had  passed  since  the 
date  of  that  patent  from  Henry  VII.  under  which  he  made 
the  great  discovery  in  the  north.  The  interval  had  been  re 
plete  with  toil,  anxiety  and  peril.  Yet  though  he  resumed, 
as  we  shall  see,  the  functions  of  Pilot-Major,  an  unbroken 
spirit  of  enterprise  drew  him  afterwards,  repeatedly,  on  the 
Ocean.  We  turn  now  to  the  only  evidence  which  remains, 
scanty  as  it  is,  of  the  occupations  of  this  part  of  his  life. 

Enough  has  been  already  said  of  the  circumstances  which 
prove  that  the  defence  submitted  to  the  Emperor  must  have 
been  completely  successful.  The  Conversation  in  Ramusio, 
heretofore  so  often  referred  to,  now  offers  its  testimony  as  to 
the  general  opinion  in  Spain,  of  his  conduct  during  the  event 
ful  period  through  which  he  has  just  been  conducted. 

The  reputation  brought  from  the  La  Plata  could  not  have 
been  equivocal,  for  in  the  scenes  through  which  Cabot  had 
passed,  the  most  latent  particle  of  fear  or  indecision  must  have 
started  fatally  into  notice.  The  survivors  of  the  expedition 
had  seen  Danger  assume  before  him  every  terrifying  form. 
In  command  of  Spaniards  he  stood  alone — an  obnoxious  stran 
ger — in  a  fierce  mutiny  headed  by  brave  and  popular  Spanish 
officers.  He  had  been  seen  amidst  sanguinary  encounters, 
hand  to  hand,  with  hordes  of  ferocious  savages,  and  extrica 
ting  himself,  on  one  occasion,  only  by  a  slaughter  of  more 
than  three  times  the  number  of  his  own  force.  And  finally, 


168 

in  the  face  of  the  blood-thirsty  Guaranis,  breaking  furiously 
against  his  defences,  he  had  calmly  completed  his  arrange 
ments  and  brought  off  all  his  people  ia  safety.  As  the  sail 
was  spread,  and  they  found  themselves  once  more  on  the 
ocean,  the  overwrought  anxieties  of  his  companions  would 
seem  to  have  melted  into  gratitude  to  their  brave  and  ever- 
faithful  commander.  In  the  last  lopk  at  that  scene,  for  years, 
of  toil  and  peril,  how  many  incidents  thronged  before  them 
all  associated  memorably  with  Him  who  now  stood  on  the  deck 
guiding  them  back  to  their  country !  And  the  feelings  of  at 
tachment  and  admiration  with  which  they  bade  adieu  to  the 
La  Plata,  found  an  eager  expression,  as  we  shall  see,  in  the 
earliest  report,  at  home,  of  their  eventful  story. 

In  reverting  to  the  Conversation  in  Ramusio,  which  discloses 
the  popular  fame  that  henceforward  attached  itself  to  Cabot, 
we  must  not  be  accused  of  inconsistency  for  deeming  it  worthy 
of  credit.  The  errors  established  heretofore  were  those  in 
matter  of  detail,  with  regard  to  which  the  memory  might 
well  be  unfaithful.  The  speaker  is  now  to  tell  of  the  cir 
cumstances  that  led  to  the  interview,  and  of  general  remarks 
better  calculated  to  make  a  vivid  impression. 

As  this  is  the  Conversation  which  the  Biographic  Univer- 
selle  could  not  find  in  Ramusio,  we  may  be  the  more  minute 
in  our  quotations. 

The  learned  speaker,  after  a  long  discussion  on  the  subject 
of  Cosmography,  turns  to  the  subject  of  the  North- West 
Passage,  and  asks  Fracastor  and  Ramusio  if  they  had  not 
heard  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  "  so  valiant  a  man  and  so  well  prac 
tised  in  all  things  pertaining  to  navigation  and  the  science  of 
cosmography,  that  at  this  present  he  hath  not  his  like  in 
Spain,  insomuch  that  for  his  virtues  he  is  preferred  above  all 
other  pilots  that  sail  to  the  West  Indies,  who  may  not  pass 
thither  without  his  license,  and  is  therefore  called  Piloto- 
Mayor,  that  is,  the  Grand  Pilot."* 

•  Eden's  Decades,  fol.  255,  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  6.  The  original  in  Ramusio 
(torn.  i.  fol.  414  D.  Ed.  of  1554),  "  Cosi  valeftte  et  pratico  delle  cose  pertittenti 


169 

Receiving  a  reply  in  the  negative,  he  proceeds  to  state, 
that  finding  himself  at  Seville,  and  being  anxious  to  learn 
something  of  the  maritime  discoveries  of  the  Spaniards,  the 
public  voice  directed  him  to  Sebastian  Cabot  as  a  very  valiant 
man,  ("  un  gran  valent  huomo")  then  living  in  that  city,  who 
had  the  charge  of  those  things  ("che  havea  P  carico  di 
quelle").  A  wish  seized  him  to  see  Cabot  ("subito  volsi 
essere  col  detto").  He  called,  and  we  are  now,  for  the  first 
time,  brought  into  a  direct  personal  interview  with  this  cele 
brated  man. 

"I  found  him  a  most  gentle  and  courteous  person,  who  treated  me  with  great 
kindness  and  shewed  me  a  great  many  things ;  amongst  the  rest  a  great  Map  of  the 
world,  on  which  the  several  voyages  of  the  Portuguese  and  Spaniards  were  laid 
down."* 

The  conversation  then  turned  on  the  voyage  from  England 
in  the  time  of  Henry  VII.  and  the  subsequent  events  in  the 
La  Plata.  Speaking  of  his  return  from  the  latter  expedition, 
Cabot  says — 

"After  this  I  made  many  other  voyages^  which  I  now  pretermit,  and  growing 
old  I  give  myself  to  rest  from  such  labours,  because  there  are  now  many  young 
and  vigorous  seamen  of  good  experience,  by  whose  forwardness  I  do  rejoice  in 
the  fruit  of  my  labours,  and  rest  with  the  charge  of  this  office  as  you  see."t 

It  is  delightful  to  notice  the  manner  in  which  he  refers  to 
Columbus.  No  paltry  effort  is  made  to  despoil  that  great  man 
of  any  portion  of  his  fame.  He  speaks  of  the  effect  which  the 
news  produced  in  England ;  "  All  men  with  great  admiration 
affirmed  it  to  be  a  thing  more  divine  than  human.??f  The 

alia  Navigatione  et  all  Cosmographia  che  in  Spagna  al  presente  non  v'e  suo  pati 
et  la  sua  virtu  1'ha  fatto  preporre  a  tutti  li  Pilotti  che  navigano  all*  Indie  Occi- 
dentali,  che  senza  sua  licenza  non  possono  far  quel  essercitio  et  per  questo  lo  chi- 
amanoPilotto  Maggiore." 

*  "Lo  trovai  una  gentilissima  persona  et  cortese  che  mi  fece  gran  carezze  et 
mostrommi  molte  cose  et  fra  1'altre  un  Mapainondo  grande  colle  navigation!  par- 
ticolari,'si  di  Portaghesi,  come  di  Castigliani." 

j-  «*  Feci  poi  molte  altre  navigationi  le  quali  pretermetto  et -trovandomi  alia  fine 
vecchio  volsi  riposare  essendosi  allevati  tanti  pratichi  et  valenti  marinari  giovanni 
et  hora  me  ne  sto  con  questo  carico  che  voi  sapete,  godendo  il  frutto  delle  mie 
fatiche." 

*  Eden's  Decades,  fdl.  255.     The  original  *c  dicendosi  che  era  stata  cosa  piu 
tosto  divina  che  humana,  &c."     Ramusio,  torn.  i.  fol.  415. 

w 


170 

influence  on  his  own  ardent  temperament  is  well  described, 
"by  this  fame  and  report  there  increased  in  my  heart  a  great 
flame  of  desire  to  attempt  some  notable  thing.*"  While  such 
expressions  would  rebuke  an  attempt  to  connect  his  name  with 
the  disparagement  of  Columbus,  they  heighten  the  gratifica 
tion  with  which  we  recognise  his  claim  to  the  place  that  a 
foreign  poet  of  no  contemptible  merit — the  companion  of  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert  in  his  voyage  to  the  North,  and  writing 
from  that  region — has  assigned  to  him : — 

Hanc  tibi  jamdudum  primi  invenere  Britanni 
Tum  cum  magnanimus  nostra  in  regione  Cabotus 
Proximtts  a  mctgnoostendit  sua  vela  Columbo.^ 

*  "Mi  nacque  un  desiderio  grande,  anzi  un  ardor  nel  core  di  voler  far  anchora  io 
qualche  cosa  segnalata,  &c."    Ib, 
f  Budeius— in  Hakluyt,  vol.  UL  p.  143. 


171 


CHAP.  XXV. 

PERVERSION  OF  FACTS  AND  DATES  BY  HARRIS  AND     PINKERTON OABOT*S 

RETURN  TO  ENGLAND' — PROBABLE  INDUCEMENTS ERRONEOUS  REASON 

ASSIGNED  BY  MR  BARROW CHARLES  V.  MAKES  A  DEMAND  ON  THE  KING 

OF  ENGLAND  FOR  HIS  RETURN REFUSED— PENSION  TO  CABOT DUTIES 

CONFIDED  TO  HIM MORE  EXTENSIVE  THAN  THOSE  BELONGING  TO  THE 

OFFICE  OF  PILOT-MAJOR INSTANCES. 

OF  the  manner  in  which  the  order  and  nature  of  Cabot's  ser 
vices  have  been  misrepresented  by  English  writers,  some  idea 
may  be  formed  from  the  following  passage  of  Harris  trans 
planted  into  Pinkerton's  Collection  of  Voyages  (vol.  xii. 
p.  160). 

"Sebastian  Cabot  was  employed  by  their  Catholic  Majesties,  Ferdinand  and  Isa 
bella,  [Isabella  having  been  dead  twenty- two  years,  and  Ferdinand  ten  years  before 
he  sailed]  on  a  voyage  for  the  discovery  of  the  coast  of  Brazil  (!)  in  which  he  had 
much  better  success  than  Americua  Vespucius,  who  missed  the  river  of  Plate,  whereas 
Cabot  found  it,  and  sailed  up  360  miles  [Hakluyt's  six  score  leagues],  which  gave 
him  such  a  character  at  the  Court  of  their  Catholic  Majesties,  that  on  his  return 
[in  1531]  he  was  declared  piloto  maggiore  or  grand  pilot  of  Spain,  and  resided 
several  years  at  Seville  with  that  character,  and  had  the  examination  and  appro 
bation  of  all  the  pilots  intrusted  by  that  government.  Yet  after  some  years,  he 
thought  fit  to  return  into  England,  and  was  employed  by  King  Henry  VIII.  in 
conjunction  with  Sir  Thomas  Pert,  who  was  Vice- Admiral  of  England,  and  built  a 
fine  house  near  Blackwall,  called  Poplar,  which  name  still  remains,  though  the 
house  is  long  ago  decayed.  This  voyage  of  his  was  in  1516,  [fifteen  years  before 
the  return  from  the  La  Plata  J]  on  board  a  ship  of  250  tons  with  another  of  the 
like  size."  (Mistaken  reference  to  the  English  Expedition  of  1527.) 

The  motives  which  really  induced  Cabot  to  abandon  a  sit 
uation  of  high  honour  and  emolument  in  Spain,  as  well  as  the 
exact  period  of  his  return  to  England,  we  have  no  means  of 
determining.  It  is  plain,  from  what  will  presently  appear, 
that  he  had  experienced  no  mortifying  slight  of  his  services, 
or  attempt  to  withdraw  the  ample  provision  for  his  support. 
We  are  permitted,  therefore,  to  believe  that  he  was  drawn 
to  England  by  an  attachment,  strengthening  with  the  decline 


172 

of  life,  to  his  native  soil  and  the  scene  of  his  early  associations 
and  attachments/  The  ties  were  not  slight  or  likely  to  decay. 
Born  in  Bristol  and  returning  from  Venice  whilst  yet  a  boy, 
he  had  grown  up  in  England  to  manhood,  and  it  was  not  until 
sixteen  years  after  the  date  of  the  first  memorable  patent  that 
he  entered  the  service  of  Spain,  from  which  again  he  with 
drew  in  1516. 

A  reasonable  presumption  must;  however,  be  distinguished 
from  rash  and  absurd  assertion.  Mr  Barrow  supposes  (Chro 
nological  History*  of  Voyages,  p.  36),  that  Cabot  returned  on 
the  invitation  of  Robert  Thome  of  Bristol.  Unfortunately 
for  this  hypothesis  it  appears*  thatThorne  died  in  1532,  six 
teen  years  before  the  period  at  which  Cabot  quitted  Spain. 

The  same  writer  remarks  (p.  36),  "  His  return  to  England 
was  in  the  year  1548,  when  Henry  VIII.  was  on  the  throne." 
Surely  Mr  Barrow  cannot  seriously  think  that,  at  this  late 
day,  his  bare  word  will  be  taken  against  all  the  historians  and 
chroniclers  who  declared  that  Henry  VIII.  died  in  January 
1547f. 

At  his  return  Cabot  settled  in  Bristol,^  without  the  least 
anticipation,  in  all  probability,  of  the  new  and  brilliant  career 
on  which  he  was  shortly  to  enter,  fifty -three  years  after  the 
date  of  his  first  commission  from  Henry  VII. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  motives  of  the  Emperor  for 
consenting  to  the  departure  of  the  Pilot-Major,  he  would  seem 
to  have  become  very  soon  alarmed  at  the  inconvenience  that 
might  result  from  his  new  position.  The  youth  who  then  filled 
the  throne  of  England  had  already  given  such  evidence  of 
capacity  as  to  excite  the  attention  of  Europe ;  and  anticipa 
tions  were  universally  expressed  of  the  memorable  part  he 
was  destined  to  perform.  Naval  affairs  had  seized  his  atten 
tion  as  a  sort  of  passion.  Even  when  a  child  "  he  knew  all 

•  Fuller's  Worthies,  Somersetshire  ;  and  Stow's  Survey  of  London. 

fThis  blunder  is  gravely  copied  into  Dr  Uardner's  Cyclopaedia,  History  of 
Maritime  and  Inland  Discovery,, vol.  ii.  p.  J.38,  together  with  Mtr/flJarrow's  asser 
tion,  that  the  pension  of  £166.  13s.  4d.  was  equal  to  five  hundred  Marks  ! 

$  Strype's  Historical  Memorials,  vol.  ii.  p.  190. 


173 

the  harbours  and  ports  both  of  his  own  dominions  and  of  France 
and  Scotland,  and  how  much  water  they  had,^and  what  was 
the  way  of  coming  into  them."*  The  Emperor  saw  how  per 
ilous  it  was  that  a  youthful  monarch,  with  these  predisposi 
tions,  should  have  within  reach  the  greatest  seaman  of  the  age, 
with  all  the  accumulated  treasures  of  a  protracted  life  of  ac 
tivity  and  observation.  A  formal  and  urgent  demand,  there 
fore,  was  made  by  the  Spanish  ambassador,  that  "  Sebastian 
Cabote,  Grand  Pilot  of  the  Emperor's  Indies,  then  in  Eng 
land,"  might  be  sent  over  to  Spain  "  as  a  very  necessary  man 
for  the  Emperor,  whose  servant  he  was,  and  had  a  Pension  of 
him."f  Strype,  after  quoting  from  the  documents  before  him, 
dryly  adds,  "  Notwithstanding,  I  suspect  that  Cabot  still  abode 
in  England,  at  Bristol,  (for  there  he  lived)  having  two  or 
three  years  after  set  on  foot  a  famous  voyage  hence,  as  we  shall 
mention  in  due  place."  It  is  a  pleasing  reflection,  adverted 
to  before  and  which  may  here  be  repeated,  that  Cabot  was 
never  found  attempting  to  employ,  to  the  annoyance  of  Spain> 
the  minute  local  knowledge  of  her  possessions,  of  which  his 
confidential  station  in  that  country  must  have  made  him  master. 

The  Public  Records  now  supply  us  with  dates.  On  the 
6th  January,  in  the  second  year  of  Edward  VI.,  a  pension 
was  granted  to  him  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  marks  (166/. 
13«.  4c?.).  Hakluyt  (vol.  iii.  p.  10)  seems  irresolute  as  to  the 
year,  according  the  ordinary  computation;  for,  at  the  close  of 
the  grant,  in  the  original  Latin,  he  declares  it  to  be  1549,  and 
at  the  end  of  his  own  translation,  1548.  The  former  is  un 
doubtedly  correct,  and  so  stated  by  Rymer  (vol.  xv.  p.  181). 
The  pension  is  recited  to  be  "  In  consideration  boni  et  ac- 
ceptabilis  servitii  nobis  per  dilectum  servientem  nostrum  Se- 
bastianum  Cabotum  impensi  atque  impendendi"  (in  consider 
ation  of  the  good  and  acceptable  service  done  and  to  be  done 
unto  us  by  our  beloved  servant  Sebastian  Cabot). 

The  precise  nature  of  the  duties  imposed  on  him  does  not 

•  Burnet's  History  of  the  Reformation,  vol.  ii.  p.  225. 
|  Strype's  Historical  Memorials,  vol.  ii.  p.  190. 


174 

appear.  It  is  usually  stated,  and  amongst  others  by  Hakluyt, 
that  the  office  of  Grand  Pilot  of  England  was  now  created, 
and  Cabot  appointed  to  fill  it;  but  this  is  very  questionable.* 
Certain  it  is  that  his  functions  were  far  more  varied  and  ex 
tensive  than  those  implied  in  such  a  title.  He  would  seem  to 
have  exercised  a  general  supervision  over  the  maritime  con 
cerns  of  the  country,  under  the  eye  of  the  King  and  the 
Council,  and  to  have  been  called  upon  whenever  there  was 
occasion  for  nautical  skill  and  experience.  One  curious  in 
stance  occurs  of  the  manner  in  which  the  wishes  of  individuals 
were  made  to  yield  to  his  opinion  of  what  was  required  by  the 
exigences  of  the  public  service.  We  find  (Hakluyt,  vol.  ii. 
part  ii.  p.  8)  one  James  Alday  offering  as  an  explanation  of 
his  not  having  gone  as  master  on  a  proposed  voyage  to  the 
Levant,  that  he  was  stayed 

"  By  the  prince's  letters  which  my  master  Sebastian  Gabota 
had  obtained  for  that  purpose  to  my  great  grief." 

He  is  called  upon  (Hakluyt,  vol.  iiL  p.  719)  to  be  pre 
sent  at  the  examination  of  a  French  pilot  who  had  long  fre 
quented  the  coast  of  Brasil,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that 
the  minute  instructions  for  the  navigation  of  the  La  Plata 
(ib.  p.  728)  are  from  himself. 

*  See  Appendix  (C.). 


175 


CHAP.  XXVI. 

PUBLIC  EXPLANATION  BY  CABOT  TO  EDWARD  VI.  OF  THE  PHENOMENA   OF 

THE  VARIATION  OF  THE  NEEDLE— STATEMENT  OF  LIVIO  SANUTO—- 
POINT  OF  "  NO  VARIATION"  FIXED  BY  CABOT — ADOPTED  AFTERWARDS 
BY  MERCATOR  FOR  HIS  FIRST  MERIDIAN REFERENCE  TO  CABOT*S  MAP 

EARLY  TESTIMONIALS ALLUSION  TO  THE  ENGLISH  DISCOVERIES  IN 

THE  EDITION  OF  PTOLEMY  PUBLISHED  AT  ROME  IN  1508 — FOURNIER 
— ATTENTION  TO  NOTE  THE  VARIATION  BY  THE  SEAMEN  OF  CABOT*& 

SCHOOL HIS   THEORY,    IF   A   NARROW  ONE,   WOULD    HAVE,  BEEN  THUS 

EXPOSED. 

ALLUSION  was  made,  on  a  former  occasion,  to  the  fact  stated 
by  the  noble  Venetian,  Livio  Sanuto,  that  Cabot  had  explained 
to  the  King  of  England  the  whole  subject  of  the  variation  of 
the  needle.  There  is  reason  to  suppose,  from  what  we  know 
of  Sanuto's  life,  that  the  incident  to  which  he  alludes  must 
have  occurred  at  the  period  now  reached.  His  statement* 
is  that  many  years  before  the  period  at  which  he  wrote, 
his  friend  Guido  Gianeti  de  Fano  informed  him  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  was  the  first  discoverer  of  this  secret  of  nature  which 
he  explained  to  the  King  of  England,  near  whom  the  said 
Gianeti  at  that  time  resided,  and  was  held,  as  Sanuto  under 
stood  from  others,  in  the  highest  esteem.  Cabot  also  showed 
the  extent  of  the  variation,  and  that  it  was  different  in  dif 
ferent  places,  f 

Sanuto  being  engaged  in  the  construction  of  an  instrument 
in  reference  to  the  longitude,  it  became  with  him  a  matter  of 
eager  interest  to  ascertain  a  point  of  no  variation. 

•  The  Geographia  is  in  the  Library  of  the  British  Museum,  title  in  Catalogue 
"  Sanuto."  It  was  published  at  Venice,  1588,  after  the  author's  death. 

t  •«  Fu  di  tal  secreto  il  riconoscitore,  qual  egli  paleso  poi  al  serenissimo  Re  d* 
Inghilterra,  pressoal  quale  (come  poi  daaltri  intesi)  esso  Gianetti  all*  hora  honor- 
atissimo  si  ritrovaa?  et  egli  dimostro  insieme,  quanta  fusse  questa  distaaza,  eckc 
non  appareva  in  ciascun  luogo  la  medesima,"  Lib.  rim  fol.  2. 


176 

"  Con  versing  on  this  subject  with  Gianeti,  he  undertook  to 
obtain  for  me,  through  a  gentleman  named  Bartholomew  Gom- 
pagni,  then  in  England,  this  information  wh^h  he  himself  had 
not  gathered."* 

The  person  thus  addressed  sent  word  of  what  he  had  learn 
ed  from  Cabot,  and  Sanoto  remarks  that  he  had,  subsequently, 
further  assurance  cf  the  accuracy  of  the  report  thus  made  to 
him.  He  saw  a  chart  of  navigation,  executed  by  hand  with 
the  greatest  care,  and  carefully  compared  with  one  by  Cabot 
himself,  in  which  the  position  of  this  meridian  was  seen  to  be 
one  hundred  and  ten  miles  to  the  west  of  the  island  of  Floras, 
one  of  the  Azores.* 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add  that  the  First  ^Meridian  on 
the  maps  of  Mercafor,  running  through  the  most  western  point 
of  the  Azores,  was  adopted  with  reference  to  the  supposed 
coincidence  in  that  quarter  of  the  true  and  magnetic  poles. 

In  the  course  of  the  same  memoir,  Sanuto  refers  repeatedly 
to  the  Map,  and  adverts  to  the  observations  as  to  the  vari 
ation  of  the  compass  made  by  Cabot  at  the  Equator.  The 
disappearance  of  this  Document  becomes  at  every  turn  A  mat 
ter  equally  of  astonishment  and  regret.  Aside  from  the  mass 
of  papers  left  with  Worthington,  we  have  not  only  seen  that 
the  published  map  was  hung  up  in  the  Gallery  at  Whitehall, 
but  have  actually  traced  a  copy  to  Ortelius,  to  the  Earl  of  Bed 
ford,  and  now  to  Sanuto. 

The  assertion  is  found  in  almost  all  the  old  writers  that  Ca 
bot  was  the  first  who  noticed  the  variation.  He  was,  at  least, 
the  first  who  gave  to  it  an  earnest  attention,  marked  its  degrees 
in  various  parts  of  the  world,  and  attempted  to  frame  a  theory 
on  the  subject.  His  earliest  transatlantic  voyage  carried  him 

•  "  Ragionatone  io  di  questo  col  detto  Gianneti,  fece  egli,  che  da  un  gentil* 
huomo  nominate  Bartolomeo  Compagni,  che  in  Inghilterre  si  tratteneva,  slnteae 
cio,  ch*  egli  dal  detto  Caboto  ne  seppe." 

f  "  Bt  a  quello  ancora,  che  io  dapoi  vidi  con  gli  occhi  jniei  in  una  carta  da 
navigare  diligentissima  fatta  a  mano,  e  tutta  ritratta  a  punto  da  una  propria  del  detto 
Caboto ;  nella  quale  si  riconosce  il  luogo  del  detto  Meridiano  esser  per  miglia 
cento  e  dieci  lontano  verso  Occidente  dalla  Isola  detta  Fiori  di  quelle  pur  delli 
Azori." 


177 

to  the  very  quarter  where  it  is  exhibited  in  a  manner  so  sud 
den  and  striking,  that  modern  navigators  seem  to  concur  in 
placing  there  one  of  the  magnetic  poles.  The  La  Plata,  too, 
is  another  theatre  of  its  most  startling  appearance  ;  and  Ca 
bot's  long  residence  in  that  region  must  have  secured  his  de 
liberate  attention  to  the  subject  with  the  advantage  of  thirty 
years  of  intermediate  observation  and  reflection. 

There  is  a  curious  piece  of  evidence  to  show  how  early  the 
Northern  region  discovered  by  Cabot  was  associated  with  the 
alarm  which  this  phenomenon  must,  in  the  first  instance,  have 
excited 

On  the  great  Map  of  the  World  which  accompanies  the 
edition  of  Ptolemy  published  at  Rome  in  1508,  is  the  follow 
ing  inscription,  commencing  far  beyond  Terra  Nova  and  the 
Insula  Bacalaurus — "Hie,  compassus  navium  non tenet,  nee 
naves  quse  ferrum  tenent  revertere  valent."* 

It  is  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  reference  is  to  the  well- 
known  effect  produced  there  on  the  compass.  Beneventus,  who 
prepared  the  supplemental  matter  for  this  edition  of  Ptolemy, 
professes  to  have  a  knowledge  of  the  discoveries  made  by 
Columbus,  by  the  Portuguese,  and  by  the  English  ("Columbi 
et  Lusitanorum  atque  Britannorum  quos  Anglos  nunc  dici- 
mus"). 

Fournier,  in  his  old,  but  yet  highly-esteemed,  Treatise  on 
Hydrography,  (Liv.  xi.  cap.  x.)  says,  it  was  understood  that 
Sebastian  Cabot  had  noted  with  great  exactness  the  variation 
in  the  places  he  had  discovered  on  the  Northern  Coasts  of 
America.f 

As  to  Cabot's  theory  on  the  subject  of  the  Variation,  we 
are  unable,  in  the  absence  of  his  Maps  and  Discourses,  to  offer 
even  a  conjecture.  His  exposition  to  the  king  would  evi 
dently  seem  to  have  Leen  something  more  than  a  mere  state 
ment  of  isolated  facts,  and  from  the  general  recollection  of 

•  "Here  the  ship's-compass  loses  its  property,  and  no  vessel  with  iron  on  board 
is  able  to  get  away." 

t  "Que  Cabot  remarqua/ortf  exacttment  les  declinaisons  que  Paymant  Faisoit  en 
(livers  endroits  des  costes  Septentrionales  de  I'Amer-que  qu'il  decouvrit." 

X 


178 

the  Venetian  ambassador  that  he  represented  it  as  different  in 
different  places,  it  may  be  inferred  that  he  did  not  treat  it 
as  absolutely  regulated  by  mere  distance  from  a  particular  me- 
ridian.  There  is  another  satisfactory  reason  for  believing  that 
he  could  not  have  placed  it  on  any  narrow  ground.  The  Sea 
men  brought  up  in  his  school,  and  sailing  under  his  instruc 
tions,  were  .particularly  attentive  to  note  the  variation.  Thus 
Stephen  Burrough  reports  to  us,  (Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  290,  &c.) 
within  a  short  space,  the  degrees  of  it  at  three  different  points ; 
and,  where  this  was  habitually  done,  an  error  of  the  great  nau 
tical  Oracle — if  we  suppose  one  to  have  cheated  his  long  ex 
perience  and  profound  observation — would  have  been  speedily 
detected  and  exposed. 


179 


CHAP.  XXVII. 

MISTAKE  OF  PURCHAS,  PINKERTON,  DR  HENRY  IN  HIS  HISTORY  OF  GREAT 
BRITAIN,  CAMPBELL  IN  THE  LIVES  OF  THE  ADMIRALS,  AND  OTHER  WRI 
TERS,  AS  TO  THE  u  KNIGHTING"  OF  JOHN  OR  SEBASTIAN  CABOT. 

THE  present  may  be  a  fit  occasion  to  notice  an  absurd 
misconception  on  the  part  of  many  authors  of  reputation, 
some  of  whom  represent  Sebastian  Cabot  to  have  received 
the  honour  of  knighthood,  while  others  confer  it  on  the 
father. 

Purchas  (vol.  iy.  p.  1812),  in  his  "English  just  Title  to 
Virginia,"  refers  to  a  Portrait  of  Sebastian  Cabot  which  he 
had  seen  hung  up  in  the  King's  Palace  at  Whitehall  with  this 
inscription;  <•  Effigies  Seb.  Caboti  Angli,  filii  Joannis  Caboti 
militis  aurati,  <&c."  Here  was  a  fair  opening  for  controversy. 
Does  the  description  "  militis  aurati"  apply  to  the  father  or 
to  the  son?  The  same  difficulty  occurs,  with  a  curious  coin 
cidence  in  the  epithets,  as  that  which  Quinctilian  (Inst.  Orat, 
lib.  vii.  cap.  9)  mentions,  with  regard  to  the  Will  of  a  Roman, 
who  directed  that  there  should  be  put  up  "statuam  auream 
hastam  tenentem,"  and  the  puzfcle  was  whether  the  statue  or 
the  spear  was  of  gold.  After  the  unpardonable  blunders 
which  it  has  been  necessary  to  expose,  we  may  look  with  some 
complacency  on  the  pursuit  of  this  perplexing  matter. 

Purchas  assumes  that  the  words  apply  to  the  son,  and  ac 
cordingly  we  have  "  Sir  Sebastian  Cabot"  running  through 
his  volumes.  In  a  copy  of  verses  addressed  to  "  his  friend 
Captain  John  Smith,"  and  prefixed  to  the  account  of  Virginia 
by  the  latter,  Purchas  exclaims — 

"Hail,  Sir  Sebastian!  England's  Northern  Pole, 
Virginia's  finder!" 

and  in  a  marginal  note  it  is  added,  "  America,  named  of  Ame- 


180 

ricus  Vesputius  which  discovered  less  than  Colon  or  Sir  Se 
bastian  Cabot,  and  the  Continent  later.  Colon  first  found  the 
Isles  1492,  the  Continent  1498,  above  a  year  after  Cabot  had 
done  it.  He  was  set  forth  by  Henry  VII. ,  and  after  by  Henry 
VIIL  knighted,  and  made  Grand  Pilot  of  England  by  Edward 
VI."  Captain  Smith  himself  repeats  all  this — "  Sebastian 
Cabot  discovered  much  more  than  these  all,  for  he  sailed  to 
about  409  South  of  the  line,  and  to  67°  towards  the  North, 
for  which  King  flenry  VIIL  knighted  him  and  made  him 
Grand  Pilot  of  England."  In  the  general  Index  to  Pinker- 
ton's  Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels,  the  eye  is  caught, 
under  the  title  Cabot,  with  the  alluring  reference  "anec 
dotes  of,"  and  on  turning  to  the  place  (vol.  xiii.  p.  4),  the 
same  statements  are  found.  Now  the  difficulties  are  insur 
mountable  as  to  Sebastian  Cabot.  In  the  last  renewal  of  his 
pension  in  the  reign  of  Mary  (Rymer,  vol.  xv.  p.  427  and 
466),  he  is  styled  "  Armiger,"  which  shows  that  he  had  not, 
even  up  to  that  period,  been  knighted.  In  the  Cotton  MSS. 
(Claudius,  C.  iii.)  is  a  paper,  giving  "  the  names  and  arms  of 
such  as  have  been  advanced  to  the  order  of  knighthood  in  the 
reigns  of  Henry  VII.,  Henry  VIIL,  Edward  VI.,  Mary  and 
Elizabeth,"  in  which  no  notice  is  taken  of  him. 

The  point  being  thus  clear  with  regard  to  the  son,  other 
writers  have  assumed  as  a  matter  of  course,  that  the  distinc 
tion  must  have  been  conferred  on  John  Cabot.  Accordingly, 
Campbell  (Lives  of  the  Admirals,  art.  Sir  John  Cabot]  says 
of  the  father,  "  he  then  returned  with  a  good  cargo  and  three 
savages  on  board  to  England,  where  it  seems  he  was  knighted 
for  this  exploit,  since,  on  the  map  of  his  discoveries  drawn 
by  his  son  Sebastian,  and  cut  by  Clement  Adams,  which 
hung  in  the  Privy  Gallery  at  Whitehall,  there  was  this  inscrip 
tion  under  the  author's  picture — Effigies  Seb.  Caboti  Angli 
filii  lo.  Caboti  Venetiani  Militis  aurati."  Thus  Campbell 
derives  his  fact  from  Purchas,  but  draws  a  different  inference 
from  that  writer.  According  to  him,  too,  the  knighting  must 
have  been,  not  by  Henry  VIIL  as  Purchas  and  Captain  Smith 
have  it,  for  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  senior  Cabot 


181 

died  before  the  commencement  of  that  reign,  but  by  Henry 
VII.,  particularly  as  it  took  place  on  Cabot's  return,  and  the 
monarch  last  named  lived  thirteen  years  after  the  "  exploit." 
Campbell,  therefore,  has  a  "  Memoir  of  Sir  John  Cabot/'  and 
speaks  again,  with  enthusiasm,  of  that  "  celebrated  Venetian, 
Sir  John  Cabot." 

This  version  has  been  the  more  generally  adopted,  and 
amongst  the  rest  by  Dr  Henry  (History  of  Great  Britain,  vol. 
vi.  p.  618),  who  informs  us,  on  the  authority  of  Campbell, 
that  "John  Cabot  was  graciously  received  and  knighted  on 
his  return."  The  same  statement  is  made  in  the  Biographia 
Britannica,  &c. 

To  the  utter  confusion  of  all  these  grave  authorities,  a  mo 
ment's  consideration  will  show,  that  the  words  relied  on  do  in 
themselves  prove  that  knighthood  had  not  been  conferred. 
It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  follow  up  this  suggestion,  by  stating 
that  in  reference  to  one  who  had  received  that  honour,  they 
would  have  been  not  "  Mititis  aurati,"  but  "  Equitis  aurati." 
Though  the  term  miles  is  sometimes  applied,  in  old  docu 
ments,  even  to  Peers,  yet,  as  a  popular  designation,  the  lan 
guage  of  the  inscription  negatives  the  idea  of  knighthood.  In 
the  very  works  immediately  Connected  with  the  subject  of 
the  present  volume,  the  appropriate  phrase  perpetually  oc 
curs.  Thus  "  Eques  auratus"  is  used  to  designate  Sir  Hum 
phrey  Gilbert  (Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  137),  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby 
(ib.  p.  142),  Sir  Martin  Frobisher  (ib.  p.  142),  Sir  Fran 
cis  Drake  (ib.  p.  143).  In  the  dedication  of  Lok's  translation 
of  Peter  Martyr,  it  Is  in  like  manner  used,  and  we  see  it,  at 
this  moment,  on  the  "  effigies"  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  pre 
fixed  to  the  first  edition  of  his  History  of  the  World.  It  will 
probably  be  deemed  very  superfluous  to  refer  to  Selden's 
Titles  of  Honour  (p.  830),  for  a  confirmation  of  what  has 
been  stated. 

The  weight  of  censure  must  fall  on  Purchas,  who  was  ori 
ginally  guilty  of  the  blunder.  The  others  assumed  the  fact 
of  the  knighting,  and  only  exercised  their  ingenuity  in  de 
ciding  whether  the  honour  was  conferred  on  the  Father  or 
the  Son. 


182 


CHAP.  XXVIII. 

STAGNATION  OF  TRADE  IN  ENGLAND— CABOT  CONSULTED  Bf  THE  MER 
CHANTS—URGES  THE  ENTERPRISE  WHICH  RESULTED  IN  THE  TRADE  TO 
RUSSIA— PRELIMINARY  DIFFICULTIES— STRUGGLE  WITH  THE  STILYARD 
—THAT  MONOPOLY  BROKEN  DOWN — EARNESTNESS  OF  EDWARD  VI.  ON 
THE  SUBJECT HIS  MUNIFICENT  DONATION  TO  CABOT  AFTER  THE  RE 
SULT  WAS  DECLARED. 

IT  is  only  from  detached  notes,  such  as  those  already  referred 
to,  and  which  meet  the  eye  as  it  were  by  accident,  that  we 
can  now  form  an  idea  of  the  diffusive  nature  of  Cabot's  ser 
vices.  One  Great  Enterprise,  however,  stands  by  itself,  and 
was  destined  to  exercise  an  important  influence  on  the  com 
merce  and  naval  greatness  of  England. 

An  opportunity  was  afforded  to  Cabot  of  putting  in  execu 
tion  a  plan  "•  which  he  long  before  had  had  in  his  mind,"* 
by  its  happening,  incidentally,  to  fall  in  with  the  purposes  of 
the  London  merchants.  The  period  was  one  of  great  com 
mercial  stagnation  in  England. 

"  Our  merchants  perceived  the  commodities  and  wares  of  England  to  be  in  small 
request  about  us  and  near  unto  us,  and  that  those  merchandises  which  strangers, 
in  the  time  and  memory  of  our  ancestors,  did  earnestly  seek  and  desire,  were 
now  neglected  and  the  price  thereof  abated,  although  they  be  carried  to  their 
own  parts."! 

In  this  season  of  despondency  Cabot  was  consulted,  and  the 
suggestions  which  he  made  were  adopted : 

"  Sebastian  Caboto,  a  man  in  those  days  very  renowned,  happening  to  be  in 
London,  they  began  first  of  all  to  deal  and  consult  diligently  with  him,  and  after 
much  search  and  conference  together,  it  was  at  last  concluded,  that  three  ships 
should  be  prepared  and  furnished  out  for  the  search  and  discovery  of  the  northern 


*  Eden's  Decades,  fol.  256. 
f  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  243. 


183 

part  of  the  world,  to  open  a  way  and  passage  to  our  men,  for  travel  to  new  and 
unknown  kingdoms  "* 

Such  is  the  authentic  history  of  the  impulse  given  to  English 
commerce  at  this  interesting  crisis.  The  influence  of  Cabot 
is  not  only  attested  by  the  passage  quoted,  but  in  the  Letters 
Patent  of  Incorporation  it  is  declaredf  that,  in  consideration 
of  his  having  "  been  the  chiefest  setterforth  of  this  journey 
or  voyage,  therefore  we  make,  ordain,  and  constitute  him, 
the  said  Sebastian,  to  be  the  first  and  present  governor  of  the 
same  fellowship  and  community  byHhese  presents,  to  have  and 
enjoy  the  said  office  of  governor  to  him,  the  said  Sebastian 
Cabota,  during  his  natural  life,  without  amoving  or  dismiss 
ing  from  the  same  room." 

But  a  difficulty  was  encountered  in  the  alleged  exclusive 
privileges  of  a  very  powerful  body,  whose  odious  monopoly 
had  long  exercised  its  baneful  influence  on  English  commerce 
and  manufactures : 

"  The  time  was  now  at  length  come,  that  the  eyes  of  the  English  nation  were  to 
be  opened,  for  their  discovering  the  immense  damage  which  was  sustained,  by  suf 
fering  the  German  merchants  of  the  house  or  college  in  London,  called  the  Steel- 
yard,  so  long  to  enjoy  advantages  in  the  duty  or  custom  of  exporting  English  cloths, 
far  beyond  what  the  native  English  enjoyed ;  which  superior  advantages  possessed 
by  those  foreigners  began,  about  this  time,  to  be  more  evidently  seen  and  felt,  as 
the  foreign  commerce  of  England  became  more  diffused.  The  Cities  of  Antwerp 
and  Hamburgh  possessed,  at  this  time,  the  principal  commerce  of  the  northern  .and 
middle  parts  of  Europe ;  and  their  factors,  at  the  Steelyard,  usually  set  what  price 
they  pleased  on  both  their  imports  and  exports  ;  and  having  the  command  of  all  the 
markets  in  England,  with  joint  and  united  stocks,  they  broke  all  other  merchants. 
Jpon  these  considerations,  the  English  company  of  merchant  adventurers  made 
pressing  remonstrances  to  King  Edward  the  Sixth's  Privy  Council.  These  Hansea- 
tics  were,  moreover,  accused  (and  particularly  the  Dantzickers)  of  defrauding  the 
customs,  by  colouring,  or  taking  under  their  own  names,  as  they  paid  little  or  no 
custom,  great  quantities  of  the  merchandise  of  other  foreigners  not  entitled  to  their 
immunities.  They  were  also  accused  of  having  frequently  exceeded  the  bounds  of 
even  the  great  privileges  granted  to  them  by  our  Kings ;  yet,  by  the  force  of  great 
presents,  they  had  purchased  new  grants."* 

"  Having,  for  the  last  forty -five  years,  had  the  sole  command  of  our  commerce, 
(says  the  author)  they  had  reduced  the  price  of  English  wool  to  one  shilling  and 
six-pence  per  stone.  The  Steelyard  merchants  were  also  excused  from  aliens  duties, 

*  Voyage  of  Richard  Chancellor,  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  243. 
f  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  268. 

*  Anderson's  History  of  Commerce,  vol.  ii.  p.  80     M'Pherson's  Annals  of  Com 
merce,  vol.  ii.  p.  109 


184 

and  yet  all  their  exports  and  imports  were  made  in  foreign  bottoms ;  which  was  a 
very  considerable  loss  to  the  nation."* 

"  This  is  the  substance  of  the  whole  business  during-  King  Edward  the  Sixth's 
reign,  of  reversing  the  privileges  of  the  Steelyard  merchants,  taken  from  our  histo 
ries,  but  more  particularly  from  I.  Wheeler's  Treatise  of  Commerce,  published  in 
quarto,  in  the  year  1601 ;  and,  as  he  was  then  Secretary  to  the  Merchant  Adventur 
ers'  Company,  it  may  be  supposed  to  be,  in  general,  a  true  account,  and  is  surely 
an  useful  part  of  commercial  history.  Wheeler  adds,  that  by  reversing  these  pri 
vileges,  our  own  merchants  shipped  off  in  this  year  forty  thousand  cloths  for  Flan 
ders.  Rapin,  in  his  History  of  England,  observes,  that  the  Uegent  of  Flanders,  as 
well  as  the  City  of  Hamburgh,  earnestly  solicited  to  have  the  Steelyard  merchants 
re-instated  j  but  to  no  purpose."f 

The  extraordinary  interest  felt  by  Edward  himself  on  this 
subject  is  manifest  from  his  Journal,  in  which  the  incidents 
are  noted.  J 

"  18th  January,  1551.  This  day  the  Stiliard  put  in  their  answer  lo  a  certain  com- 
plaint,  that  the  merchant  adventurers  laid  against  them." 

"  25th  January,  155 1.  The  answer  of  the  Stiliard  was  delivered  to  certain  of  my 
learned  Counsel  to  look  on  and  oversee.!' 

"18th  February,  1551.  The  merchant  adventurers  put  in  their  replication  to 
the  Stiliards  answer." 

"  23rd  February,  1551.  A  decree  was  made  by  the  Board,  that  upon  knowledge 
and  information  of  their  charters,  they  had  found ;  First,  that  they  were  no  sufficient 
Corporation.  2.  That  their  number,  names,  and  rtation,  was  unknown.  3.  That 
•when  they  had  forfeited  their  liberties,  King  Edward  IV.  did  restore  them  on  this 
condition,  that  they  should  colour  no  strangers'  goods,  which  they  had  done.  Also, 
that  whereas  in  the  beginning  they  shipped  not  past  8  clothes,  after  100,  after  1000, 
after  that  6000 »  now  in  their  name  was  shipped  44000  clothes  in  one  year,  and  but 
1100  of  all  other  strangers.  For  these  considerations  sentence- was  given,  that  they 
had  forfeited  their  liberties,  and  were  in  like  case  with  other  strangers." 

The  difficulties  which  had  to  be  struggled  with,  maybe  in 
ferred  from  the  pertinacity  with  which  the  defeated  party 
followed  up  the  matter,  even  after  a  decision  had  been  pro 
nounced.  ThfUSj  the  following  entries  are  found  in  the  Jour 
nal  of  the  youngJKing : 

"  28th  February,  1551.  There  came  Ambassadors  from  Hamburg  and  Lubeck, 
to  speak  on  the  behalf  of  the  Stiliard  merchants." 

"2d  March  1551.    The  answer  for  the  Ambassadors  of  the  Stiliard  was  com- 


•  Ibid, 
f  Ibid. 

*  Published  in  Burnet's  History  of  the  Reformation,  Tol.  ii.  from  the  Cotton 

MSS. 


185 

mitted  to  the  Lord  Chancellor,  the  two  Secretaries,  Sir  Robert  Bowes,  Sir  John 
Baker,  Judge  Montague,  Griffith  Solicitor,  Gosnold,  Goodrich,  and  Brooks." 

"  2d  May,  1551.     The  Stiliard  men  received  their  answer;  which  was,  to  con 
firm  the  former  judgment  of  my  Council." 

The  important  agency  of  Cabot,  in  a  result  so  auspicious  not 
merely  to  the  interests  of  commerce  but  to  the  public  revenue, 
may  be  judged  of  from  a  donation  bestowed  on  him,  a  few 
days  after  the  decision.* 

"To  Sebastian  Cuboto,  the  great  seaman,  200  pounds,  by 
way  of  the  king's  majesty's  reward,  dated  in  March,  1551." 

•  Strype's  Historical  Memorials,  vol.  ii.  p.  495. 


186 


CHAP.  XXIX. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  EXPEDITION PRECAUTIONS  AS  TO  TIMBER- 
SHEATHING  OF  THE  VESSELS  NOW  FIRST  RESORTED  TO  IN  ENGLAND— 
EXAMINATION  OF  TWO  TARTARS CHIEF  COMMAND  GIVEN  TO  SIR  HUGH 

WILLOUGHBY— RICHARD  CHANCELLOR — STEPHEN  BURROUGH— WILLIAM 
BURROUGHS— ARTHUR  PET THIS  EXPEDITION  CONFOUNDED  WITH  AN 
OTHER  BY  STRYPE  AND  CAMPBELL. 

A  TRIUMPH  having  been  obtained  over  the  obstacles  which 
had  heretofore  impeded  the  career  of  English  commerce,  pre 
parations  were  diligently  made  for  the  Expedition. 

The  measures  adopted  for  the  safety  of  the  ships  indicate 
the  presence  of  great  skill  and  providence ;  "strong  and  well- 
seasoned  planks  for  the  building"  were  provided,  and  the  his 
torian  of  the  expedition  is  struck  with  one  noyel  precaution. 
To  guard  against  the  worms  "  which  many  times  pearceth  and 
eateth  through  the  strongest  oak,"  it  was  resolved  to  "  cover 
a  piece  of  the  keel  of  the  shippe  with  thinne  sheets  of  leade."* 
This  is  the  first  instance  in  England,  of  the  practice  of  sheath 
ing,  but  it  had  long  before  been  adopted  in  Spain,  and  had  thus 
engaged  the  attention  of  Cabot.  It  may,  indeed,  have  been 
originally  suggested  by  him,  as  the  first  use  of  it  is  referred 
to  1514,  two  years  before  which  time  we  find  him  passing  into 
the  service  of  Ferdinand,  and  advancing  rapidly  to  posts  of 
distinction  as  his  value  became  apparent. 

Information  was  eagerly  sought  in  every  quarter  as  to  the 
countries  which  the  Expedition  might  visit.  There  were 
"  two  Tartarians"  employed  about  the  young  king's  stables. 
These  persons  were  hunted  up  and  an  interpreter  provided, 
"by  whom  they  were  demanded  touching  their  country  and 
the  manners  of  their  nation."  But  the  poor  creatures  had 

*  Hakluyt,vol.  i.  p.  243- 


187 

no  story  to  tell,  and  betrayed  plainly  their  addiction  to  strong 
drink.  There  was  waggery  in  the  City  even  at  that  early 
day.  "They  were  able  to  answer  nothing  to  the  purpose, 
being  indeed  more  acquainted  (as  one  there  merily  and  openly 
said)  to  toss  pots,  than  to  learn  the  states  and  dispositions  of 
people."* 

The  command  of  the  expedition  was  an  object  of  high  am 
bition.  Amongst  those  who  pressed  "very  earnestly"  for 
the  post  was  Sir  Hugh  WilloUghby,  «  a  most  valiant  gentle 
man  and  well  borne."  He  came  recommended  by  a  high 
reputation  for  "  skill  in  the  services  of  war,"  and  it  seems  to 
have  been  thought  no  slight  recommendation  that  he  was  of 
tall  and  commanding  stature.  The  choice  finally  fell  on  him. 

In  command  of  one  of  the  ships,  and  with  the  title  of  Pilot- 
Major,  was  Richard  Chancellor.  He  had  been  bred  up  in  the 
household  of  Henry  Sydney,  father  of  Sir  Philip  Sydney. 
His  character  and  merits,  coupled  with  his  brilliant  success 
on  this  occasion,  and  subsequent  untimely  fate,  seem  to  have 
made  a  deep  impression  on  his  contemporaries.  He  not  only 
proved  a  skilful  and  intrepid  seaman,  but  his  remarks  on  the 
customs,  religion,  laws  and  manners  of  the  countries  visited, 
show  him  to  have  possessed  a  cultivated  intellect,  as  well  as 
great  shrewdness  and  powers  of  observation.  He  would  seem 
to  have  attracted  the  attention  and  enjoyed  the  friendship  of 
Cabot;  for  Eden  (Decades,  fol.  357),  in  adverting  to  one  of 
the  phenomena  of  the  ocean,  mentions  that  the  fact  he  relates 
was  communicated  to  him  by  Chancellor,  who  derived  it  from 
Cabot.  His  was  the  only  ship  that  succeeded  in  doubling  the 
North  Cape,  and  making  her  way  to  Russia. 

"For  the  government  of  other  ships  although  divers  men  seemed  willing,  and 
made  offers  of  themselves  thereunto,  yet  by  a  common  consent  one  Richard  Chan- 
celer,  a  man  of  great  estimation  for  many  good  parts  of  wit  in  him,  was  elected,  in 
whom  alone  great  hope  for  the  performance  of  this  business  rested.  This  man  was 
brought  up  by  one  Master  Henry  Sidney,  a  noble  young  gentleman  and  very  much 
beloved  of  King  Edward." 

The  master  of  Chancellor's  ship  was  Stephen  Burrough, 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  445. 


188 

afterwards  Chief  Pilot  of  England,  and  of  high  rank  in  the 
navy.  There  was,  also,  on  board  his  ship,  apparently  as  a 
common  seaman,  William  Burrows,*  afterwards  Comptroller 
of  the  Navy  and  autfior  of  a  work  on  navigation,  and  who  in 
after  years  conducted  a  squadron  to  the  same  quarter.f 
thur  Pet,  also,  whose  name  is  associated  with  a  subsequent 
voyage,  was  in  the  same  ship.J  ,* 

Some  obscurity  has  been  occasioned  by  confounding  this 
memorable  enterprise  with  another,  entirely  distinct  and  to  a 
different  quarter.  Thus  there  is  found  in  Strype§  the  follow 
ing  passage: — 

"In  this  month  of  May  did  the  King  grant  letters  of  commendation,  or  safe  con 
duct,  for  the  three  ships  that  were  enterprising  that  noble,  adventure  of  seeking 
for  a  passage  into  the  Eastern  parts  of  the  world,  through  the  unknown  and  dan 
gerous  seas  of  the  North.  Of  this  expedition  Sebastian  Gabato,  an  excellent  mari 
ner  of  Bristow,  but  of  Italian  parentage,  was  a  great  mover,  to  whom  the  King,  as 
a  gratuity,  had  given  200  pounds.  For  this  voyage,  in  February,  last,  the  King  lent 
two  ships,  the  Primrose  and  the  Moon,  a  pinnace,  to  Barns,  Lord  Maior  of  London, 
Garrett,  one  of  the  Sheriffs,  York  and  Windham,  adventurers,  binding  themselves 
to  deliver  to  the  King  two  ships  of  the  like  burden,  and  good  condition,  in  Mid* 
summer,  anno  1554.  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby,  a  brave  knight,  was  the  chief  Cap 
tain  in  this  enterprise :  to  whom  the  King  granted  a  passport  to  go  beyond  the 
seas,  with  four  servants,  forty  pounds  in  money,  his  chain,  &c," 

Campbell  (Lives  of  the  Admirals,  vol.  i.  p.  319)  says, 

"  The  accounts  we  have  of  this  matter  differ  widely;  but  as  I  observe  there  is  a 
variation  in  the  dates  of  a  whole  year,  so  I  am  apt  to  believe,  that  there  must  have 
been  two  distinct  undertakings;  one  under  the  immediate  protection  of  the  court 
which  did  not  take  effect;  and  the  other  by  a  joint  stock  of  the  merchants,  which 
did,  Of  the  first,  because  it  is  little  taken  notice  of,  I  will  speak  particularly  here; 
for  the  other  will  cpme  in  properly  in  my  account  of  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby.  When, 
therefore,  this  matter  was  first  proposed,  the  King  lent  two  ships,  the  Primrose  and 
the  Moon,  to  Barnes,  Lord  Mayor  of  London,  Mr  Garret,  one  of  the  Sheriffs,  and 
Mr  York,  and  Mr  Wyndham,  two  of  the  adventurers,  giving  bond  to  the  King  to 
deliver  two  ships  of  like  burden,  and  in  as  good  condition,  at  Midsommer,  1554." 

Thus  has  the  Maritime  History  of  England  been  written! 
The  vessels  in  question  made  part  of  the  Expedition  to  Guinea^ 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  233 
t  Ibid.  vol.  i.p.  401. 

*  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  233- 

§  Historical  Memorials,  vol.  ii.  p.  402. 


189 

of  which  an  account  was  given,  at  length,  by  Richard  Eden 
(Decades,  fol.  345). 

"  In  the  yeare  of  cure  Lorde  MLEQ".  the  XII  day  of  August,  sayled  from  Porche- 
mouth  two  goodly  shyppes  the  Primrose  and  the  Lion,  with  a  Pynnesse  cauled  the 
Moon,  being  all  well  furnysshed,"  &c. 

It  seems  that  the  enterprise  was  frustrated  by  the  miscon 
duct  of  "  Captayne  Wyndham."  The  persons  spoken  of  as 
having  given  bond  to  the  King,  were  members  of  the  com 
pany  of  merchant  adventurers.*  The  expedition  to  Guinea, 
thus  obscured  by  Strype,  Campbell,  and  succeeding  writers, 
is  that  of  which  Eden,  against  the  remonstrances  of  his  Pub 
lishers,  inserted  an  account,  consenting  to  swell  his  volume, 
"  that  sum  memorie  thereof  might  remayne  to  our  posteritie, 
if  eyther  iniquitie  of  tyme,  consumynge  all  things,  or  igno 
rance  creepy ng  in  by  barbarousness  and  contempte  of  know 
ledge  should  hereafter  bury  in  oblivion  so  worthy  attempts!" 
(fol.  343.) 


*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  269. 


190 


CHAP   XXX. 

INSTRUCTIONS  FOR  SIR  HUGH  WILLOUGHBY. 

THE  instructions  prepared  by  Cabot  for  tbe  government  of 
this  Expedition,  have  been  justly  regarded  as  a  model,  and 
as  reflecting  the  highest  credit  on  his  sagacity,  good  sense, 
and  comprehensive  knowledge.  They  relate  not  only  to  the 
conduct  to  be  observed  in  reference  to  the  great  object  in 
view,  but  descend  to  minute  suggestions,  drawn  from  his  long 
experience,  for  the  interior  arrangements  and  discipline. 
They  are  called  "  Ordinances,  Instructions,  and  Advertise 
ments  of,  and  for  the  direction  of  the  intended  voyage  for 
Cathay,  compiled,  made,  and  delivered  by  the  right  worship 
ful  M.  Sebastian  Cabota,  Esq.  Governour  of  the  Mysterie  and 
Companie  of  the  Merchants  Adventurers  for  the  discoverie  of 
Regions,  Dominions,  Islands,  and  places  unknowen,  the  9th 
day  of  May,  in  the  yere  of  our  Lord  God  1553,  and  in  the 
7th  yere  of  the  reigne  of  our  most  dread  sovereigne  Lord, 
Edward  VI.,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  England,  France, 
and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith  and  of  the  Church  of 
England  and  Ireland,  in  earth  supreme  head."* 

They  were  made  up  in  the  form  of  a  Book  which  was  or 
dered  to  be  publicly  read  once  every  week,  "  to  the  intent 
that  every  man  may  the  better  remember  his  oath,  conscience, 
duty  and  charge."  These  instructions  are  too  voluminous  to 
be  here  introduced,  but  a  few  extracts,  while  they  indicate 
the  cast  of  Cabot's  mind,  must  fill  us  with  renewed  regret 
that  all  the  records  of  such  a  man's  own  labours  should  have 
been  unfortunately  lost  to  us: 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p,  226. 


191 

"  7.  Item,  that  the  merchants,  and  other  skilftd  persons  In  writing  shall  daily 
arrite,  describe,  and  put  in  memorie  the  navigation  of  each  day  and  night,  with  the 
points,  and  observations  of  the  lands,  tides,  elements,  altitude  of  the  sunne,  course 
of  the  moon  and  starres,  and  the  same  so  noted  by  the  order  of  the  Master  and 
Pilot  of  every  ship  to  be  put  in  writing,  the  Captaine-Generall  assembling  the  mas 
ters  together  once  every  weeke  (if  winde  and  weather  shall  serve)  to  conferre  all 
the  observations,  and  notes  of  the  said  ships,  to  the  intent  it  may  appeare  wherein 
the  notes  do  agree,  and  wherein  they  dissent,  andtipon  good  debatement,  delibera 
tion,  and  conclusion  determined,  to  put  the  same  into  a  common  leger,  to  remain 
of  record  for  the  company:  the  like  order  to  be  kept  in  proportioning  of  the  Gardes, 
Astrolabes,  and  other  instruments  prepared  for  the  voyage,  at  the  charge  of  the 
Companie."* 

"  27.  Item,  the  names  of  the  people  of  every  Island,  are  to  be  taken  in  writing, 
with  the  commodities  and  incommodities  of  the  same,  their  natures,  qualities,  and 
dispositions,  the  site  of  the  same,  and  what  things  they  are  most  desirous  of,  and 
what  commodities  they  will  most  willingly  depart  with,  and  what  metals  they  have 
in  fails,  mountains,  streames,  or  rivers,  in,  or  under  the  earth.'f 

Attention  to  moral  and  religious  duties  is  strictly  enjoined. 

"  12.  Item,  that  no  blaspheming  of  God,  or  detestable  swearing  be  used  in  any 
ship,  nor  communication  of  ribaldrie,  filthy  tales,  or  ungodly  talke  to  be  suffered 
in  the  company  of  any  ship,  neither  dicing,  tabling,  nor  other  divelish  games  to  be 
frequented,  whereby  ensueth  not  onely  povertie  to  the  placers,  but  also  strife,  vari 
ance,  brauling,  fighting,  and  oftentimes  murther,  to  the  utter  destruction  of  the 
parties,  and  provoking  of  God's  most  just  wrath,  and  sworde  of  vengeance.  These* 
and  all  such  like  pestilences,  and  contagions  of  vices,  and  sinnes  to  be  eschewed, 
and  the  offenders  once  monished,  and  not  reforming,  to  be  punished  at  the  discre 
tion  of  the  captaine  and  masters,  as  appertaineth."t 

**  13.  Item,  that  morning  and  evening  prayer,  with  other  common  services  ap 
pointed  by  the  King's  Majestic,  and  lawes  of  this  realme,  to  be  read  and  saide  in 
every  ship  daily  by  the  minister  in  the  admirall,  and  the  mar-chant  or  some  other 
person  learned  in  other  ships,  and  the  Bible  or  paraphrases  to  be  read  devoutly 
and  Christianly  to  God's  honour,  and  for  bis  grace  to  be  obtained,  and  had  by  hum 
ble  and  heartie  praier  of  the  navigants  accordingly."^ 

There  is  much  good  sense  in  the  following  hints : — 

"22.  Item,  not  to  disclose  to  any  nation  the  state  of  our  religion,  but  to  passe  it 
over  in  silence,  without  any  declaration  of  it,  seeming  to  bear  with  such  laws  and 
rights  as  the  place  hath  where  you  shall  arrive."fl 

"  23.  Item,  for  as  much  as  our  people  and  shippe  may  appear  unto  them  strange 
and  wonderous,  and  theirs  also  to  ours;  it  is  to  be  considered,  how  they  may  be 
used,  learning  much  of  their  natures  and  dispositions,  by  some  one  such  person,  as 
you  may  first  either  allure,  or  take  to  be  brought  aboard  your  ships,  and  there  to 


*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  226.  f  Ibid,  p.  228. 

t  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  227.  $  Ibid. 

|  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  228. 


192 

learn  as  you  may,  without  violence  orforcet  and  no  woman  to  be  tempted,  or  intreated 
to  incontinence,  or  dishonestie."* 

"  26.  Item,  every  nation  and  region  is  to  be  considered  advisedly,  and  not  to 
provoke  them  by  any  disdaine,  laughing,  contempt,  or  such  like,  but  to  use  them 
with  prudent  circumspection,  with  all  gentlenes,  and  curtesie,  and  not  to  tarry  long 
in  one  place,  until!  you  shall  have  attained  the  most  worthy  place  that  may  be 
found  in  such  sort  as  you  may  returne  with  victuals  sufficient,  prosperously."! 

The  difficulties  experienced,  from  timidity  and  incredulity, 
are  apparent  from  a  passage  of  the  32d  item,  in  which  he 
speaks  of  the  obstacles  which  had  "  ministered  matter  of  sus 
picion  in  some  heads,  that  this  voyage  could  not  succeed  for 
the  extremitie  of  the  North  Pole,  lacke  of  passage,  and  such 
like,  which  have  caused  wavering  minds,  and  doubtful  heads, 
not  only  to  withdraw  themselves  from  the  adventure,  of  this 
voyage,  but  also  dissuaded  others  from  the  same,  the  certainte 
whereof,  when  you  shall  have  tried  by  experience,  &c."f 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  228. 

fib. 

J  Ibid.  vol.  i.jj.  22.9. 


193 


CHAP.  XXXI. 

THE   EXPEDITION    DROPS     DOWN   TO    GREENWICH SALUTES— ANIMATING 

SCENE PROCEED  TO    SEA VESSELS    SEPARATED— FATE  OF    SIR  HUGH 

WILLOUGHBY CHANCELLOR  REACHES  WARDHOUSE EARNESTLY  DIS 
SUADED  FROM  PROCEEDING  FURTHER HIS  GALLANT  RESOLUTION 

CONFIDENCE  OF  THE  CREW  IN  HIM REACHES  ARCHANGEL EXCEL 
LENT  EFFECT  OF  OBSERVING  CABOT*S  INSTRUCTIONS  AS  TO  DEPORT 
MENT  TOWARDS  THE  NATIVES SUCCESS  OF  CHANCELLOR. 

ON  the  20th  May,  the  squadron,  consisting  of  three  ships, 
dropped  down  to  Greenwich : — 

"  The  greater  Shippes  are  towed  downe  with  boates,  and  oares,  and  the  Mari 
ners  being  all  apparelled  in  Watchet  or  skie-coloured  cloth,  rowed  amaine,  and 
made  way  with  diligence.  And  being  come  neere  to  Greenewich  (where  the  Court 
then  lay),  presently  upon  the  newes  thereof,  the  Courtiers  came  running  out,  and 
the  common  people  flockt  together,  standing  very  thicke  upon  the  shoare:  the 
privie  Counsel,  they  lookt  out  at  the  windowes  of  the  Court,  and  the  rest  ranne 
up  to  the  toppes  of  the  towers:  the  shippes  hereupon  discharge  their  Ordinance, 
amf  shoot  off  their  pieces  after  the  manner  of  warre,  and  of  the  sea,  insomuch  that 
the  tops  of  the  hilles  sounded  therewith;  the  valleys  and  the  waters  gave  an 
Eccho,  and  the  Mariners,  they  shouted  in  such  sort,  that  the  skie  rang  againe  with 
the  noyse  thereof  One  stood  in  the  poope  of  the  ship,  and  by  his  gesture  bids 
farewell  to  his  friends  in  the  best  manner  hee  could.  Another  walkes  upon  the 
hatches,  another  climbes  the  shrowds,  another  stands  upon  the  maine  yard,  and 
another  in  the  top  of  the  shippe.  To  be  short,  it  was  a  very  triumph  (after  a 
sort)  in  alLrespects  to  the  beholders.  But  (alas)  the  good  King  Edward  (in  re 
spect  of  whom  principally  all  this  was  prepared)  hee  only  by  reason  of  his  sick- 
nesse  was  absent  from  this  shewe,  and  not  lung  after  the  departure  of  these  Ships, 
the  lamentable  and  most  sorrowful  accident  of  his  death  followed."* 

There  was  some  delay  at  Harwich ;  "  yet  at  the  last 
with  a  good  winde  they  hoysted  up  sayle,  and  committed 
themselves  to  the  sea,  giving  their  last  adieu  to  their  native 
countrey,  which  they  knew  not  whether  they  should  ever  re- 
turne  to  see  againe  or  not.  Many  of  them  looked  oftentimes 


Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  245 


194 

backe,  and  could  not  refraine  from  teares,  considering  into 
what  hazards  they  were  to  fall,  and  what  uncertainties  of  the 
sea  they  were  to  make  triall  of."*  Chancellor  himself  was 
moved.  "His  natural  and  fatherly  affection,  also,  somewhat 
troubled  him,  for  he  left  behinde  him  two  little  sonnes,  which 
were  in  the  case  of  orphanes  if  he  spedde  not  well."f 

After  touching  at  Rost  Island,  and  at  a  group  called  the 
Cross  of  Islands,  it  was  agreed  that  in  the  event  of  a  separa 
tion  the  ships  should  rendezvous  at  the  Castle  of  Wardhouse 
in  Norway.  On  the  very  day  of  the  council  at  which  this 
arrangement  was  made  a  furious  tempest  arose  that  dispersed 
the  vessels. 

The  story  of  the  gallant  Chief  of  the  Expedition  is  brief 
but  horrible.  Failing  to  make  the  contemplated  progress  to 
the  eastward,  it  was  resolved  to  winter  in  Lapland,  and  ar 
rangements  for  that  purpose  were  commenced  on  the  18th 
September.  The  rigour  of  the  climate  proved  fatal  to  all. 
The  two  ships  were  long  afterwards  discovered  with  no  living 
thing  on  board.  A  Journal  was  found  of  the  incidents  of  the 
voyage,  and  a  Will  of  Gabriel  Willoughby,  attested  by  Sir 
Hugh,  dated  as  late  as  January,  1554.  Over  the  frightful 
scenes  witnessed  by  him  who  was  reserved  as  the  last  victim 
of  the  elements  "there  is  thrown,  like  a  pall,  impenetrable 
darkness.  As  he  stiffened  into  death,  by  the  side  of  his  un- 
buried  messmates,  he  saw  the  savage  region  yielded  back, 
without  further  struggle,  to  the  "  unknown  and  also  wonder 
ful"  wild  beasts  whose  fearful  numbers  about  the  ships  are 
noted  in  the  last  entry  of  the  Journal.^ 

Chancellor  was  more  fortunate.  He  reached  Wardhouse  in 
safety,  and  having  remained  there  several  days  resolved  to 
proceed,  notwithstanding  the  disheartening  representations 
made  to  him. 


*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  245. 
fib. 

$  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  239.     The  Will  found  on  board  witnessed  by  Sir  Hugh 
Willoughby  was  in  the  possession  of  Purchas  (Pilgrims,  vol.  iii.  p.  463) 


195 

"Remaining  stedfast  and  immutable  in  hia  first  resolution,  he  determined  either 
to  bring  that  to  passe  which  was  intended  or  els  to  die  the  death.* 

•*  And  as  for  them  which  were  with  Master  Chanceler  in  his  Shippe,  although 
they  had  great  cause  of  discomfort  by  the  losse  of  their  companie  (whom  the  fore- 
said  tempest  had  separated  from  them)  and  were  not  a  little  troubled  with  cogita 
tions  and  perturbations  of  minde,  in  respect  of  their  doubtful  course  :  yet  notwith 
standing,  they  were  of  such  consent  and  agreement  of  minde  with  Master  Chanceler, 
that  they  were  resolute,  and  prepared  under  his  direction  and  government,  to  make 
proofe  and  triall  of  all  adventures,  without  all  feare  or  mistrust  of  future  dangers. 
Which  constancie  of  minde  in  all  the  companie  did  exceedingly  increase  their  Cap 
tain's  carefulnesse."f 

In  this  resolute  spirit  he  again  put  to  sea.  "  Master  Chan 
celer  held  on  his  course  towards  that  unknown  part  of  the 
world,  and  sailed  so  farre,  that  he  came  at  last  to  the  place 
where  he  found  no  night  at  all,  hut  a  continuall  light  and 
hrightnesse  of  the  sunne  shining  clearly  upon  the  huge  and 
mightie  sea.  And  having  the  benefite  of  this  perpetuall  light 
for  certaine  dayes,  at  the  length  it  pleased  God  to  bring  them 
into  a  certaine  great  bay,  which  was  one  hundreth  miles  or 
thereabout  over.  Whereinto  they  entered  somewhat  farre 
and  cast  anchor." 

He  had  now  reached  the  Bay  of  St  Nicholas.  Landing 
near  Archangel,  then  only  a  castle,  there  becomes  visible  the 
influence  of  Cabot's  injunction,  as  to  gentleness  of  deportment 
towards  the  natives  and  its  happy  result. 

**  And  looking  every  way  about  them  it  happened  that  they  espied  a  farre  off  a 
certain  fisher  boate  which  Master  Chancellor,  accompanied  with  a  fewe  of  his  men, 
went  towards  to  commune  with  the  fishermen  that  were  in  it,  and  to  knowe  of  them 
what  countrey  it  was,  and  what  people,  and  of  what  maner  of  living  they  were  : 
but  they  being  amazed  with  the  strange  greatnesse  of  hisr  shippe  (for  in  those  parts 
before  that  time  they  had  never  seen  the  like)  beganne  presently  to  avoyde  and  to 
flee  :  but  hee  still  following  them  at  last  overtooke  them,  and  being  come  to  them, 
they  <being  in  greate  feare,  as  men  halfe  dead)  prostrated  themselves  before  him, 
offering  to  kisse  his  feete :  but  hee  (according  to  his  great  and  singular  courtesie) 
looked  pleasantly  upon  them,  comforting  them  by  signes  and  gestures,  refusing 
those  duetiesand  reverences  of  theirs  and  taking  them  up  in  all  loving  sort  from  the 
ground.  And  it  is  strange  to  consider  how  much  favour  afterwards  in  'that  place, 
this  humanitie  of  his  did  purchase  to  himself.  For  they  being  dismissed  spread  by 
and  by  a  report  abroad  of  the  arrival  of  a  strange  nation  of  a  singular  gentleness  and 


*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  246. 
t  Ib. 


196 

courteaie ,  whereupon  the  common  people  came  together  offering  to  these  newe- 
come  ghests  victuals  freely  "* 

We  may  not  follow  further  the  movements  of  this  intrepid 
navigator,  or  repeat  the  circumstances  of  his  overland  journey 
to  Moscow,  and  his  very  curious  and  interesting  account  of 
Russia.  He  was  received  in  the  most  cordial  manner,  and 
effected  the  necessary  arrangements  for  a  safe  and  extensive 
commercial  intercourse. 


Ib. 


197 


CHAP.  XXXII. 

CHARTER  TO  THE  COMPANY  OF  MERCHANT  ADVENTURERS— SEBASTIAN 
CABOT  NAMED  GOVERNOR  FOR  LIFE — GRANT  OF  PRIVILEGES  BY  THE  EM 
PEROR  OF  RUSSIA  TO  CABOT  AND  OTHERS AN  AMBASSADOR  FROM  THE 

EMPEROR  EMBARKS  WITH  RICHARD  CHANOELLER — SHIPWRECK — CHAN 
CELLOR  PERISHES RECEPTION  AND  ENTERTAINMENT  OF  THE  AMBASS 
ADOR  IN  LONDON. 

THE  success  of  Chancellor  gave  a  new  impulse,  and  the  dig 
nity  of  a  Charter,  to  the  Association  of  Merchant  Adven 
turers.* 

In  the  instrument  of  incorporation  Sebastian  Cabot  is  named, 
as  has  been  stated,  Governor  for  Life,  as  "  the  chiefest  set 
ter  forth"  of  the  Enterprise. 

There  is  preserved!  "  A  copie  of  the  first  privileges  grant 
ed  to  the  English  merchants,  by  John  Vasilivich,  by  the  Grace 
of  God,  Emperor  of  Russia,  Great  Duke  of  Novogrode,  Mos- 
covia,"  &c.  After  the  recital  it  grants  "  unto  Sebastian  Ca- 
bota,  Governor,  Sir  George  Barnes,  Knight,  &c.  Consuls,  Sir 
John  Gresham,  &e.,  assistants,  and  to  the  communaltie  of  the 
afore-named  fellowship,  and  to  their  successors  for  ever,  and 
to  the  successors  of  every  of  them,  these  articles,  grants,  im 
munities,  franchises,  liberties,  and  privileges,  and  every  of 
them  hereafter  following,  expressed  and  declared,  videlicet " 
Then  follow  ten  clauses  or  articles  placing  the  contemplated 
commercial  intercourse  on  the  most  liberal  and  secure  footing. 

Passing  a  little  onward  we  find  an  Ambassador  from  the 
Emperor  arriving  in  England.  This  incident  is  connected 
with  the  melancholy  death  of  Richard  Chancellor,  in  whose 
ship  the  Ambassador  had  embarked.  That  intrepid  navigator 

*  Dr  Robertson  (History  of  America,  book  ix. )  heedlessly  represents  the  Charter 
to  have  preceded  the  voyage  of  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby 
t  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  265 


198 

was  doomed  to  perish  when  almost  within  reach  of  those  be 
loved  "  two  little  sonnes,"  the  thoughts  of  leaving  whom  "  in 
the  case  of  orphanes  if  he  spedde  not  well,"  had  saddened  his 
departure.  The  ship  was  driven  ashore  at  Pitsligo  in  the 
North  of  Scbtlandj  and  hy  the  fury  of  the  tempest  was  bro 
ken  to  pieces  on  the  rocks.  Chancellor 

"  using  all  carefulness  for  the  safetie  of  the  bodie  of  the  said  Ambassadour  and 
his  trayne,  taking-  the  boate  of  the  said  Ship  trusting  to  attaine  the  shore  and  so  to 
save  and  preserve  the  bodie  and  seven  of  the  companie  or  attendants  of  the  same 
Ambassadour,  the  same  boat  by  rigorous  waves  of  the  seas,  was  by  darke  night 
overwhelmed  and  drowned,  wherein  perished  not  only  the  bodie  of  the  said  grand 
pilot  with  seven  Russes,  but  also  divers  of  the  Mariners  of  the  said  ship  :  the  noble 
personage  of  the  said  Ambassadour  with  a  fewe  others  (by  God's  preservation  and 
speciall  favour)  only  with  much  difficultie  saved.'** 

A  long  account  is  given  of  the  Ambassador's  reception  and 
entertainment  at  London.  The  following  is  an  extract  :f 

"  On  the  27th  February,  1557,  he  approached  to  the  Citie  of  London  within 
twelve  English  miles,  where  he  was  received  with  fourscore  merchants  with  chaines 
of  Gold  and  goodly  apparell,  as  well  in  order  of  men-servants  in  one  uniforme  liverie, 
as  also  in  and  upon  good  horses  and  geldings,  who  conducting  him  to  a  marchant's 
house,  foure  miles  from  London,  received  there  a  quantitie  of  Gold,  velvet  and 
silke,  with  all  furniture  thereunto  requisite,  wherewith  he  made  him  a  riding  gar 
ment,  reposing  himself  that  night.  The  next  day  being  Saturday  and  the  last  day 
of  Februarie,  he  was  by  the  Merchants  Adventuring  for  Russia,  to  the  number  of  one 
hundred  and  fortie  persons,  and  so  many  or  more  servants  in  one  liverie,  as  above- 
said,  conducted  towards  the  citie  of  London,  where  by  the  way  he  had  riot  onely 
the  hunting  of  the  Foxe  and  such  like  sports  shewed  him,  but  also  by  the  Queenes 
Maiesties  commandment  was  received  and  embraced  by  the  right  honorable  Viscount 
Montague,  sent  by  her  grace  for  his  entertainment :  he  being  accompanied  with 
divers  lustie  Knights,  esquires,  gentlemen  and  yeomen  to  the  number  of  three 
hundred  horses,  led  him  to  the  North  partes  of  London,  where  by  foure  notable 
Merchants  richly  apparelled  was  presented  to  him  a  right  faire  and  large  gelding 
richly  trapped,  together  with  a  foot  cloth  of  orient  crimson  velvet  enriched  with 
gold  laces,  all  furnished  in  most  glorious  fashion,  of  the  present  and  gifte  of  the 
saide  Merchants  :  whereupon  the  Ambassador  at  instant  desire  mounted,  riding  on 
the  way  towards  Smithficld  barres,  the  first  limits  of  the  liberties  of  the  Citie  of 
London.  The  Lord  Maior  accompanied  with  all  the  Aldermen  in  their  Skarlet 
did  receive  him,  and  so  riding  through  the  Citie  of  London  in  the  middle,  between 
the  Lord  Mayor  and  Viscount  Montague,  a  great  number  of  Merchants  and  notable 
personages  riding  before,  and  a  large  troupe  of  servants  and  apprentices  following, 
was  conducted  through  the  Citie  of  London  (with  great  admiration  and  plausibilitie 
of  the  people  running  plentifully  on  all  sides,  and  replenishing  all  streets  in  such 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  286. 
f  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  28f. 


199 

sort  as  no  man  without  difficultie  might  passe)1  into  his  lodging  situate  in  Fant 
church  streete,  where  were  provided  for  him  two  chambers  richly  hanged  and 
decked,  over  and  above  the  gallant  furniture  of  the  whole  Jhouse,  together  with 
an  ample  and  rich  cupboard  of  Plate  of  all  sortes,  to  furnish  and  serve  him  at  all 
meales,  and  other  services  during  his  abode  in  London,  which  was,  as  is  under 
written,  until  the  third  day  of  May :  during  which  time,  daily,  divers  Aldermen 
and  the  gravest  personages  of  the  said  companie  did  visit  him,  providing  all  kind 
of  victuals  for  his  table  and  his  servants,  with  all  sorts  of  officers  to  attend  upon 
him  in  good  sort  and  condition,  as  to  such  an  Arabassadour  of  honour  doeth  and 
ought  to  appertaine." 

He  remained  in  London  until  the  third  May,  when  he 

"  departed  from  London  to  Gravesend,  accompanied  with  divers  Aldermen  and 
Merchants,  who  in  good  gard  set  him  aboord  the  Noble  shippe  the  Primrose,  Ad 
miral  to  the  Fleete,  where  leave  was  taken  on  both  sides  and  parts,  after  many 
imbracements  and  divers  farewels  not  without  expressing  of  teares." 


200 


CHAP.  XXXIII. 


VIEW  OF  THE  TRADE  OPENED  WITH  RUSSIA  FROM  THE  LETTERS  OF  THE 
COMPANY  TO  THE  AGENTS PRICES  OF  ENGLISH  MANUFACTURES — AR 
TICLES  OBTAINED  IN  RETURN EXTENSIVE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  ENGLISH 
MEN  AT  MOSCOW  WHEN  THAT  CITY  WAS  DESTROYED  BY  THE  TARTARS. 

IT  is  not  a  little  curious  to  look  back  into  the  early  history  of 
the  Trade  with  Russia.  The  Letters  which  passed  between 
the  Company  and  its  Agents  apprise  us  of  the  nature  and 
prices  of  the  commodities  interchanged,  and  furnish,  probably, 
the  earliest  specimens  extant  of  the  English  mercantile  style. 
In  one  Letter  it  is  said  :* 

"  You  shall  understand  we  have  fraighted  for  the  parts  of-  Russia  foure  good 
shippes  tobe  laden  t  here  by  you  and  your  order  :  That  is  to  say,  the  Primrose  of 
the  burthen  of  240  Tunnes,  Master  under  God  John  Buckland  :  The  John  Evan 
gelist  of  170  Tunnes,  Master  under  God  Lawrence  Roundal :  The  Anne- of  London 
of  the  burthen  of  160  Tunnes,  Master  under  God  David  Philly,  and  the  Trinitie 
of  London  of  the  burthen  of  140  Tunnes,  Master  under  God  John  Robins,  as  by 
their  Charter  parties  may  appeare  :  which  you  may  require  to  See  for  divers  causes. 
You  shall  receive,  God  willing,  out  of  the  said  good  ships,  God  sending  them  in 
safety  for  the  use  of  the  Company,  these  kinds  of  wares  following,  all  marked  with 
the  general  marke  of  the  company  as  fblloweth^  25  fardels  containing  207  sorting 
ilothes,  one  fine  violet  in  graine,  and  one  skarlet,  and  40  cottons  for  wrappers, 
beginning  with  number  1.  and  ending  with  number  52.  The  sorting  clothes  may 
cost  the  first  peny  5/.  9*.  the  cloth  one  with  the  other.  The  fine  violet  18/.  6s.  6d. 
The  Skarlet  17/.  13s.  6d.  the  cottons  at  91:  10*.  the  packe,  accompanying  7  cot 
tons  for  a  packe  more  500  pieces  of  Hampshire  Kersies,  that  is  400.  watchets,  43 
blewes,  53  reds.  15  greenes.  5  ginger  colours,  and  two  yellowes  which  cost  the  first 
penny  4/.  6*.  the  piece,  and '3  packes  containing  21  cottons  at  9/.  10s.  the  packe, 
and  part  of  the  clothes  is  measured  by  Arshines.  More  9.  barrels  of  Pewter  of 
Thomas  Hasels  making,  Sec.  Also  the  wares  bee  packed  and  laden  as  is  afore- 
sayde,  as  by  an  invoyce  in  every  shippe  more  plainly  may  appeare.  So  that  when 
it  shall  please  God  to  send  the  saide  good  shipps  to  you  in  safetie,  you  are  to  re 
ceive  our  said  goods,  and  to  procure  the  sales  to  our  most  advantage  either  for 
ready  money,  time  or  barter  having  consideration  that  you  doe  make  good  debts, 
and  give  such  time,  if  you  give  any,  as  you  may  employ  and  returne  the  same 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  297. 


201 

against  the  next  voyage ;  and  also  foreseeing  that  you  barter  to  a  profit,  and  for 
such  wares  as  be  here  most  vendible,  as  waxe,  tallowe,  traine  oile,  herape  and 
flaxe.  Of  furres  we  desire  no  great  plentie,  because  they  be  dead  wares.  And  as 
for  Felts  we  will  in  no  wise  you  send  any.  And  whereas  you  have  provided  tarre, 
and  as  we  suppose,  some  hemp  ready  bought,  our  advise  is,  that  in  no  wise  you 
send  any  of  them  hither  unwrought  because  our  fraight  is  4/.  a  tunne  or  little  less  : 
which  is  so  deare,  as  it  would  not  beare  the  charges :  and  therefore  we  have  sent 
you  7.  ropemakers,  as  by  the  copies  of  their  covenants  here  inclosed  shall  appeare. 
Whom  we  will  you  set  to  worke  with  all  expedition  in  making  of  cables  and  ropes 
of  all  sorts,  from  the  smallest  rope  to  xii  inches  :  And  that  such  tarre  and  hempe 
as  is  already  brought  to  the  water  side,  they  may  there  make  it  out,  and  after  that 
you  settle  their  work  in  Vologhda  or  Colmogro  as  you  shall  think  good,  where 
their  stuflfe  may  be  neerest  to  them  :  at  which  place  and  places  you  do  assigne  them 
a  principall  overseer,  as'well  to  see  the  deliverie  of  the  stuffe  unwrought,  as  also 
to  take  charge  of  the  stuffe  wrought,  and  to  forsee  that  neither  the  yarne  be  burnt 
in  tarring,  nor  the  hempe  rotted  in  the  watering ;  and  also  to  furnish  them  so  with 
labourers,  workmen  and  stuffe,  as  hereafter  when  these  workmen  shall  come  away, 
we  be  not  destitute  of  good  workmen,  and  that  these  may  dispatch  as  much  as  poss 
ible  they  may,  doing  it  substantially,  for  we  esteem  it  a  principall  commoditie, 
and  that  The  Counsel  of  England  doth  well  alkwe.  Let  all  diligence  be  used  that 
at  the  returne  of  these  shippes  we  may  see  samples  of  all  ropes  and  cables  if  it  be 
possible,  and  so  after  to  continue  in  worke,  that  we  may  have  good  store  against  the 
next  yeere.  Therefore  they  have  neede  to  have  a  pkce  to  work  in,  in  the  winter : 
and  at  any  hand  let  them  have  hempe  ynough  to  spinne  their  stuffe  :  for  seeing 
you  have  great  plentie  of  hempe  there,  and  at  areasonable  price,  we  trust  we  shall 
be  able  to  bring  as  good  stuffe  from  thence,  and  better  cheape  then  out  of  Danske  : 
if  it  be  diligently  used,  and  have  a  good  overseer. 

"  Let  the  chiefest  lading  of  these  foure  shippes  be  principally  in  waxe,  flaxe, 
tallowe  and  trayne  oyle.  And  if  there  be  any  more  wares  then  these  ships  be 
able  to  take  in,  then  leave  that  which  is  least  in  valeu  and  grossest  in  stowage  until 
the  next  shipping  :  for  wee  do  purpose  to  ground  Our  selves  chiefly  upon  those 
commodities,  as  waxe,  cables  and  ropes,  traine  oyle,  flaxe  and  some  linen  yarne. 
As  for  Masts,  Tarre,  Hempe,  Feathers,  or  any  such  other  like,  they  would  not 
beare  the  charges  to  have  any  considering  our  deere  fraight.  We  have  sent  you 
a  skinner  to  be  there  at  our  charges  for  meate,  drinke  and  lodging,  to  view  and  see 
such  furres  as  you  shall  cheap  or  buye,  not  minding  nevcrthelesse,  that  you  shall 
charge  yourselves  with  many,  except  those  which  be  most  vendible,  as  good  mar- 
terns  mimures,  otherwise  called  Lettis,  and  Mynkes.  Of  these  you  may  send  us 
plentie,  finding  them  good  and  at  a  reasonable  price.  As  for  sables  and  other  rich 
furres,  they  bee  not  every  mans  money  :  therefore  you  may  send  the  fewer,  using 
partly  the  discretion  of  the  Skinner  in  that  behalfe. 

"  We  heare  that  there  is  great  plentie  of  Steele  in  Russia  and  Tartarie,  whereof 
wee  would  you  send  us  part  for  an  example,  and  to  write  your  mindes  in  it  what 
store  is  to  be  had:  for  we  heare  say  there  is  great  plentie,  and  that  the  Tartars 
steele  is  better  than  that  in  Russia.  And  likewise  we  be  informed  that  there  is 
great  plentie  of  Copper  in  the  Emperours  Dominions  :  we  would  be  certified  of  it 
what  plentie  there  is,  tmd  whether  it  be  in  plates  or  in  round  flat  cakes,  and  send 
us  some  for  an  example.  Also  we  would  have  you  to  certifie  us  what  kind  of 
•woollen  cloth  the  men  of  Rie  and  Ruel,  and  the  Poles  and  Lettoes  doe  bring  to 

2  A 


202 

Russia,  and  send  the  scantlings  of  them  with  part  of  the  lists,  and  a  full  advice  of 
the  lengths  and  breadths,  colours  and  prices,  and  whether  they  be  strained  or  not  : 
and  what  number  of -them  may  be  utterred  in  a  yeere,  to  the  intent  that  we  make 
provision  for  them  for  the  like  sorts,"  and  all  other  Flemish  wares  which  they  bring 
thither  and  be  most  vendible  there.  And  to  certifie  us  whether  our  set  clothes  be 
vendible  there  or  not :  and  whether  they  be  rowed  and  shorne  :  because  ofUimes 
they  go  undrest.  Moreover,  we  will  you  send  us  of  every  commodity  in  that 
Country  part,  but  no  great  quantity  other  than  such  as  ;s  before  declared.  And 
likewise  every  kind  of  Lether,  whereof  we  be  informed  there  is  great  store  bought 
yeerely  by  the  Esterlings  and  Duches  for  hie  Almaigne  and  Germanic. 

"More,  that  you  doe  send  us  for  proofe  a  quantitie  of  such  Earth,  hearbes,  or 
what  thing  soever  it  be,  that  the  liusses  do  die,  and  colour  any  kind  of  cloth  linen  or 
wollen,  Lether  or  any  other  thing  withall :  and  also  part  of  that  which  the  Tar 
tars  and  Turkes  doe  bring  thither,  and  how  it  must  be  used  in  dying  and  colouring. 
Moreover  that  you  have  a  special  foresight  in  the  chusing  of  your  Tallowe,  and 
that  it  may  be  well  purified  and  tried,  or  els  it  will  in  one  yeere  putrifie  and  con 
sume. 

"  Also  that  you  certifie  us  the  trueth  of  the  weights  and  measures,  and  howe 
they  do  answere  with  ours,  and  to  send  us  3  robles  in  money,  that  we  may  try  the 
just  value  of  them. 

"  Also  we  doe  send  you  in  these  ships  ten  young  men  that  be  bound  Prentises 
to  the  Companie  whom  we  will  you  to  appoint  every  of  them  as  you  shall  there 
find  most  apt  and  meete,  some  to  keepe  accompts,  some  to  buy  and  sell  by  your 
order  and  commission,  and  some  to  send  abroad  into  the  notable  cities  of  the 
Countrey  for  understanding  and  knowledge." 

The  spirit  of  commercial  enterprise  was  fully  kindled,  and 
an  eager  desire  appears  to  become  the  Carriers  of  the  world. 
What  a  change  from  the  utter  prostration  which  led,  just  be 
fore,  to  the  appeal  to  Him  whose  genius  had  been  thus  suc 
cessfully  invoked  to  quicken  and  to  guide ! 

"  We  would  you  bought  as  much  waxe  principally  as  you  may  get.  For  if  there 
be  in  that  country  so  great  quantity,  as  we  be  informed  there  is,  it  will  be  the 
best  commodity  we  may  have:  for  having  that  wholly  in  our  hands,  we  may  serve 
our  own  Country  and  others.  Therefore  seeing  the  Emperour  doth  minde,  that 
such  commodities  as  bee  in  his  dominions  shall  not  passe  to  Rie  and  Revel  and 
Poland  as  they  have  done,  but  ,be  reserved  for  us  :  therefore  we  must  so  lay  for  it, 
that  it  may  not  be  upon  their  hands  that  have  it  to  sell,  always  having  consideration 
in  the  price  and  time  as  our  next  dispatch  may  correspond. 

"Also  we  doe  understand  that  in  the  countrey  of  Permia  or  about  the  river  of 
Pechora  is  great  quantitie  of  Yewe,  and  likewise  in  the  countrey  of  Ugory,  which 
we  be  desirous  to  have  knowledge  of,  because  it  is  a  special  commoditie  for  our 
Realme.  Therefore  we  have  sent  you  a  young  man,  whose  name  is  Leonard 
Brian,  that  hath  some  knowledge  in  the  wood,  to  shew  you  in  what  sort  it  must  be 
cut  and  cloven.  So  our  minde  is  if  there  be  any  store,  and  that  it  be  found  to 
be  good,  that  there  you  doe  provide  a  good  quantitie  against  the  next  yeere  for 
the  comming  of  our  shippes.  And  because  wee  bee  not  sure  what  timber  they 
shall  finde  there  to  make  Casks,  we  have  laden  in  these  ships  140  Tunnes  emptie 


203 

Caske,  that  is  94  tunnes  shaken  Casks  and  46  tunnes  whole,  and  ten  thousand 
hoopes,  and  480  wrethes  of  twigs;  they  may  be  doing  with  that  till  they  can  pro 
vide  other  timber,  which  wee  would  be  glad  to  heare  of.  They  have  an  example 
with  them  of  the  bignesse  of  the  Caske  they  shall  make.  Neverthelesse,  all  such 
Buttes  and  Hoggesheads  as  may  be  found  to  serve  we  will  shal  be  filled  with  traine 
Oyle. 

"It  shalbe  very  needeful  that  you  doe  appoynt  certaine  to  see  the  romagingof 
the  ships,  and  to  give  the  master  or  Botswaine,  or  him  that  will  take  upon  him  to 
romage,  a  good  reward  for  his  labour  to  see  the  goods  well  romaged.  If  it  be  iij  d. 
or  iiij.  d.  the  tunne,  it  shall  not  be  amisse.  For  if  it  be  not  substantially  well 
looked  into,  it  may  be  a  great  deale  of  money  out  of  our  wayes. 

"Also,  because  we  reckon  that  from  the  Mosco  will  bee  alwayes  better  convey* 
ance  of  letters  to  us  by  land:  our  minde  is  that  from  time  to  time  as  occasion  shall 
serve,  our  Agents  shall  write  to  him  that  shall  lie  at  Mosco  of  all  things  that  shall 
passe,  that  he  may  give  us  large  instructions,  as  wel  what  is  solcle  and  bought,  as 
also  what  lading  we  shall  take,  and  what  quantitie  and  kinde  of  goods  wee  shall 
send.  For  we  must  procure  to  utter  good  quantitie  of  wares,  especially  the  commodi 
ties  of  our  Realme,  although  we  afford  a  good  penyworth,  to  the  intent  to  make  other 
that  have  traded  thither,  wearie,  and  so  to  bring  ourselves  and  our  commodities  in  esti 
mation,  and  likewise  to  procure  and  have  the  chiefs  commodities  of  that  Country  in  our 
hands,  as  waxe  and  such  others,-  that  other  Nations  may  be  served  byus  and  at  our 
hands.  For  wee  doe  understand  that  the  greatest  quantitie  of  waxe  that  commeth 
to  Danske,  Lubeck,  and  Hambourgh,  commeth  out  of  Russia.  Therefore  if  wee 
should  buy  part,  and  they  also  buy,  it  would  raise  the  price  there,  and  would  be 
little  worth  here.  And  all  such  letters  of  importance  and  secrecie  as  you  doe  send 
by  land  for  any  wares  or  otherwise,  you  must  write  them  in  Cyphers  after  the  order 
of  a  booke  sent  you  in  the  shippes:  alwayes  taking  goode  heede  in  placing  of  your 
letters  and  cyphers,  that  we  may  understand  them  by  the  'same  booke  here,  and 
to  send  them  in  such  so.*,  that  we  may  have  them  here  by  Christmas  or  Candlemas 
if  it  be  possible.  And  because  you  cannot  so  certainly  advertise  us  by  letters  of 
your  doings,  but  some  doubt  may  arise  whereof  we  would  most  gladly  be  certi 
fied:  our  minde  is  therefore  that  with  these  ships  you  send  us  home  one  such-yong 
man  as  is  most  expert  in  knowledge  of  that  Countrey,  and  can  best  certifie  vs  in 
such  questions  as  may  be  demanded,  wliome  we  will  remit  unto  you  againe  in  the 
next  ships.  We  think  Arthur  Edwards  will  be  fittest  for  that  purpose  neverthe- 
lesse  use  your  discretion  in  that  matter. 

"The  prices  of  wares  here  at  this  present,  are,  bale  flaxe  twenty  pound  the 
packe  and  better,  towe  flaxe  twenty-eight  pounds  the  hundred,  traine  oyle  at  nine 
pounds  the  tunne,  waxe  at  foure  pound  the  hundred,  tallow  at  sixteene  shillings 
the  hundred,  cables  and  ropes  very  deare?  as  yet  there  are  no  shippes  come  out  of 
Danske." 

Though  matters  passed  off  so  smoothly  in  public  with  the 
Ambassador,  we  are  let  here  behind  the  curtain,  and  note 
some  misgivings  as  to  the  character  of  himself  and  his  coun 
trymen  : 

"  Also  if  the  Emperour  bee  minded  to  deliver  you  any  summe  of  money,  or  good 
waxe  at  as  reasonable  price  as  you  may  buye  for  readie  money,  wee  will  that  you 


204 

shall  take  it  and  lade  it  for  our  accomptes,  and  to  come  at  our  adventure,  and  hee 
to  be  payed  at  the  returne  of  the  shippes  in  velvets,  sattens,  or  any  other  kinde  of 
silke,  or  cloth  of  golde,  cloth  of  tissue,  or  according  as  his  commission  shalbe 
that  he  shall  send  us  in  the  shippes,  and  according  to  such  paternes  as  hee  shall 
send.  Wee  doe  notfinde  the'Jlmbassadour  nowe  at  the  last  so  conformable  to  reason  as 
wee  had  thought  wee  shoulde..  Hee  is  very  mistrustful!,  and  thinketh  everie  man  will 
beguile  him.  Therefore  you  had  neede  to  take  heede  howe  you  have  to  doe  with 
him  or  with  any  such,  and  to  make  your  bargains  plaine,  and  to  set  them  downe  in 
writing.  For  they  be  subtill people,  and  doe  not  alwaies  speake  the  trueth,  and  thinke 
other  men  to  bee  like  themselves.  Therefore  we  would  have  none  of  them  to  send 
any  goods  in  our  ships  at  any  time,  nor  none  to  come  for  passengers,  unlesse  the 
Emperour  doe  make  a  bargaine  with  you,  as  is  aforesaid,  for  his  owne  person. 

"  Hare  consideration  how  you  doe  take  the  roble.  For  although  we  doe  rate  it 
after  sixteen  shillings  eight-pence  of  our  money,  yet  it  is  not  worth  past  12  or  13 
shillings  sterling.'1* 

The  Agent  at  Vologda  writes  thus  to  the  Agent  at  Col 
mogro: 

**  Worshipful!  Sir,  heartie  commendations  premised.  These  may  bee  to  adver 
tise  you,  that  yesterday  the  thirtieth  of  this  present  came  hither  Robert  Best,  and 
brought  with  him  two  hundred  Robles,  that  is  one  hundred  for  this  place,  and  one 
hundred  for  you  at  Colmogro.  As  for  hempe  which  is  here  at  two  robles  and  a 
halfe  the  bercovite,  master  Gray  has  written  to  buy  no  more  at  that  price;  for  John 
Sedgewicke  hath  bought  for  sixe  or  seven  hundred  robles  worth  at  Novogrode  for 
one  roble  and  a  halfe  the  bercovite,  andbetter  cheape:  and  white  Novogrode  flaxe 
is  there  at  three  robles  the  bercovite.  I  trust  he  will  doe  much  good  by  his  going 
thither.  As  I  doe  understand  Richard  Johnson  is  gone  to  Novogrode  with  money 
to  him,  I  doubt  not  but  master  Gray  hath  advertised  you  of  all  their  doings,  both 
at  the  Mosco  and  at  Novogrod.  And  touching  our  doings  heere,  you  shall  perceive 
that  wee  have  solde  wares  of  this  fourth  voyage  of  one  hundred  and  fortie  robles, 
besides  fiftie  robles,  of  the  second  and  third  voyage  since  the  giving  up  of  my  last 
account,  and  for  wares  of  the  countrey,  you  shall  understand  that  I  have  bought, 
tried  and  untried,  for  77  robles,  foure  hundred  podes  of  tried  tallowe,  beside  four 
hundred  podes  that  I  have  given  out  money  for,  whereof  God  graunt  good  receipt 
when  the  time  cometh,  which  is  in  Lent.  And  in  browne  flaxe  and  hempe  I  have 
bought  seventeen  bercovites,  sixe  podes  and  sixteene  pound,  which  cost  28  robles, 
eleven  altines  two-pence.  And  as  for  other  kindes  of  wares  I  have  bought  none 
as  yet.  And  for  Mastes  to  bee  provided,  you  shall  understand  that  I  wrote  a  letter 
to  Totma  the  28  of  this  present  for  fiftie  mastes,  to  wit,  for  25  of  fifteene  fathoms, 
and  25  of  fourteene  fathoms,  to  be  an  arshine  and  a  halfe  at  the  small  ende.  And 
more,  1  have  written  for  30  great  trees  to  be  two  archines  and  k  half  at  the  small 
end,  and  for  the  other  that  were  provided  the  last  yeere,  I  trust  they  shall  be  sent 
downe  in  the  spring  of  the  yeere.  And  as  concerning  the  Ropemakers,  you  shall 
understand  that  their  abiding  place  shall  be  with  you  at  Colmogro,  as  I  do  thinke 
Master  Gray  hath  advertised  you.  For,  as  Roger  Boutinge,  Master  of  the  woorkes, 
doeth  say,  there  is  no  place  more  meete  for  their  purpose  then  with  you;  and  there 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  297. 


205 

it  will  be  made  with  lesser  cost,  considering  that  the  pale  is  the  one  halfe  of  it? 
which  is  to  set  one  pale  more  to  that,  and  so  for  to  cover,  it  over,  Which  as  they  say 
will  be  but  little  cost  They  doe  pray  that  it  may  be  made  sixteene  foote  broade, 
and  one  hundred  and  eighty  fathoms  long;  andjthat  in  the  middle  way  twentie  foote 
from  the  pale  towarde  the  water-side  there  may  be  a  house  made  to  tarre  in,  stand 
ing  alone  by  itselfe  for  danger  of  fire.  The  Tarre  house  that  they  would.have 
made,  is  to  be  fifteen  fathoms  long,  and  ten  fathoms  broade,  and  they  would  that 
house  should  be  made  first;  for  I  thinke  they  will  not  tarre  before  they  come  there. 
And  further  they  desire  that  you  will  provide  for  as  much  tarre  as  you  may,  for 
heere  we  have  small  store,  but  when  the  time  commeth  that  it  should  be  made,  I 
will  provide  as  much  as  I  can  here*  that  it  may  be  sent  downe  when  the  nasade  com 
meth.  The  stuffe  that  they  have  reddie  spunne  is  about  five  thousand  weight,  and 
they  say  that  they  trust  to  have  by  that  time  .they  come  downe  yarn  ynough  to 
make  20  cables.  As  concerning  a  copie  of  the  alphabet  in  ciphers  Master  Gray 
hath  written  hither  that  Robert  Austen  had  one,  which  he  willed  that  he  shoulde 
deliver  to  you.  Thus  I  surcease,  beseeching  God  to  preserve  you  in  health,  and 
send  you  your  hearts  desire."* 

Another  letter  from  the  Company : 

"  This  letter  before  written  is  the  copie  on  one  sent  you,  by  Thomas  Alcock,. 
trusting  that  he  was  with  you  long  since.  The  26  day  of  the  last  moneth  wee 
received  a  letter  from  him  dated  in  Stockholme  in  Sweden  the  14  day  of  January, 
and  we  perceive  by  his  letter  that  he  had  talked  with  a  Dutchman  that  came  lately 
from  Mosco,  who  informed  him  that  our  friend  Master  Antony  Jenkinson  was  re 
turned  to  the  Mosco  in  September  last  past,  but  how  far  he  had  beene,  or  what 
he  had  done,  he  could  not  tell.  Also  he  wrote  that  one  John  Lucke,  a  joyner, 
was  taken  by  the  Lifelander,  and  put  in  prison.  As  yet  we  have  not  heard  from 
the  sayd  John  Lucke,  nor  know  not  whether  he  be  released  out  of  prison  or  not. 
We  suppose  that  by  him  you  wrote  some  letter  which  as  yet  is  not  come  to  our 
hands  :  so  that  we  thinke  he  is  yet  in  prison,  or  otherwise  dispatched  out  of  the 
way.  The  fifteenth  day  of  December  wee  received  a  letter  from  Christopher 
Hodson  dated  in  the  Mosco  the  29  of  July,  by  the  way  of  Danske  ;  which  is  in 
effect  a  copie  of  such  another  received  from  him  m  our  shippes.  You  shall  under 
stand  that  wee  have  laden  in  three  good  shippes  of  ours  these  kind  of  wares  fol 
lowing  :  to  wit,  in  the  Shallowe  of  London,  master  under  God  Stephen  Burrow, 
34  fardels  No.  136  broad  short  clothes,  and  four  fardels  No.  58  Hampshire  Kersies  : 
and  23  pipes  of  bastards  and  seckes,  and  263  pieces  of  Raisins,  and  four  hogsheds 
No.  154  pieces  of  round  pewter,  and  ten  hogsheds  and  poncheons  of  prunes,  and 
one  dryfatte  with  almonds.  And  in  the  Philip  and  Marie,  Master  under  God 
Thomas  Wade,  25  fardels  No.  100  broad  cloths,  and  three  fardels  No.  42  Hamp 
shire  Kersies,  and  thirtie  pipes  of  seckes  and  bastards,  and  100  pieces  of  raisins. 
And  in  the  Jesus  of  London,  Master  under  God  Arthur  Pette,  10  fardels  No.  40 
broade  shorte  clothes,  and  twenty-seven  pipes  of  bastards  and  seckes,  as  by  the 
invoices  herewith  inclosed  may  appeare  ;  also  you  shall  receive  such  necessaries 
as  you  did  write  to  bee  sent  for  the  rope-makers  ;  trusting  that  you  shall  have  better 
successe  with  them  which  you  shall  send  us  in  these  ships,  then  with  the  rest  which 


Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  332. 


206 

you  have  sent  us  yet:  for  we  as  yet  have  sold  none  of  them.  And  whereas  we  wrote 
unto  you,  in  our  former  letter,  that  we  would  send  you  a  hundred  tunnes  of  salte, 
by  reason  it  is  so  deare  here  we  doe  sende  you  but  nine  tunnes  and  a  halfe»  for  it 
cost  here  ten-pence  the  bushel  the  first  pennie  :  namely  in  the  Swallow  6  tunnes 
and  a  halfe,  in  the  Philip  afid  Marie  one  tunne  and  a  halfe,  and  in  the  Jesus  one 
tunne  and  a  halfe.  The  4  hogsheads  of  round  pewter  goe  in  the  Swallow,  and 
in  the  Philip  and  Marie  No.  154  pieces  as  is  aforesaid.  We  send  you  three  ships, 
trusting  that  you  have  provided  according  to  our  former  writing-  good  store  of  la- 
ding  for  them.  If  yee  have  more  wares  than  will  lade  the  ships,  let  it  be  traine  oyle 
that  you  leave  behinde  ;  the  price  is  not  here  so  good  as  it  was  :  it  is  worth  here  9 
pound  the  tunne.  We  thinke  it  good  you  should  let  the  smaller  ship  bring  as  much 
of  the  traine  as  she  can  carry.  And  that  the  masters  of  the  ships  do  looke  well  to 
the  romaging,  for  they  might  bring  away  a  great  deale  more  than  they  doe,  if  they 
would  take  paine  in  the  romaging ;  and  bestowe  the  traine  by  it  selfe,  and  the  waxe 
andtallowe  by  it  selfe  :  for  the  leakage  of  the  trayne  doth  fowle  the  other  wares 
much. 

"We  send  you  now  but  100  Kersies  :  but  against  the  next  yeere,  if  occasion 
serve,  wee  will  send  you  a  greater  quantitie,  according  as  you  shall  advise  us  :  one 
of  the  pipes  of  seckes  that  is  in  the  Swallow,  which  hath  two  round  compasses 
upon  the  bung  is  to  b&  presented  to  the  Emperour  :  for  it  is  speciall  good.  The 
nete  weight  of  the  10  puncheons  of  prunes  is  4300.  2  thirds  1  Pound.  It  is  written 
particularly  upon  the  head  of  every  Puncheon  :  and  the  nete  weight  of  the  fatte  of 
Almonds  is  500  li.  two  quarters.  The  raisins,  prunes,  and  almonds  you  were  best 
to  dispatch  away  at  a  reasonable  price,  and  particularly  the  raisins,  for  in  keeping 
of  them  will  be  great  loss  in  the  waight,  and  the  fruit  will  decay.  We  thinke  it 
good  that  you  provide  against  the  next  yeere  for  the  comming  of  our  shippes  20 
or  30  bullocks  killed  and  salted,  for  beefe  is  very  deare  here.  Therefore  you  were 
best  to  save  some  of  this  salt  that  we  doe  send  you  in  these  ships  for  the  purpose. 
The  salt  of  that  country  is  not  so  good.  In  this  you  may  take  the  opinion  of  the 
Masters  of  the  shippes.  Foxe  skins,  white,  blacke,  and  russet,  will  be  vendible 
here.  The  last  yere  you  sent  none  :  but  there  were  mariners  that  brought  many. 
If  any  of  the  mariners  doe  bring  any  trifling  furres  or  other  commodities,  we  will 
they  shall  be  registered  in  our  pursers  bookes,  to  the  intent  we  may  know  what 
they  be."* 

In  a  subsequent  communication  it  is  said  : 

"The  ware  that  we  would  have  you  provide  against  the  comming  of  the  shippes 
are  Waxe,  Tallowe,  trayne  Oyles,  Flaxe,  Cables  and  Ropes,  and  Furres  such  as  we 
have  written  to  you  for  in  our  last  letters  by  the  shippes  :  and  from  hencefoorth  not 
to  make  any  great  provision  of  any  riche  Furres  except  principall  Sables  and  Lettes  : 
for  now  there  is  a  Proclamation  made  that  no  furres  shall  be  worne  here,  but  such 
as  the  like  is  growing  here  within  this  our  Realme.  Also  we  perceive  that  there 
might  be  a  great  deal  of  tallowe  more  provided  in  a  yeere  than  you  send.  There 
fore  our  minde  is,  you  should  enlarge  somewhat  more  in  the  price,  and  to  send  us  if 
you  can  three  thousand  podes  a  yeere  for  we  do  most  good  in  it.  And  likewise  the 
Russes,  if  you  would  give  them  a  reasonable  price  for  their  wares,  woulde  be  the 
willinger  to  buy  and  sell  with  you,  and  not  to  carrie  so  much  to  Novogrode  as  they 
doe,  but  would  rather  bring  it  to  Vologda  to  you,  both  Waxe,  Tallowe,  Flaxe,  Hempe, 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  308. 


207 

and  all  kinde  of  other  wares  fitte  for  our  countrey.  Our  mlnde  is  you  should  pro 
vide  for  the  next  ships  five  hundred  Loshhides,  of  them  that  be  large  and  faire,  and 
thickest  in  hande,  and  to  be  circumspect  in  the  choosing1,  that  you  buy  them  that  be 
killed  in  season  and  well  dried  and  whole.  If  they  be  good  we  may  sell  them  here 
for  sixteen  shillings  and  better  the  piece,  wee  would  have  the  whole  skinnes,  that 
is  the  necke  and  legges  withall,  for  these  that  you  sent  now  lacke  their  neckes 
and  legges.  Neverthelesse  for  this  time  you  must  send  them  as  you  may  get 
them  :  If  you  coulde  finde  the  meanes  that  the  haire  might  be  clipped  off  them, 
they  woulde  not  take  so  much  roome  in  the  shippes  as  they  doe.  We  perceive  by 
your  letters  that  the  prices  of  waxe  doe  rise  there  with  you,  by  reason  that  the 
Poles  and  Lifelanders  doe  trade  into  Russia  by  licence:  which,  if  there  should  bee 
peace  between  them,  woulde  rise  to  a  bigger  price,  and  not  be  sufficient  to  serve 
them  and  us  too,  and  likewise  woulde  bring*  downe  there  the  prices  of  our  com 
modities.  Therefore  we  thinke  it  g'ood  you  should  make  a  supplication  to  the 
Emperour  in  the  name  of  The  Companie  to  returne  the  trade  from  Rye  and  Revel 
to  us,  especially  for  such  wares  as  wee  doe  buy:  promising  that  we  will  be  bounde 
to  take  them  at  a  reasonable  price,  as  wee  have  bought  them  in  times  past :  and 
likewise  that  we  will  bring  to  them  such  wares  of  ours,  as  are  thought  fit  for  the 
Countrey,  and  to  sell  them  at  such  reasonable  prices  as  wee  have  done."* 

There  would  seem  to  have  been  very  soon  an  extensive  es 
tablishment  at  Moscow,  and  many  Englishmen  in  the  service 
of  the  Merchant  Adventurers  perished  when  that  city  was 
destroyed  by  the  Tartars : 

"  Mosco  is  burnt  every  sticke  by  the  Crimmethe  24  day  of  May  last,  and  an  in 
numerable  number  of  people  :  and  in  the  English  house' was  smothered  Thomas 
Southam,  Tofild,  Waverley,  Greene's  wife  and  children,  two  children  of  Rafe,  and 
more  to  the  number  of  25  persons  were  stifled  in  our  beere  seller:  and  yet  in  the 
same  seller  was  Rafe,  his  wife,  John  Browne,  and  John  Clarke  preserved,  which 
was  wonderful.  And  there  went  into  that  seller  Master  Glover  and  Master  Rowley 
also:  but  because  the  heate  was  so  great,  they  came  foorth  again  with  much  peril], 
so  that  a  boy  at  their  heeles  was  taken  with  the  fire,  yet  they  escaped  blindfold  into 
another  seller,  and  there1  as  God's  will  was  they  were  preserved.  The  Emperour 
fled  out  of  the  field,  and  many  of  his  people  were  earned  away  by  the  Crimme 
Tartar  :  to  wit,  all  the  yong  people,  the  old  they  would  not  meddle  with,  but  let 
them  alone,  and  so  with  exceeding  much  spoile  and  infinite  prisoners,  they  return 
ed  home  againe.  What  with  the  Crimme  on  the  one  side,  and  with  his  cruelty  on 
the  other,  he  hath  but  few  people  left."f 

•  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  306.  f  Ib.  vol.  i.  p.  402. 


208 


CHAP.  XXXIV. 

THE    CHARTER    OF   INCORPORATION RECITES     PREPARATIONS    ACTUALLY 

MADE  FOR  VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH,  NORTH-EAST,  AND  NORTH-WEST- 
HOW  FRUSTRATED WHALE  FISHERY NEWFOUNDLAND  FISHERY THE 

AMBASSADOR  OF  THE  SOPHY  OF  PERSIA  AT  MOSCOW HIS  EXPLANATION 

TO  THE  EMPEROR  OF  RUSSIA  AS  TO  ENGLAND FOLLOWED  UP  BY  A  MESS 
ENGER  TO  PERSIA  FROM  ENGLAND  WITH  A  LETTER  TO  THE  SOPHY  PRO 
POSING  A  COMMERCIAL  INTERCOURSE.  * 

IT  is  only  by  looking  closely  to  the  terras  of  the  Charter  that 
we  ]become  aware  of  the  extensive  schemes  of  Commerce  and 
Discovery  which  were  contemplated,  far  beyond  the  scope  of 
that  of  which  the  result  has  just  been  stated.  The  recital  is 
as  follows : 

"Whereas  we  be  credibly  informed,  that  our  right  trustie,  right  faithfull,  and 
welbeloved  Counsailors,  William  Marques  of  Winchester  Lord  high  Treasurer  of 
this  our  Realme  of  England,  Henrie  Earle  of  Arundel  Lord  Steward  of  our  hous- 
holde,  John  Earle  of  Bedford  Lord  keeper  of  our  Privie  Scale,  William  Earle  of 
Pembroke,  William  Lorde  Howard  of  Effingham  Lorde  High  Admirall  of  our 
saide  Realme  of  England,  &c.  have  at  their  own  adventure,  costs,  and  charges,  pro 
vided,  rigged,  and  tackled  certaine  ships,  pinnesses,  and  other  meete  vessels,  and 
the  same  furnished  with  all  things  necessary  have  advanced  and  set  forward,  for  to 
discover,  descrie,  and  finde  Isles,  landes,  territories,  Dominions,  and  Seigniories 
unknowen,  and  by  our  subjects  before  this  not  commonly  by  sea  frequented,  which 
by  the  sufferance  and  grace  of  Almightie  God,  it  shall  chaunce  them  sailing 
Northwards,  Northeastwards,  and  Northwestwards,  or  any  partes  thereof,  in  that  race 
or  course  which  other  Christian  Monarches  (being  with  us  in  league  and  amitie), 
have  not  heretofore  by  sea  traffi qued,  haunted,  or  frequented,  to  finde  and  attaine 
by  their  said  adventure,  as  well  for  the  glorie  of  -God,  as  for  the  illustrating  of  our 
honour  and  dignitie  royall,  in  the  increase  of  the  revenues  of  our  crowne,  and 
generall  wealth  of  this  and  other  our  Realmes  and  Dominions,  and  of  our  subjects 
of  the  same,  and  to  this  intent  our  subjects  above  specified  and  named,  have  most 
humbly  beseeched  us,  that  our  abundant  grace,  favour  and  clemencie  may  be  gra- 
tiously  extended  unto  them  in  this  behalfe.  Whereupon  wee  inclined  to  the  pe 
tition  of  the  foresaide  our  councilors,  subjects,  and  Marchants,  and  willing  to  ani 
mate,  advance,  further  and  nourish  them  in  their  said  Godlie,  honest,  and  good 
purpose,  and,  as  we  hope,  profitable  adventure,  and  that  they  may  the  more  will 
ingly  and  readily  atchieve  the  same,  of  our  speciall  grace,  certaine  knowledge  and 


209 

'meere  motion,  have  graunted;  and  by  these  presents  do  graunt,  for  us,  our  heirea 
and  successors,  unto  our  said  right  trustie,  and  right  faithfull,  and  right  welbeloved 
Counsailors,  and  the  other  before  named  persons  that  they  by  the  name  of  Mar- 
chants  Adventurers  of  England,  for  the  discovery  of  lands,  territories,  Isles,  Do 
minions  and  Seigniories  unknowen,  and  not  before  that  late  adventure  or  enter 
prise  by  Sea  or  Navigation,  commonly  frequented  as  aforesaid,  shalbe  from  henqe- 
forth  one  bodie  and  perpetuall  fellowship  and  communitie,  of  themselves,  both  in 
deede  and  in  name,  and  them  by  the  names  of  Marchants  Adventurers  for  the  dis- 
coverie  of  lands,  territories,  Isles  and  Seigniories  unknowen,  and  not  by  the  Seas, 
and  Navigations,  before  their  said  adventure  or  enterprise  by  Sea  or  navigation 
commonly  frequented.  We  doe  incorporate,  name,  and  declare  by  these  presents, 
and  that  the  same  fellowship  or  communalty  from  henceforth  shalbe,  and  may  have 
one  Governor  of  the  said  Fellowship  and  Communitie  of  Marchants  Adventurers."* 

The  prospects  thus  opened  to  England  were  doubtless  over 
shadowed  by  the  domestic  turmoil  which  followed,  and  which 
separated  the  Noble  Adventurers  into  virulent  opposing  fac 
tions.  The  war,  too,  with  France,  into  which  the  country 
was  plunged,  to  serve  the  purposes  of  Philip,  called  their 
attention  and  resources  elsewhere,  and  it  only  remained  to 
follow  up  the  success  which  had  dawned  on  the  first  mercan 
tile  speculations. 

When  we  know  that  the  extensive  views  of  Cabot  were  thus 
controlled,  and  recall  the  sanguine  expressions  of  his  letter  to 
Ramusio,  how  must  our  indignation  kindle  anew  at  such  cruel 
and  absurd  mis-statements  as  those  of  Mr  Ellis,  who  thus  fol 
lows  up  the  blunder  on  his  part,  air eady  exposed,  which  con 
verts  the  Butrigarius  Conversation  into  a  Letter  from  Sebas 
tian  Cabot. 

"  From  this  account  we  see  plainly  the  true  reason  why  all  thoughts  of  a  North- 
West  passage  were  laid  aside  for  near  fourscore  years.  For  the  greatest  part  of 
this  time  Sebastian  Cabot,  Esq.,  in  quality  of  governor  of  the  Russia  Company, 
was  the  great  director  and  almost  the  sole  manager  of  all  our  expeditions  for  dis 
covery,  as  appears  as  well  from  the  instructions  drawn  oy  him,  for  the  direction  of 
those  who  were  employed  to  look  for  a  North-East  passage,  as  from  several  char 
ters,  commissions,  and  other  public  instruments,  in  which  we  find  him  mentioned 
with  great  honour,  and  treated  as  the  father  and  founder  of  the  English  navigation. 
It  does  not  indeed  appear,  that  he  ever  declared  in  express  terms,  against  making 
any  further  searches  to  the  North- West;  but  as  it  is  evident  from  the  Letter  of  his 
before-mentioned  that  he  absolutely  despaired  of  finding  such  a  passage,  it  may  be 
fairly  presumed,  that  during  his  life  time,  and  considering  the  great  influence  he 


*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  267. 


210 

had  In  matters  of  this  nature,  no  project  for  such  a  discovery  would  have  met  with 
any  encouragement;  and  therefore  we  need  not  wonder,  that  even  in  that  age,  when 
hardly  a  year  passed  but  some  design  or  other,  for  promoting  commerce  and  navi 
gation  was  set  on  foot,  this  remained  as  silent  and  unthought  of,  as  if  it  never  had 
been  proposed;  or  as  if  a  single  unsuccessful  attempt  upon  a  coast  never  before 
visited,  had  been  sufficient  to  extinguish  all  hopes,  and  produce  absolute  despair  of 
doing  any  good  in  a  matter  of  such  importance,  the  consequences  of  which  were 
so  well  known  to  the  enterprising  navigators  of  those  times."* 

One  of  the  results  of  the  Northern  Voyages  was  the  open 
ing  the  way  to  the  Whale  Fishery  at  Spitzbergen.f 

An  important  Statute,  2d  and  3d  Edward  VI.  cap.  6,  oc 
curs  to  Newfoundland 4  After  reciting  that  within  the  few 
years  last  past,  there  had  been  exacted  by  certain  officers  of 
the  admiralty  divers  great  sums  of  the  merchants  and  fisher 
men  resorting  {o  Newfoundland  and  other  places,  "  to  the 
great  discouragement  and  hinderance  of  the  same  merchants 
and  fishermen,  and  to  no  little  damage  of  the  whole  common 
wealth,"  it  is  forbidden,  "  to  demand  of  any  such  merchants 
or  fishermen  any  sum  or  sums  of  money,  doles,  or  shares  of 
fish,  or  any  other  reward,  benefit,  or  advantage  whatsoever  it 
be,  for  any  licence  to  pass  this  realm  to  the  said  voyages  or 
any  of  them." 

The  claims  of  Cabof  on  the  gratitude  of  his  country  for 
having  opened  to  it  this  source  of  wealth  and  power  have  been 
freely  recognised : — 

"To  come,"  says  Sir  William  Monson,  writing  in  1610,  "to  the  particulars  of 
augmentation  of  our  trade,  of  our  plantations,  and  our  discoveries,  because  every 
man  shall  have  his  due  therein,  I  will  begin  with  Newfoundland,  lylhg  upon  the 
main  continent  of  America,  which  the  King  of  Spain  challenges  as  first  discoverer? 
but  as  we  acknowledge  the  King  of  Spain  the  first  light  of  the  West  and  South- 
West  parts  of  America,  so  we,  and  all  the  world  must  confess,  that  we  were  the 
first  who  took  possession,  for  the  crown  of  England,  of  the  north  part  thereof,  and 
not  above  two  years  difference  betwixt  the  one  and  the  other.  And  as  the  Span 
iards  have,  from  tliat  day  and  year,  held  their  possession  in  the  West,  so  have  we  done 
the  like  in  the  North;  and  though  there  is  no  respect,  in  comparison  of  the  wealth 


*  Voyage  to  Hudson's  Bay,  &c.,  to  which  is  prefixed  an  Historical  Account,  &c. 
by  Henry  Ellis,  Gent.  p.  8. 

f  Anderson's  History  of  Commerce,  vol.  ii.  p.  83.     M'Pherson's  Annals  of  Com 
merce,  vol.  ii..p.  115. 

*  Ruffhead's  Statutes  at  large,  vol.  ii.  p.  41?. 


211 

betwixt  the  countries,  yet  England  may  boast,  that  the  discovery  from  the  year  afore 
said  to  this  very  day,  hath  afforded  the  subject  annually,  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  pounds,  and  increased  the  number  of  many  a  good  ship,  and  mariners,  as 
our  western  parts  can  witness,  by  their  fishing  in  Newfoundland." 

«*  If  this  worthy  man,"  says  Campbell,  "had  performed  nothing  more,  his  jiame 
ought  eurely  to  have  been  transmitted  to  future  times  with  honour,  since  it  clearly 
appears  that  Newfoundland  hath  been-.a  source  of  riches  and  naval  power  to  this 
nation,  from  the  tune  it  was  discovered,  as  well  as  the  first  of  our  plantations;  so 
that,  with  strict  justice,  it  may  be  said  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  that  he  was  the  author 
of  our  Maritime  Strength,  and  opened  the  way  to  those  improvements  which  have 
rendered  us  so  great,  so  eminent,  so  flourishing  a  people."* 

"By  his  knowledge  and  experience, 4 his  zeal  and  penetration,  he  not  only  was 
the  means  of  extending  the  Foreign  Commerce  of  England,  hat  of  keeping  alive 
that  Spirit  of  Enterprise  which,  even  in  his  life  time,  was  crowned  with  success, 
and  which  ultimately  led  to  the  most  happy  results  for  the  nation,  &c.'*f 

Another  branch  of  Commerce  which  grew  out  of  the 
North-Eastern  Voyages,  is  connected  with  some  very  curious 
circumstances. 

Richard  Chancellor  informed  Eden  (Decades,  fol.  198),  that 
at  Moscow  he  met  the  ambassador  of  the  "  Kinge  of  Persia, 
called  the  great  Sophie/'  and  was  indebted  to  him  for  sub 
stantial  favours.  "  The  ambassador  was  appareled  all  in  scar 
let,  and  spoke  much  to  the  Duke  in  behalf  of  our  men,  of 
whose  kingdom  and  trade  he  was  not  ignorant/5  It  may  ex 
cite  a  smile,  at  the  present  day,  to  find  an  Ambassador  of  the 
Sophy  of  Persia  vouching  for  the  commercial  respectability  of 
England;  and  the  Russia  Company  itself,  yet  in  existence,  is 
probably  not  aware  of  the  extent  to  which  it  may  have  been  in 
debted  to  his  good  offices.  The  complacent  feeling  thus  indi 
cated  led  shortly  after  to  the  mission  of  Anthony  Jenkinson. 
The  Company  writing  to  the  Agent  in  Russia,  say,  J  "  We  have 
a  further  hope  of  some  good  trade  to  be  found  out  by  Master 
Anthonie  Jenkinson  by  reason  we  do  perceive,  by  your  fet 
ters,  that  raw  silk  is  as  plentiful  in  Persia  as  flax  is  in  Russia, 
besides  other  commodities  that  may  come  from  thence."  One 
of  the  earliest  acts  of  Elizabeth,  after  her  accession,  was  to 
address  a  letter  "To  the  right  mightie  and  right  victorious 

*  Campbell's  Lives  of  the  Admirals,  art.  Sebastian  Cabot. 
t  Barrow's  Chronological  History,  8cc,  p.  36. 
t  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.p.307 


212 

Prince,  the  great  Sophie,  Emperor  of  the  Persians,  Medes, 
Parthians,  Hircans,  Carmanians,  Margians,  of  the  people  on 
this  side  and  beyond  the  river  of  Tigris,  and  of  all  men  and 
nations  between  the.  Caspian  Sea  and  the  Gulfe  of  Persia." 
She  asks  his  good  offices  toward  the  Agent  of  the  Company : 

" For  that  his  enterprise  is  onely  grounded  upon  an  honest  intent,  to  establish 
trade  of  merchandise  with  your  subjects,  and  with  other  strangers  trafficking  in 
your  Realms."  "  We  do  hope  that  the  Almightie  God  will  bring  it  to  pass,  that 
of  these  small  beginnings  greater  moments  of  things  shall  hereafter  spring  both  to 
our  furniture  and  honors,  and  also  to  the  great  commodities  and  use  of  our  peo 
ples,  so  that  it  will  be  knowen  that  neither  the  Earth,  the  Seas,  nor  the  Heavens 
have  so  much  force  to  separate  us,  as  the  godly  disposition  of  natural  humanity  and 
mutual  benevolence  have  to  joyne  us  strongly  together."* 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  341. 


CHAP.  XXXV 

THE  SEARCH-THRIFT  DESPATCHED  TO  THE  NORTH  IN  1556  UNDER  STE 
PHEN  BURROUGH — CABOT'S  ENTERTAINMENT  AT  GRAVESEND — INFLU 
ENCE  OF  THE  DEATH  OF  EDWARD  VI.  ON  HIS  PERSONAL  FORTUNES 

REVIVING  HOPES  OF  THE  STILYARD  MERCHANTS— THEIR  INSOLENT  RE 
FERENCE   TO  THE  QUEEN  IN   A  MEMORIAL  ADDRESSED  TO  PHILIP THE 

LATTER    REACHES  LONDON,    20TH   MAY,     1557 NEW  ARRANGEMENT  AS 

TO  CABOT'S  PENSION  ON  29TH  MAY  1567 — WILLIAM  WORTHINGTON  IN 

POSSESSION   OF  HIS   PAPERS ACCOUNT    OF   THAT    PERSON MANNER  IN 

WHICH  THE  MAPS  AND  DISCOURSES  HAVE  PROBABLY  DISAPPEARED 

CABOT'S   ILLNESS — AEFECTING  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS    LAST  MOMENTS  BY 
RICHARD  EDEN. 

AMIDST  the  stir  and  bustle  of  these  commercial  enterprises 
concerted  by  Cabot,  or  due  to  the  impulse  he  had  communi 
cated,  there  occurs  a  remarkable  anecdote  of  himself.  Ste 
phen  Burrough,  afterwards  Chief  Pilot  of  England  and  one 
of  the  four  Masters  having  charge  of  The  Royal  Navy  at 
Chatham,  &c.,*  had  been  with  Richard  Chancellor,  on  the  first 
voyage,  and  was  again  despatched  to  the  North  in  1556,  in  a 
pinnace  called  the  Search- thrift.  His  copious  journal  of  the 
incidents  of  the  voyage  is  preserved,!  and  an  entry  at  the 
outset  strikingly  exhibits  the  anxious  supervision  of  Cabot, 
and  the  apparent  unwillingness  to  quit,  up  to  the  latest  mo 
ment,  the  object  of  so  much  solicitude.  At  the  Entertain 
ment,  too,  provided  at  Gravesend,  his  countenance  to  the  joy 
ous  amusements  of  the  company  not  only  shows  the  unbroken 
spirits  of  this  wonderful  man,  but  the  terms  in  which  Bur- 
rough  records  these  minute  incidents  prove  how  well  Cabot 
understood  the  character  of  those  around  him,  and  knew  that 


*  See  his  Commission  from  Queen  Elizabeth,  dated  3d  January,  1563,  amonerst 
the  Lansdowne  MSS.  No.  116,  art  iii. 
t  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  274. 


214 

he  was  leaving,  to  cheer  them  amidst  their  perils,  a  grateful 
impression  of  kind  and  familiar  sympathy  at  home, 

"The  2?  April  being  Monday,  the  Right  Worshipful  Sebastian  Cdboto  came 
aboord  our  Pinnesse  at  Grave^ende,  accompanied  with  divers  Gentlemen,  jand  Gen- 
tlevyomen,  who  after  that  they  had  viewed  our  Pinnesse  and  tasted  of  such  cheere 
as  we  could  make  them  aboord,  they  went  on  shore,  giving  to  our  mariners  right 
liberall  rewards  :  and  the  good  olde  Gentleman  Master  Cabota  gave  to  the  poore 
most  liberall  almes,  wishing  them  to  > pray  for  the  good  fortune,  and  prosperous 
successe  of  the  Serchthrift,  our  Pinnesse,  And  then  at  the  signe  of  the  Christo 
pher,  he  and  his  friends  banketted,  and  made  m.e,  and  them  that  were  in  the  com 
pany  great  cheere  :  and/or  very  joy  that  he  had  to  see  the  towardness  of  our  intended 
discovery,  he  entered  into  the  dance  himselfe,  amongst  the  rest  of  the  young  and 
lusty  company!  which  being  ended,  hee  and  his  friends  departed  most  gently, 
commending  us  to  the  Governance  of  Almighty  God." 

A  gloom  now  overspreads  the  history  of  Cabot,  and  we  ap 
proach  the  closing  scenes  of  his  life  with  a  painful  conviction 
that  they  exhibit  a  signal  instance  of  ingratitude  and  bad  faith. 

The  untimely  death  of  Edward  VI.  while  it  operated  as  a 
severe  check  on  the  advancing  commercial  prosperity  of  Eng 
land,  was  no  less  inauspicious  to  the  personal  fortunes  of  him 
who  had  given  the  first  great  impulse.  The  generosity 'of 
the  youthful  monarch,— his  ingenious  and  enterprising  spirit, 
-^-and  his  fondness  for  the  studies  and  inquiries  connected 
with  sea  affairs — are  in  melancholy  contrast  with  the  close  and 
sullen  'bigotry  of  Mary.  It  would  form  no  recommendation 
to  her  that  Cabot  had  been  a  personal  favourite  with  a  brother 
whom  she  regarded  as  a  heretic  and  as  her  own  persecutor. 
With  her  husband  he  was  still  less  likely  to  find  favour. 
Jealous  of  the  growing  commerce  and  maritime  enterprise  of 
England,  Philip  saw  in  Sebastian  Cabot  the  man  who  had  left 
his  father's  service,  had  refused  peremptorily  to  return,  and 
who  was  now  imparting  to  others  the  benefit  of  his  vast  ex 
perience  and  accumulated  stores  of  knowledge. 

Edward  died  on  the  6  July,  1553.  On  the  27  November, 
1555,  the  pension  to  Cabot  was  renewed  (Rymer,  Fcedera, 
vol.  XV.  p.  427),  but  there  is  no  clause  having  a  retrospective 
character,  to  cover  the  intervening  period,  such  as  would  be 
necessary  if,  as  the  fact  of  renewal  implies,  the  pension  made 
payable  for  life  by  the  king  and  his  successors  was  deemed  to 
expire  on  the  death  of  the  reigning  monarch. 


215 

The  most  alarming  indication  of  the  complete  change  in 
the  aspect  of  affairs  is  the  fact  that  the  Stilyard  merchants,  by 
the  influence  of  Charles  V.,  through  the  marriage  of  his  son 
with  Mary,  were  enabled  to  obtain  relief  from  the  Act  of  the 
late  King.  "This/'  says  Rapin,  "was  the  first  fruit  of  the 
Queen's  alliance  with  the  Emperor." 

Their  insolent  confidence  i&  strikingly  apparent  in  one  Doc 
ument,  which  shews,  at  the  same  time,  their  knowledge  of 
Philip's  brutal  disregard  of  the  feelings  of  his  wife. 

"  At  an  assembly  of  the  Hanses  at  Lubeck,  art  Edict  was  published  against  all 
Englishmen  t  forbidding  all  trade  or  commerce  with  them,  and  staying  the  carrying 
out  of  Come,  which  was  provided  for  the  service  and  necessitie  of  the  Realme  : 
yet  for  all  these  indignities,  the  said  Queene  wag  contented  that  Commissaries  on 
both  parts  should  meet  in  England,  and  agree  upon,  and  set  downe  a  certaine  and 
immutable  manner  of  Trade  to  beheld,  and  observed  on  both  sides  :  but  the  Hanses 
were  so  farre  from  accepting  of  this  gracious  offer,  that  they  wholly  refused  it,  as 
by  a  Petition  of  theirs  exhibited  to  King  Philip,  the  third  of  June  1557  appeareth, 
wherein  they  declare  the  cause  of  that  their  refusall  to  bee,  ibrthat  they  coulde  not 
have  in  this  Realme  anie  other  iudges  of  their  cause,  but  such  as  were  suspected, 
not  sparing  or  excepting  the  Queene  herself e  of  whose  good  wUl  and  favour  they  had 
received  so  often  experience  and  triall.*" 

A  crisis  approaches.  Philip  reached  London  on  the  20th 
May,  1557,  and  the  formal  declaration  of  war  against  France 
took  place  immediately  after,  f  The  period  was  one  of  great 
pecuniary  embarrassment  with  Mary,  and  she  saw  the  dread 
ed  necessity  approaching  for  a  demand  on  Parliament  of  money 
to  enable  her  to  promote  the  schemes  of  her  husband,  f  We 
recall,  at  such  a  moment,  with  alarm,  the  almost  incredible 

•  treatise  of  Commerce  by  Wheeler,  Ed.  of  1601,  p.  97. 

•j-  "Philip  had  come  to  London  in  order  to  support  his  partizans ;  and  he  told 
the  Queen,  that  if  he  were  not  gratified  in  so  reasonable  a  request,  he  never  more 
would  set  foot  in  England.  This  declaration  extremely  heightened  her  zeal  for 
promoting  his  interests,  and  overcoming  the  inflexibility  of  her  Council."  Hume, 
anno  1557. 

$  "Any  considerable  supplies  could  scarcely  be  expected  from  Parliament, 
considering  the  present  disposition  of  the  nation  ;  and  as  the  war  wpuld  sensibly 
diminish  that  branch  arising  from  the  customs,  the  finances,  it  was  foreseen,  would 
fall  short  even  of  the  ordinary  charges  of  government ;  and  must  still  more  prove 
unequal  to  the  expenses  of  war.  But  though  the  Queen  owed  great  arrears  to  all 
her  servants,  besides  the  loans  extorted  from  the  subjects,  these  considerations  had 
no  influence  with  her."  Ib. 


216 

baseness  and  ingratitude  of  this  man,  who,  the  year  before, 
had  withheld  from  his  father,  Charles  V.,  the  paltry  pittance 
reserved  on  surrendering  a  mighty  e;mpire,*  * 

On  the  27th  May,  1557,  Cabot  resigned  his  pension,  f  On 
the  29th,  a  new  grant  is  made,  but  in  a  form  essentially  dif 
ferent.:):  It  is  no  longer  to  him  exclusively,  but  jointly  with 
William  Worthington;  "eidem  Sebastianb  et  dilecto  servienti 
nostro  Willielmo  Worthington." 

On  the  face  of  this  transaction  Cabot  is  cheated  of  one-half 
of  the  sum  which  had  been  granted  to  him  for  life.  This  was 
done,  no  doubt,  on  the  pretence  that  age  prevented  an  effi 
cient  discharge  of  his  duties,  forgetting  that  the  very  nature 
of  the  grant  for  life  had  indulgent  reference  to  such  a  contin 
gency,  and  that  Cabot  by  refusing  to  quit  England  had  for 
feited  his  pension  from  the  Emperor. 

That  Worthington — probably  a  favourite  of  that  dark  hour 
—was  thus  provided  for  on  pretence  of  aiding  in  the  discharge 
of  Cabot's  functions  seems  placed  beyond  doubt  by  evidence 
found  in  Hakluyt.  The  dedication  of  the  first  volume  of  the 
greater  work  to  the  Lord  High  Admiral  of  England  contains 
§ these  remarkable  expressions : 

"King  Edward  VI.,  that  Prince  of  Peerless  hope,  with  the  advice  of  his  sage 
and  prudent  counsel,  before  he  entered  into  IheNbrthJEastern  discovery,  advanced 
the  worthy  and  excellent  Sebastian  Cabotato  be  Grand  Pilot  of  England,  allowing 
him  a  most  bountiful!  Pension  of  £166  by  the  year,  during  his  life,  as  appeareth  in 
his  letters  Patent,  which  are  to  be  seen  in  the  third  part  of  my  work.  And  if  God 
had  granted  him  longer  life,  I  doubt  not  but  as  he  dealt  most  royally  in  establish. 
ing  that  office  of  Pilot  Major,  (which  not  long  after  to  the  great  hindrance  of  the 
common-wealth,  was  miserably  turned  to  other  private  uses')  so  his  Princely  Majesty 
would  have  showed  himself  no  niggard  in  erecting,  &c.  &c." 

•  Robertson's  Charles  V.  anno  1556.  "  But  though  he  might  have  soon  learned 
to  view  with  unconcern  the  levity  of  his  subjects,  or  to  have  despised  their  neglect, 
he  was  more  deeply  afflicted  with  the  ingratitude  of  his  Son,  who,  forgetting  al 
ready  how  much  he  owed  to  his  father's  bounty,  obliged  him  to  remain  some  weeks 
at  Burgos,  before  he  paid  him  the  first  moiety  of  that  small  Pension^  which  was  all 
that  he  had  reserved  of  so  many  kingdoms.  As  without  this  sum  Charles  could 
not  dismiss  his  domestics  with  such  rewards  as  their  services  merited,  or  his  gen 
erosity  had  destined  for  them,  he  could  not  help  expressing  both  surprise  and  dis 
satisfaction." 

t  Rymer,  vol.  xv.  p.  427. 

*.  Ib.  p.  466. 


217 

The  high  functionary  thus  addressed  was  then  in  the  ser 
vice  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  The  gross  abuse,  therefore,  so  in 
dignantly  denounced  has  no  reference,  we  may  be  assured,  to 
her,  and  we  know  that  amongst  the  early  acts  of  her  reign 
was  the  appointment  of  Stephen  Burrough  to  the  office  in 
question.  The  allusion,  therefore,  is  to  some  dark  tale  of 
perversion  between  the  death  of  Edward  in  1553  and  the  ac 
cession  of  Elizabeth  in  1558,  and  we  can  have  little  difficulty 
in  coupling  it  with  this  mark  of  royal  bounty  at  the  expense 
of  Cabot. 

The  allusion  was,  doubtless,  well  understood  by  the  person 
addressed,  for  his  father,  then  Lord  High  Admiral  of  England, 
is  named,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  Charter  of  the  Merchant 
Adventurers,  (at  the  head  of  whom  Cabot  is  placed)  as  one 
of  the  associates  who  had  fitted  out  the  vessels  to  prosecute 
discoveries  in  the  North,  North -West,  and  North-East.* 
Hakluyt  alludes  to  this  circumstance  in  his  Dedication  to  the 
son. 

We  look  round  with  some  interest  for  information  as  to 
William  Worthington.  The  only  notice  of  him  discovered 
is  in  a  passage  of  Strype's  Historical  Memorials  (vol.  it 
p.  506),  where  amongst  the  Acts  of  Edward  VI.  the  youthful 
monarch  is  found,  with  an  easy  liberality,  forgiving  him  a 
large  debt  on  his  allegation  that  a  servant  had  run  away  with 
the  money. 

"  A  Pardon  granted  to  William  Worthington,  being  indebted  to  the  King  for 
and  concerning  the  office  of  Bailiff  and  Collector  of  the  Rents  and  Revenues  of  all 
the  Manors,  Messuages,  Lands,  Tenements,  and  Hereditaments  within  the  City  of 
London,  and  county  of  Middlesex,  which  did  belong  to  Colleges,  Guilds,  Frater 
nities,  or  Free  Chappels,  in  the  sum  of  392  pounds  10  shillings  3  pence,  as  upon  the 
foot  of  his  account,  made  by  the  said  William  before  Thomas  Mildmay  auditor  of 
the  said  Revenues,  manifestly  it  doth  appear:  In  consideration  of  his  service  both 
in  France  and  Scotland,  and  also  his  daily  service  and  attendance,  being  one  of  the 
ordinary  Gentlemen  and  Pensioners;  and  for  that  the  Debt  grew  by  the  unfaithful 
ness  of  his  servant,  who  ran  away  with  the  same.  Granted  in  March,  but  the  Patent 
signed  in  April." 


*  See  the  Charter  in  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  268. 
2  C 


218 

It  will  be  remembered*  that  in  Hakluyt's  earliest  work, 
published  in  1582,  he  speaks  of  all  Cabot's  Maps  and  Dis 
courses  written  with  his  own  hand  as  then  in  the  possession  of 
William  Worthington.  The  facts  disclosed  may,  perhaps, 
assist  to  Account  for  their  disappearance.  It  is  obvious  that 
such  documents  would  be  sebured,  at  any  price,  by  the  Span 
ish  Court,  at  the  period  of  Hakluyt's  publication,  when  Eng 
lish  enterprise  was  scattering  dismay  amongst  the  Spanish 
possessions  of  America.  The  work  of  Hakluyt  (six  years  be 
fore  the  Armada)  showed  where  they  were  tabe  found.  The 
depositary  of  them  was  the  very  man  who  had  been  the  object 
of  Philip's  bounty  during  his  brief  influence  in  England. 
Were  they  not  bought  up?  There  can  be  .now  only  a  con 
jecture  on  the  subject,  yet  it, seems  to  gather  strength  the 
more  it  i&  reflected  on., 

Suspicion  may  even  go  back  farther,  and  suggest  that  a 
main  object  in  associating  this  man  with  Cabot  was  to  enable 
him  to  get  possession  of  the  papers  that  they  might  he  de 
stroyed  or  sent  to  Spain.  The  fact  that  Worthington  had 
received  them  was  probably  too  well  known  to  be  denied  by 
him  ;  and  his  remark  to  Hakluyt  may  have  been  a  mere  mode 
of  evading  that  person's  prying  curiosity.  The  same  alarm 
which  dictated  the  demand  on  Edward  VI.  for  the  return  of 
Cabot  would  lead  Philip  to  seize^  with  eagerness,  an  opportu 
nity  of  getting  hold  of  these  documents,  so  that  the  author's 
dreaded  knowledge  might  expire  with  himself.  Of  one  thing 
we  may  feel  assured.  Hakluyt^  who  is  found  attaching  so 
much  importance  to  an  "  Extract"  from  one  of  Cabot's  Alaps, 
was  not  turned  aside  from  efforts  to  get  a  sight  of  this  precious 
Collection,  but  by  repeated  and  peremptory  refusals,  for 
which,  if  it  really  remained  in  Worthington's  hands,  there 
occurs  no  adequate  motive.  The  language  of  the  Dedication 
seems  to  betray  something^of  the  sharpness  of  a  personal 
pique. 

Sixty-one  years  had  now  elapsed  since  the  date  of  the  first 

*  See  p.  40. 


219 

commission  from  Henry  VII.  to  Sebastian  Cabot,  and  the  pow 
ers  of  nature  must  have  been  absolutely  wearied  out.  We 
lose  sight  of  him  after  the  Jate  mortifying  incident  ;  but  the 
faithful  and  kind-hearted  Richard  Eden  beckons  us,  with 
something  of  awe,  to  see  him  die.  That  excellent  person 
attended  him  in  his  last  moments,*  and  furnishes  a  touching 
proof  of  the  strength  of  the  Ruling  Passion.  Cabot  spoke 
flightily,  "  on  his  death  bed,"  about  a*  divine  revelation  to 
him  of  a  new  and  infallible  method  of  Finding  the  Longitude 
which  he  w&s  not  permitted  to  disclose  to  any  mortal.  His 
pious  friend  grieves  that  "  the  good  old  man,"  as  he  is  affec 
tionately  called,  had  not  yet,  "  even  in  the  article  of  death, 
shaken  off  all  worldlie  vaine  glorie."  When  we  remember 
the  earnest  religious  feeling  exhibited  in  the  Instructions  to 
Sir  Hugh  Willoughby,  and  which  formed  so  decided  a  feature 
of  Cabot's  character,  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  a  stronger 
proof  of  the  influence  of  long  cherished  habits  of  thought, 
than  that  his  decaying  faculties,  at  this  awful  moment^  were 
yet  entangled  with  the  problem  which  continues  to  this  day 
to  vex,  and  elude,  the  human  intellect.  The  Dying  Seaman 
was  again,  in  imagination,  on  that  beloved  Ocean  over  whose 
billows  his  intrepid  and  adventurous  youth  had  opened  a  path 
way,  and  whose  mysteries  had  occupied  him  longer  than  the 
allotted  span  of  ordinary  life*  The  date  of  his  death  is  not 
known,  nor,  except  presumptively,  the  place  where  it  oc 
curred.  From  the  presence  of  Eden  we  may  infer  that  he 
died  in  London.  It  is  not  knovvn  where  his  Remains  were 
deposited.  The  claims  of  England  in  the  new  world  have 
been  uniformly,  and  justly,  rested  on  his  discoveries.  Pro 
posals  of  colonization  wete  urged,  on  the  clearness  of  the 
Title  thus  acquired  and  the  shame  of  abandoning  it,  The 


•  See  the  Epistle  Dedicatory  to  "  A  very  necessarle  and  profitable  book  con 
cerning-  Navigation  compiled  in  Latin  by  Joannes  Taisnenis,  a  publike  Professor  in 
Rome,  Ferraria  and  and  other  Universities  in  Italic,  of  the  Mathematicalles  named 
a  Treatise  of  Continual  Motions.  Translated  into  English  .by  Richard  Eden,  Im 
printed  at  London  by  Richard  Jugge."  There  is  a  copy  of  the  work  in  the  King's 
Library,  British  Museum  (title  in  Catalogue,  Eden"). 


220 

English  language  would  probably  be  spoken  in  no  part  of 
America  but  for  Sebastian  Cabot.  The  Commerce  of  Eng 
land  and  her  Navy  are  admitted  -to  have  been  deeply — incal 
culably — his  debtors.  Yet  there  is  reason  to  fear  that  in  his 
extreme  age  the  allowance  which  had  been  solemnly  granted 
to  him  for  life  was  fraudulently  broken  in  upon.  His  birth 
place  we  have  seen  denied.  His  fame  has  been  obscured  by 
English  writers,  and  every  vile  calumny  against  him  eagerly 
adopted  and  circulated.  All  his  own  Maps  and  Discourses 
"  drawn  and  written  by  himself'7  which  it  was  hoped  might 
come  out  in  print,  "  because  so  worthy  monuments  should  not 
be  buried  in  perpetual  oblivion/7  have  been  buried  in  per 
petual  oblivion.  He  gave  a  Continent  to  England:  yet  no 
one  can  point  to  the  few  feet  of  earth  she  has  allowed  him  ID 
return ! 


BOOK  II. 


CHAP.  I. 

VOYAGES  SUBSEQUENT  TO   THE    DISCOVERY    BY  OABOT PATENT  OF   19TH 

MARCH  1501,  NOW  FIRST  PUBLISHED,  IN  FAVOUR  OF  THREE  MERCHANTS 

OF  BRISTOL  AND  THREE  PORTUGUESE NATIVES  BROUGHT  TO  ENGLAND 

AND  EXHIBITED  AT  COURT ERRONEOUS  REFERENCE  OF  THIS  INCIDENT 

TO  CABOT — HAKLUYT'S  PERVERSION — SECOND  PATENT  9TH  DECEMBER 
1 502 — DR  ROBERTSON'S  MISCONCEPTIONS — PROBABLE  REASONS  FOR  THE 
ABANDONMENT  OF  THE  ENTERPRISE. 

IT  is  now  proposed  to  pass  in  review  the  efforts  which  have 
been  made  at  different  periods,  and  under  various  auspices,  to 
follow  up  the  project  of  Cabot,  so  far  as  may  be  necessary  to 
exhibit  the  pervading  influence  of  the  original  enterprise. 
This  part  of  the  subject  has  in  it  little  of  an  attractive,  or 
popular,  character  5  yet  the  close  and  minute  inquiry  which 
it  involves  will,  it  is  hoped,  be  sufficiently  relieved  by  its 
high  purpose  of  rendering  an  act  of  tardy  justice- to  the  fame 
of  this  great  seaman.  The  same  ignorance,  or  malevolence, 
which  has  so  long  obscured  the  evidence  of  what  he  himself 
achieved,  has  been  even  yet  more  successful  in  effecting  its 
object  by  an  absurd  exaggeration  of  the  merit  of  subsequent 
navigators. 
Attention  is  naturally  turned,  in  the  first  place,  to  the 


222 

country  in  which  the  scheme  had  its  origin  5  and  here  we  re 
cognize  distinctly  the  quickening  impulse  of  its  partial  suc 
cess,  though  rendered  unavailing  by  accidental  causes.  The 
page  of  Eord  Bacon  which  states  the  public  exhibition  by 
Cabot,  on  his  return,  of  a  "  Card,"  showing  his  progress  to  67° 
and-a-half,  apprises  us  that  "  again  in  the  sixteenth  year  of 
his  reign,  and  likewise  in  the  eighteenth,  the  King  granted 
new  commissions  for  the  discovery, and  investing  of  unknown 
lands." 

Singular  as  it  may  appear,  the  first  of  these  interesting  and 
curious  documents  has  never  yet  been  made  public,  and  the 
reference  to  it  in  a  subsequent  paper  printed  by  Rymer  (vol. 
xiii.  p.  42),  has  a  mistake  as  to  the  date.  After  a  tedious 
search  at  the  Rolls  Chapel,  it  has  at  length  been  discovered, 
and  though,  from  unpardonable  carelessness,  a  part  of  it  has 
become  illegible,  yet  no  material  portion  is  lost. 

It  was  granted  during  the  brief  Chancellorship  of  the  Bishop 
of  Salisbury,  and  bears  date  19th  March,  in  the  16th  year  of 
Henry  VII.  (19th  March  1501),  and  is  in  favour  of  Richard 
Warde,  Thomas  Jlshehurst,  and  John  Thomas,  "Merchants 
of  the  Towne  of  Brystowe/'  and  John  Fernandus,  Francis 
Fernandus,  and  John  Gunsolus,  "borne  in  the  Isle  of  Sur- 
rys,  under  the  obeisance  of  the  Kyng  of  Portugale."  The 
following  are  its  leading  provisions. 

Authority  is  given  to  these  persons,  their  heirs,  factors  and 
deputies,  to  sail  to  and  explore,  at  their  own  expense,  all 
Islands,  Countries,  regions,  and  provinces  whatever,  in  the 
Eastern,  Western,  Southern,  and  Northern  Seas  heretofore 
unknown  to  Christians,  and  to  set  up  the  Royal  Banner  in 
such  places  as  they  may  discover^  and  to  subdue  and  take 
possession  of  the  same  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  England. 
They  are  permitted  to  employ  as  many  vessels  as  they  may 
think  proper,  and  of  any  burden. 

The  King's  subjects,  male  and  female,  are  permitted  to  go 
to  and  inhabit  the  regions  which  may  be  discovered,  to  take 
with  them  their  vessels,  servants,  and  property  of  every  de- 


223 

scription,  and  to  dwell  there  under  the  protection  and  gov 
ernment  of  the  patentees,  who  are  empowered  to  frame  Laws 
and  to  enforce  their  execution.  Theft,  homicide,  robbery, 
and  violation  of  the  female  natives  of  the  newly-discovered 
countries,  are  specially  recited  as  offences  to  be  provided 
against. 

The  exclusive  privilege  of  trading  to  the  newly-discovered 
countries  is  secured  to  the  Patentees  for  ten  years ;  and  they 
may  import  thence  gold,  silver,  precious  stones,  and  all  other 
products. 

In  special  consideration  of  the  great  expense  attending  the 
enterprise,  they  are  authorised  to  import  for  the  term  of  four 
years  in  one  vessel  of  any  burden,  all  articles  duty-free ;  but 
a  proviso  is  eagerly  added  that  this  shall  not  affect  the  claim 
to  duties  on  articles  imported  in  other  vessels. 

All  persons  presuming  to  visit  the  newly-discovered  regions 
without  permission  of  the  Patentees,  even  though,  subjects  of 
a  power  in  friendship  and  alliance  with  Erigland,  may  be 
treated  as  enemies  and  expelled,  or  imprisoned  and  punished 
at  the  discretion  of  the  Patentees. 

They  may  appoint  deputies  for  the  government  of  all  cities, 
towns,  and  other  places,  in  the  countries  discovered. 

The  office  of  King's  Admiral  in  those  regions  is  conferred 
on  them,  and  the  survivors  and  survivor  of  them. 

Lands  are  to  be  held  by  them,  their  heirs  and  assigns,  by 
fealty  only,  without  further  or  other  claim  or  demand  on  the 
part  of  the  King  or  his  heirs. 

The  next  clause  forbids  any  interference  with  the  Patentees 
by  any  foreigner  under  any  grant  before  made,  or  which 
should  afterwards  be  made,  under  the  Great  Seal. 

The  writing  on  the  original  parchment  is  then  carefully 
erased  from  a  considerable  space  which  had  been  occupied,  as 
we  may  conjecture,  with  the  case  of  Cabot. 

The  three  Portuguese  are  made  denizens ;  yet  even  this 
act  of  grace  is  coupled  with  a  qualification  strikingly  charac 
teristic  of  the  Monarch  whose  sign  manual  is  affixed  to  the 
instrument.  It  is  provided  that  they  shall  continue  liable  to 


224 

pay  duties  as  aliens  on  all  merchandise  exported  or  im 
ported!* 

The  subsequent  Patent,  bears  date  9th  December,  in  the 
eighteenth  year  of  Henry  VII.  that  is  9th  December,  1502, 
and  is  found  in  Rymer  (vol.  xiii.  p.  37),  Of  the  original 
Patentees,  the  names  of  Richard  Warde,  John  Thomas,  and 
John  Fernandus  are  dropped,  and  to  those  retained  (Thomas 
Ashehurst,  John  Gunsolus  and  Francis  Fernandus)  is  now 
added  Hugh  Elliott.  The  powers  given  to  these  four  per 
sons  are  essentially  the  same  with  those  conferred  on  the  for 
mer  six ;  and  in  matters  of  detail  a  temper  evidently  less 
churlish  is  displayed.  The  exclusive  right  of  trade  to  the 
new  regions  is  extended  to  a  period  of  forty  years,  and  the 
exemption  from  duty  on  merchandise  imported  in  one  vessel, 
of  whatever  burden,  to  fifteen  years ;  and  before  the  instru 
ment  closes,  the  additional  privilege  is  given  of  importation, 
duty  free,  for  five  years,  in  one  other  vessel  of  120  tons.  The 
last  indulgence  is  seemingly  wrung  from  the  King,  after  a  par 
tial  preparation  of  the  instrument.  The  ungracious  proviso 
which  accompanied  the  original  denization  is  also  withdrawn, 
and  they  are  to  pay  no  higher  duties  than  natural- born  subjects. 

It  is  specially  provided  that  any  discoveries  made  by  the 
new  patentees  shall  not  be  for  the  benefit  of  the  former  with 
out  an  express  agreement  to  that  effect. 

At  this  late  period  we  cannot  pretend  to  ascertain,  with 
certainty,  what  was  done  under  these  Patents  which  evidently 
look  to  an  extensive  scheme  of  colonization. 

That  one  voyage  at  least  was  made,  may  be  inferred  from 
various  circumstances. 

The  provisions  of  the  second  Patent,  of  the  9th  December 
1502,  have  reference  to  the  discovery  of  regions  "  not  before 
discovered  by  the  King's  subjects  under  authority  from  the 
Great  Seal"  ("quse  antehac  ab  aliis  subditis  nostris,  aut 
ab  aliquibus  h&redum  et  successorum  suorum,  potestatem,  per 

*  As  this  document  has  not  heretofore  been  made  public,  it  is  given  at  large  in 
the  Appendix  (D.)- 


225 

alias  Literas  Patentes  sub  Magno  Sigillo  Nostro  in  ea  parte  a 
Nobis  habentibus,  reperta,  inventa,  investigata  et  recuperate 
non  fuerunt").  No  such  expressions  are  found  in  the  Patent 
of  19th  March,  1501,  the  reference  there  being  only  to  a 
former  authority  to  a  foreigner  (extraneus),  that  is,  the  Ve 
netian,  John  Cabot.  We  may  therefore  fairly  infer,  that  the 
allusion  is  to  some  intermediate  discovery  by  the  Patentees  of 
the  19th  March,  1501,  two  of  whom,  Richard  Warde  and 
John  Thomas,  merchants  of  Bristol,  are  omitted  in  the  second 
Patent. 

The  presumption  is  further  strengthened  by  the  following 
passage  in  S tow's  Annals,  under  the  year  1502 — 

"  This  year  were  brought  unto  the  King  three  men  taken  in  the  Newfound 
Ilandes  by  'Sebastian  Gabato  before  named  in  anno  1498  ;  these  men  were  clothed 
in  beast  skins  and  did  eate  raw  flesh,  but  spake  such  a  language  as  no  man  could 
understand  them,  of  the  which  three  men  two  of  them  were  seen  in  the  King's 
Court  at  Westminster  two  years  after  clothed  like  Englishmen  and  could  not  be  dis 
cerned  from  Englishmen/' 

Stow  quotes  as  his  authority  Robert  Fabyan,  though,  as 
has  been  remarked  on  a  former  occasion,  no  such  passage  is 
to  be  found  in  the  printed  work  of  that  Annalist. 

The  coupling  of  Cabot's  name  here  with  the  year  1498, 
may,  perhaps,  be  supposed  to  refer  merely  to  what  had  been 
said  of  him  before,  as  the  finder  of  the  new  region,  and  to  be 
a  mode  of  designating  a  country  which  had,  as  yet,  received 
no  familiar  appellation.  One  obvious  consideration  arises  on 
the  face  of  the  account  to  negative  the  idea  that  the  savages 
exhibited  in  1502,  had  been  brought  off  by  him  in  1498.  The 
author  speaks,  it  will  be  seen,  of  the  complete  change  in  their 
aspect  and  apparel,  after  a  lapse  of  two  years.  Now  had 
they  arrived  with  Cabot,  they  must  have  been  in  England  four 
years  prior  to  the  exhibition.  Where  had  they  been  kept  in 
the  intermediate  period,  and  would  they  not,  long  before, 
have  cast  their  skins  and  lost  something  of  the  savageness  which 
afterwards  disappeared  so  rapidly?  To  suppose  that  they 
had  been  recently  "brought  unto  the  King"  by  Cabot  is/ 
against  probability,  when,  while  nothing  is  found  with  regard 
to  him,  the  Records  show  a  treaty  "with  Henry  VII.  by  others^ 
2  D 


226 

executed  a  sufficient  time  before  to  fall  in  with  this  exhibition. 
These  considerations  would  countervail  even  a  positive  state 
ment,  had  one  been  made,  by  the  old  Annalist  who,  in  a  me 
morandum  as  to  the  strange  sight  he  had  witnessed  at  West 
minster,  would  naturally  refer  it,  without  minute  inquiry,  to 
the  discovery  and  the  person  he  had  before  named.  It  is 
satisfactory  to  disengage  Cabot  from  the  cruel  trick  of  bring 
ing  off  the  aborigines;  this  was  plainly  the  first  tribute  to 
popular  wonder  from  the  New  World.  They  had  evidently 
just  arrived,  and  were  doubtless  brought  up  to  London  to  ex 
cite  general  curiosity  and  interest  as  to  the  new  region  pre 
paratory  to  an  effort  which  was  successfully  made  in  Decem 
ber,  to  obtain  a  relaxation  of  the  terms  of  the  original  Patent. 
We  may  remark  further,  aside  from  the  improbability  of  the 
three  Portuguese  remaining  idle  in  England  for  nearly  two 
years,  that  they  would  have  come  with  an  ill  grace  to  ask  for 
a  new  Patent  had  they  made  no  experiment  to  ascertain  how 
far  the  original  one  might  be  turned  to  account.  Doubtless 
the  modification  was  urged  on  the  ground  that  the  country 
was  found,  on  examination,  to  offer  none  of  the  rich  commod 
ities  specially  referred  to  in  the  first  patent, — neither  gold, 
silver,  nor  precious  stones, — and  that  it  was  impossible  to  ex 
pect,  under  the  original  terms,  even  a  reimbursement  of  the 
expense  incurred.  We  require  some  such  explanation  of  the 
sudden  extension  from  ten  to  forty  years  of  the  privilege  of 
exclusive  traffic. 

Another  instance  of  treachery  on  the  part  of  Hakluyt  is 
here  to  be  noted,  which  may  show  how  undeserving  he  is  of 
confidence.  The  early  part  of  the  year  1502  falls  within  the 
seventeenth  of  Henry  VII.*  On  turning  to  Hakluyt's  origi 
nal  work,  published  in  1582,  there  will  be  found  this  same 
passage  of  Fabyan,  as  derived  from  "  John  Stowe  Citizen  a 


•  The  following  entries  in  the  Account  of  the  Privy  Purse  Expenses  of  Henry 
VII.  are  obviously  to  be  connected  with  these  Patents: — 

«« 7  January  1502  To  men  of  Bristol  that  found  Th'  Isle  £5 

"30  September  1502  To  the  Merchants  of  Bristol  that 

have  bene  in  the  Newe  founde  Launde          .  •  £20." 


227 

diligent  searcher  and  preserver  of  Antiquities,"  and  he  there, 
with  the  recent  communication  befdre  him,  actually  states  the 
seventeenth  year  of  Henry  VII.  as  the  date  of  this  exhibition 
of  savages.  But  when  he  came  to  publish  his  larger,  and  more 
ambitious,  work,  h%  seems  to  have  paused  over  the  several 
scraps  of  information  he  had  collected,  and  which  appeared 
so  little  to  harmonise.  There  is  no  evidence,  it  may  be  re 
marked,  that  he  had  any  knowledge  of  the  two  Patents  to  the 
Bristol  Merchants  and  the  Portuguese.  He  thought  it,  then, 
unaccountable  how  Cabot  should  be  found,  at  so  late  a  period, 
exhibiting  savages  evidently  just  from  the  woods.  He  deter 
mined,  therefore,  to  set  the  matter  right,  and  the  "seven 
teenth"  year  of  his  original  work  is  actually  converted  into 
"  fourteenth"  so  as  to  correspond  with  the  date  of  Cabot's 
voyage.  In  the  work  of  1582,  the  passage  is  headed  "Of 
three  savage  men  which  he  brought  home  and  presented  unto 
the  King  in  the  XVII  yeere  of  his  raigne,"  but  in  1600, 
(vol.  iii,  p.  9)  "Of  three  savages  which  Cabot  brought  home 
and  presented  unto  the  King  in  the  fourteenth  yeare  of  his 
raigne  mentioned  by  the  foresaid  Robert  Fabian."  Thus  the 
names  of  Stowe  and  Fabyan,  cited,  in  1582,  for  the  statement 
then  made,  are  retained  to  sanction  his  own  perversion  eighteen 
years  after ! 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  result  of  these  Commissions, 
a  mere  glance  at  their  dates,  and  contents,  will  suffice  to  show 
how  idle  are  the  speculations  by  which  respectable  writers 
have  sought  to  account  for  what  they  term  the  apathy  of  Henry 
VII.  The  following  passage  from  Dr  Robertson's  History  of 
America  may  serve  as  a  specimen : — 

"But  by  the  time  that  Cabot  returned  to  England,  he  found  both  the  state>of  affairs 
and  the  King's  inclination  unfavourable  to  any  scheme,  the  execution  of  which  would 
have  required  tranquillity  and  leisure.  Henry  was  involved  in  a  War  with  Scotland* 
and  his  Kingdom  was  not  yet  fully  composed  after  the  commotion  excited  by  a 
formidable  insurrection  of  his  own  subjects  in  the  West  An  Ambassador  from 
Ferdinand  of  Arragon  was  then  in  London:  and  as  Henry  set  a  high  value  upon  the 
friendship  of  that  Monarch,  for  whose  character  he  professed  much  admiration, 
perhaps  from  its  similarity  to  his  own,  and  was  endeavouring  to  strengthen  their 
union  \>y  negotiating  the  marriage  which  afterwards  took  place  between  his  eldest 
Son  and  the  Princess  Catharine,  he  was  cautious  of  giving  any  offence  to  a  Prince 
jealous  to  excess  of  all  his  rights. 


£28 

"From  the  position  of  the  Islands  and  Continent  which  Cabot  had  discovered,  it 
Was  evident  that  they  lay  within  the  limits  of  the  ample  donative  which  the  bounty 
of  Alexander  VI  had  conferred  upon  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  No  person,  in  that 
age,  questioned  the  validity  of  a  paper  grant ;  and  Ferdinand  was  not  of  a  temper 
to  relinquish  any  claim  to  which  he  had  a  shadow  of  title.  Submission  to  the  au 
thority  of  the  Pope,  and  deference  for  an  ally  whom  he  courted,  seem  to  have  con 
curred  with  Henry's  own  situation;  in  determining  him  to  abandon  a  scheme,  in 
which  he  had  engaged  with  some  degree  of  ardour  and  expectation. 

"No  attempt  towards  discovery  was  made  in  England  during  the  remainder  of 
his  reign ;  and  Sebastian  Cabot,  finding  no  encouragement  for  his  active  talents 
there,  entered  into  the  service  of  Spain." 

The  four  Commissions  from  Henry  VII.  bear  date,  respec 
tively,  5th  March  1496^  3rd  February  1598,  19th  March 
1501,  and  9th  December  1502.  Of  these,  the  second  was 
granted  to  John  Cabot  after  the  close  of  the  war  in  Scotland, 
and  the  putting  down  of  Perkin  Warbeck's  Insurrection  in  the 
West.  The  others  follow  at  such  intervals  as  show  a  continu 
ed  patronage  of  the  project,  and  there  is  not  the  slightest 
evidence  of  refusal,  or  even  of  hesitation,  from  the  considera 
tions  suggested  by  Dr  Robertson.  At  the  very  moment  when, 
according  to  that  writer,  Henry  was  influenced  by  a  dread  of 
ecclesiastical  censure,  and  a  timid  deference  to  foreign  pow 
ers,  he  is  found  conferring  under  the  Great  Seal  authority  to 
make  discoveries  and  to  treat  as  enemies,  and  pursue  to  con 
dign  punishment,  all  who  should  presume  to  visit  the  countries 
discovered  without  permission,  even  though  subjects  of  a  mon 
arch  in  alliance  with  England.  As  to  the  suggestion  that  the 
enterprise  was  finally  abandoned  on  account  of  the  contem 
plated  marriage  between  Prince  Arthur  and  Catherine,  not 
only  do  we  find  the  dates  above-mentioned  running  over  the 
period  of  negotiation,  but  it  happens  that  the  last  patent  (the 
one  in  Rymer)  is  dated  seven  months  after  the  Prince's  death. 
The  indisposition  of  Henry  to  give  way  to  arrogant  preten 
sions  is  abundantly  clear.  The  Patentees  are  to  respect  the 
prior  discoveries  of  Portugal  and  other  countries  only  where 
actual  possession  had  been  maintained,  "  in  terris  prius  repertis 
etin  quarum  possessions  ipsi  Principesyaw  existunt." 

Dr  Robertson  had  seen  the  title  of  the  last  Patent,  as  given 
by  Rymer,  but  assuredly  could  not  have  read  it,  or  he  must 
have  struck  out  the  whole  of  the  passage  quoted.  The  reader 


229 

will  smile  at  the  indolent  credulity  of  the  following  sentence : 
"  If  any  attempt  had  been  made  in  consequence  of  this  Patent, 
it  would  not  have  escaped  the  knowledge  of  a  compiler  so  in 
dustrious  and  inquisitive  as  Hakluyt."  We  have  just  seen, 
that  the  writer  on  whose  accuracy  and  research  Dr  Robertson' 
relies  so  implicitly  as  to  waive  any  examination  for  himself, 
has  contrived,  by  a  nefarious  perversion,  to  obscure  the  very 
fact  in  question. 

The  real  character  of  Henry  VII.  seems  to  have  been  that 
of  a  thrifty,  calculating,  man  of  business.  Caring  little  about 
the  niceties  of  the  point  of  honour,  he  was  inclined  to  submit 
to  many  slights,  and  some  injustice,  rather  than  go  to  War, 
which  he  shunned  as  the  same  prudent  personage  would,  in 
private  life,  have  deprecated  a  lawsuit,  as  a  remedy  involv 
ing,  necessarily,  much  trouble  and  expense,  and  being,  at  last, 
of  uncertain  issue.  He  often  obtained  by  negotiation  what  a 
more  proud  and  impetuous  spirit  would  have  vindicated  by 
the  sword.  But  wherever  the  obvious  interests  of  the  coun 
try,  or  of  his  own  coffers,  were  concerned,  he  was  sturdy, 
persevering,  fearless.  The  influence  of  his  reign  on  the  com 
mercial  history  of  England  has  never  been  adequately  appre 
ciated,  because  no  one,  since  the  time  of  Bacon>  has  taken  up 
the  subject  in  a  temper  to  do  him  justice.  There  is  nothing 
in  his  character  to  dazzle  or  excite,  and  Treaties  of  Commerce 
are  a  poor  substitute  for  Battles  to  the  light  reader  or  brilliant 
historian. 

In  reference  to  the  projects  under  consideration,  it  is  plain 
that  Henry  did  not,  for  one  moment,  suffer  the  Pope's  Bull, 
or  the  remonstrances  of  Spain,  to  interfere  with  the  eager  and 
resolute  pursuit  of  what  seemed  a  profitable  speculation.  But 
when  he  found  that  the  only  quarter  of  the  new  world  which 
remained  unoccupied  held  out  no  prospect  of  speedy  or  rich 
returns,  and  that  the  prosecution  of  these  enterprises,  instead 
of  proving  a  mine  of  wealth,  only,  perhaps,  furnished  an  ap 
peal  to  his  princely  generosity  for  pecuniary  aid,  his  interest 
naturally  languished.*  The  Foreigners  who  had  resorted  to 

•  That  an  intercourse  was  kept  up  for  several  years  with  the  newly-discovered 


230 

his  Court  were  obliged  tu  seek,  elsewhere,  for  Patrons  either 
more  ambitious  of  the  mere  glory  of  discovery  or  more  long 
sighted,  in  looking  patiently  to  ultimate,  though  tardy,  results. 
John  Gunsolus,  is  doubtless  the  "  Juan  Oonzales,  Portugais," 
whose  name  appears  as  a  witness  in  the  celebrated  trial  of  the 
Fiscal  with  Diego  Columbus  (Navarette,  Viages,  torn.  iii. 
p.  553).  Of  his  own  fair  standing  some  proof  is,  perhaps, 
found  in  his  being  called  on  to  testify  to  the  estimation  in 
which  Alonzo  Pinzon  was  held  by  the  seamen  of  that  period 
(Ib.  p.  569).  He  mentions  his  having  sailed  with  Diego  de 
Lepe,  and  probably  proceeded  to  England  about  the  date 
(May,  1500)  of  the  letter  of  the  King  and  Queen -of  Spain  to 
Dorvelos,  which  Navarette  (torn.  iii.  p.  42)  refers  to  a  project 
on  the  part  of  Spain  to  follow  up  the  discoveries  of  Cabot. 
Lepe  himself,  after  his  return,  is  found  in  the  November  of 
the  same  year  at  Palos,  entangled  in  some  vexatious  law  pro 
ceedings  (Navarette,  torn.  iii.  p.  80). 

Repeated  reference  is  found  in  Herrera  to  John  and  Francis 
Goncalez,  but  as  there  are  several  individuals  thus  designated 
it  is  impossible  to  know  what  incidents  to  refer  to  the  English 
patentees. 

region,  is  apparent  from  the  following  entries  in  the  account  of  the  Privy  Purse 
Expenses  of  Henry  VII. 

'« 17  November,  1503.  To  one  that  brought  hawkes  from  the  Newfounded 
Island,  11. 

"  8  April,  1504.     To  a  preste  [priest]  that  goeth  to  the  new  Islande,  2/. 

«  25  August,  1505.  To  Clays  going  to  Richmount  with  wylde  catts  and  popyn- 
gays  of  the  Newfound  Island,  for  his  costs,  13s-  4d. 

"  To  Portugales  [Portuguese]  that  brought  popyngais  and  catts  of  the  moun- 
taigne  with  other  stuff  to  the  King's  grace,  51." 

Can  it  have  been  that  Sebastian  Cabot,  meanwhile,  was  attempting  to  colonize 
the  new  region  ?  The  mission  of  the  Priest  would  seem  to  countenance  the  idea 
of  a  settlement ;  and  we  might  thus  account  for  the  long  disappearance  of  our  Nav 
igator,  as  well  as  for  the  language  of  Thevet  (see  p.  87  of  the  present  volume). 


231 


CHAP.  II. 

FIRST  VISIT  OF  COLUMBUS  TO  TERRA  FIRMA  ON  HIS  THIRD  VOYAGE— AP 
PRISED  BEFORE  LEAVING  SPAIN  OF  CABOT  S  DISCOVERIES— PROJECTED 
EXPEDITION  TO  THE  NORTH  FROM  SPAIN. 

IT  cannot  be  supposed  that  the  two  great  maritime  contem 
poraries  of  Henry,  would  regard  with  indifference  the  enter 
prise  of  Cabot,  since  the  "Card,"  which  that  navigator  ex 
hibited  on  his  return,  according  to  Lord  Bacon,  plainly  show 
ed  how  little  respect  was  paid  to  the  arrogant  meridian  line 
which  had  received  the  highest  ecclesiastical  sanction. 

The  Continent  of  America  was  first  visited  by  Columbus  in 
August  1498,  in  the  course  of  what  is  called  his  Third  Voy 
age,  on  which  he  sailed  30  May  1498.  The  bare  mention  of 
these  dates  will  establish  the  impossibility  that  he  could  have 
been  ignorant  of  the  great  discoveries  of  Cabot  which,  com 
mencing  at  the  point  seen  on  the  24  June  1497,  had  extended 
over  the  "Londe  and  Isle,"  recited  in  the  second  patent. 
Not  only  had  the  first  expedition  returned,  and  the  mariners 
been  dispersed  in  every  direction,  but  a  new  expedition, 
with  the  King  at  its  head,  is  subsequently  planned,  and  the 
royal  authority,  of  3rd  February  1498,  for  its  sailing  precedes, 
by  nearly  four  months,  the  departure  of  Columbus.  To  sup 
pose  him  ignorant  of  events  so  momentous  would  involve  an 
absurdity  which  becomes  the,  more  glaring  in  proportion  as 
the  circumstances  are  considered.  The  court  of  Henry  VII. 
was  filled  with  the  agents  of  foreign  powers,*  through  whom 
the  news  would  not  fail  to  be  spread,  at  once,  over  Europe. 

•  "It  grew  also  from  the  airs  which  the  princes  and  states  abroad  received  from 
their  ambassadors  and  agents  here  ;  which  were  attending  the  court  in  great  num 
ber,"  &c.  "So  that  they  did  write  over  to  their  superiors  in  high  terms  concern 
ing  his  wisdom  and  art  of  rule ;  nay,  when  they  were  returned,  they  did  commonly 
maintain  intelligence  with  him."  Bacon's  Henry  VII. 


232 

With  regard  to  Spain,  as  she  would  feel  the  deepest  interest 
on  the  subject,  so  the  circumstances  are  strongest  to  show  a 
continued  communication  between  the  two  countries.  The 
authority  in  reference  to  the  proposed  marriage  of  Prince  Ar 
thur  with  Catharine,  tears  date  3rd  January,  1496,  and  the 
negotiation  runs  through  the  whole  of  the  period  to  14th  No 
vember,  1501,-  when  the  ceremony  took  place.  It  was  by 
the  intervention  of  the  resident  Spanish  Ambassador,  Don 
Pedro  d'Ayola,  that  the  truce  between  England  and  Scotland 
of  30  September,  1497,  was  brought  about,  and  certain  mat 
ters  being  left  to  the  arbitrament  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
Henry's  assent  to  the  reference  bears  date  13  December, 
1497.*  That  d'Ayola,  in  the  active  communications  going 
on  at  such  a  period,  omitted  to  speak  of  events  so  memorable 
in  themselves,  and  which  Spain  must  have  regarded  with  such 
especial  interest,  is  a  proposition  that  it  is  superfluous  to 
combat, 

A  project  was  soon  formed  to  visit  the  region  actually  ex 
plored  by  Cabot.  Navarette  (Viages,  torn.  iii.  p.  77)  gives 
us  a  letter  dated  Seville,  6th  May  1500,  from  the  king  and 
queen  to  a  certain  "  Juan  Dornelos  o  Dorvelos,"  touching  a 
voyage  of  discovery,  and  supposes  (ib.  p.  42)  that  it  had  for 
its  object  to  explore  the  seas,  from  the  discovery  of  which  Se 
bastian  Cabot  had  returned  ("  que  el  plan  dirigiese  a  renon- 
cer  los  mares  que  acababa  de  descubrir  Sebastian  Caboto"). 
Nothing  further  appears  with  regard  to  it. 

*  Rymer,  vol.  xii.  p.  672. 


233 


CHAP.  III. 

JfiXPEDITION  FROM  PORTUGAL — CORTEREAL THE  WORK  ENTITLED  rt  PAES1 

NOVAMENTE  RITROVATI,"  &C. LETTER  OF  THE  VENETIAN  AMBASSADOR 

AT  LISBON  ELEVEN  DAYS  AFTER  THE  RETURN  OF  CORTEREAL REFER 
ENCE  TO  THE  PREVIOUS  VOYAGE  OF  CABOT — TRINKETS  FOUND  AMONGST 
THE  NATIVES TRANSLATION  OF  THE  "  PAESI,"  &C.  IN  1516. 

THE  voyage  from  Spain  may  not  have  taken  place,  but  In 
another  quarter  a  more  decided  result  was  produced ;  and  we 
reach  now  an  enterprise  of  some  celebrity,  undertaken  di 
rectly  from  that  country  whose  adventurers  have  been  traced 
to  England  animated  with  the  hope  of  turning  to  account  the 
discoveries  of  Cabot. 

After  the  recent  shame  to  Portugal  of  the  rejection  of  Co 
lumbus,  her  enterprising  and  sagacious  monarch  could  not  but 
take  alarm  at  the  departure  of  his  subjects  to  seek  the  shel 
ter,  and  to  advance  the  glory,  of  a  foreign  flag.     He  had,, 
moreover,  the  strongest  motives  of  interest  for  wishing  to  an 
ticipate  the  efforts  of  others  to  reach  by  a  shorter  route  those 
regions  of  which  he  had  heretofore  monopolised  the  lucrative 
and  envied  commerce.     Nor  could  the  attempt  be  now  deemed 
a  very  arduous  one.    The  dispersion  of  a  force  of  three  hun 
dred  men,  which,  according  to  Peter  Martyr,  accompanied 
Cabot  on  the  voyage  spoken  of  by  that  historian,  would  leave 
not  a  single  sea- port  without  many  mariners  eager  to  describe, 
and  to  exaggerate,  the  wonders  of  the  region  they  had  visited, 
and  anxious,  as  well  as  competent,  to  act  as  guides  in  the 
prosecution  of  a  new  enterprise.     We  are  quite  prepared, 
therefore,  to  believe  that  the  ready  assent,  and  liberal  coun 
tenance,  of  Emanuel  might  enable  those  who  enjoyed  them 
to  get  the  start  of  such  of  his  own  subjects  as  had,  perhaps, 
earlier  conceived  the  project  and  repaired  to  England,  but 


234 

whose  proposals  had  there  to  encounter  all  the  delays  pro 
duced  by  the  cautious  and  penurious  temper  of  the  personage 
to  whom  they  were  addressed.  It  does  not  seem  probable 
that  Gunsolus  and  Fernandus  would  have  resorted  to  England 
after  an  expedition  for  a  similar  purpose,  and  likely  to  cross 
their  path,  had  been  fitted  out  under  the  auspices  of  their 
own  Sovereign.  The  voluminous  treaty  between  them  and 
Henry  VII.  may,  perhaps,  sufficiently  explain  the  apparent 
tardiness  of  their  subsequent  movements.  It  wears,  in  every 
line,  a  character  of  anxious  and  elaborate  preparation,  and  its 
terms  are  so  harsh  and  narrow  that  they  could  not  have  been 
assented  to  without  reluctance,  and  were  found  so  impractica 
ble  that  in  the  second  patent,  as  we  have  seen,  the  necessity 
of  a  relaxation  is  conceded.  The  conduct  of  Emanuel  pre 
sents  an  honourable  contrast  in  every  particular.  He  con 
tributed  largely  from  his  own  purse,  and  all  the  arrangements 
were  marked  by  that  spirit  of  liberality  which  constitutes  on 
such  occasions  the  truest  economy. 

The  command  of  the  Expedition  was  confided  to  Caspar 
Cortereal,  who  had  been  brought  up  under  the  immediate  eye 
of  the  king  while  Duke  de  Beja.*  Of  its  result  we  happen, 
very  fortunately,  to  possess  an  account  from  a  disinterested 
quarter,  remarkably  clear  and  minute. 

As  early  as  the  year  1507  there  was  published  at  Vicenza 
a  Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels  under  the  title,  "Paesi 
novamente  retrovati  et  Novo  Mondo  da  Jllberico  Vesputio 
Florentine  intitulato,"  The  extreme  scarcity  of  the  work 
may  be  inferred  from  the  circumstance  that  Camus,  having 
all  the  libraries  of  Paris  within  his  reach,  deplores  the  absence 
of  the  original  edition  (Memoire  sur  la  Collection  des  Grands 
et  Petits  Voyages,  &c.,  p.  5),  and  Navarette  (Colecion  de  los 
Viages,  &c.,  torn.  iii.  p.  187)  knew  of  it  only  through  an  ac 
quaintance  who  had  been  in  London.  Haym  (Bibliotheca 
Italiana  o  sia  notizia  de  Libri  rari  Italiani)  had  not  seen  the 
Vicenza  publication.  In  this  precious  volume  is  preserved 

*  Damiano  Goes  Chronico  del  Rey  D.  Manoel,  cap.  Ixvi. 


235 

a  letter  from  the  Venetian  ambassador  in  Portugal  to  his 
brothers,  written  eleven  days  after  the  return  of  Cortereal. 
The  writer's  opportunities  for  obtaining  correct  information 
were  abundant.  He  saw  the  natives  whom  Cortereal  had 
brought  with  him — heard  from  the  adventurers  themselves  all 
the  particulars  of  the  voyage — and  speaks  of  the  hopes  and 
speculations  to  which  it  gave  rise  at  the  Court  to  which  he 
was  accredited.  When  it  is  stated  that  of  this  Letter  there 
was  a  most  flagitious  perversion  in  a  Latin  translation  which 
appeared  at  Milan  the  next  year,  and  which  has  poisoned  all 
the  subsequent  accounts,  the  importance  will  be  seen  of  noting 
carefully  the  language  of  the  original.  The  letter  appears, 
lib.  vi.  cap.  cxxvi.  and  bears  date  19th  October  1501,  seven 
months,  it  may  here  be  remarked,  subsequent  to  Henry  VII.'s 
Patent  to  the  three  Portuguese.  After  a  few  remarks  irrela 
tive  to  the  expedition,  the  writer  thus  continues — 

"  Adjr.  VIII.  del  presente  arivo  qui  una  de  le  doe  Caravelle  quale  questo  seret 
issimo  Re  /anno  pastiato  mando  a  discoprire  terra  verso  tramontana  Capitaneo  Gas- 
par  Corterat :  et  referissi  havere  trouato  terra  ii  M.  miglia  lonzi  da  qui  tra  maestro 
8c  ponente  qual  mai  per  avanti  fo  cognita  ad  alcun;  per  la  costa  de  la  qua!  scorseno 
forsi  mig-lia  DC  in  DCC.  ne  mai  trovoreno  fin:  per  el  che  credeno  che  sia  terra 
ferma  la  qual  continue  in  una  altra  terra  che  lano  passato,  fo  discoperta  sotto  la  tra. 
montana,  le  qual  caravelle  non  posseno  arivar  fin  la  per  esser  el  mare  agliazato  & 
infinita  copiade  neue;  Questo  in  stesso  li  fa  credere  la  moltitudine  de  fiumare 
grossissime  che  anno  trovate  la  che  certo  de  una  Insula  none  havia  maitante  &  cosi 
grosse:  Dicono  che  questa  terra  e  mollo  populata  &  le  case  de  li  habitant!  sonno  de 
alcuni  legni  longissimi  coperte  de  foravia  de  pelle  de  passi.  Hanno  conduct!  qui 
VII.  tra  homini  8c  femene  8c  putti  de  quelli:  &  cum  laltra  Caravella  che  se  aspect* 
d  hora  in  hora  ne  vien  altri  cinquanta." 

"  On  the  8th  of  the  present  month  one  of  the  two  Caravels  which  his  most  Se 
rene  Majesty  dispatched  last  year  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  North,  under  the 
command  of  Caspar  Corterat,  arrived  here,  and  reports  the  finding  of  a  country 
distant  hence  West  and  North-West  two  thousand  miles,  heretofore  quite  un 
known.  They  proceeded  along  the  coast  between  six  and  seven  hundred  miles  with 
out  reaching  its  termination,  from  which  circumstance  they  conclude  it  to  be  of  the 
mainland  connected  with  another  region  which  last  year  was  discovered  in  the  North, 
but  which  the  Caravel  could  not  reach  on  account  of  the  ice  and  the  vast  quantity 
of  snow;  and  they  are  confirmed  in  this  belief  by  the  multitude  of  great  rivers 
they  found,  which  certainly  could  not  proceed  from  an  island.  They  say  that  this 
country  is  very  populous,  and  the  dwellings  of  the  inhabitants  are  constructed  with 
timber  of  great  length  and  covered  with  the  skins  of  fishes.  They  have  brought 
hither  of  the  inhabitants,  seven  in  all,  men,  women,  and  children,  and  in  the  other 
Caravel  which  is  looked  for  every  hour  there  are  fifty  more." 


236 
Describing  the  captives  the  Ambassador  says — 

«'  Quest!  sono  de  equal  colore,  figura,  statura,  et  aspecto,  similimi  a  cingani,  ves- 
titi  dc  pelle  de  diversi  animali,  ma  precipue  de  ludre;  de  instade  voltano  el  pello 
i  suso,  et  de  in  verno  el  contrario;  et  queste  pelle  non  sonno  cusite  insieme  in  alcun 
modo,  ne  couze,  ma  cosi  como  -sonno  tolte  da  li  animali  se  le  meltono  intorno  les- 
palle  et  braze;  et  le  parte  pudibunde  Igate  cum  alcune  corde  facte  de  nervi  de 
pesse  fortissime.  Adeo  che  pareno  homini  salvatichi:  sono  molto  vergognosi  et 
mansueti;  ma  tan  to  ben  facti  de  brazi  8c  gambe  &  spalle  che  non  se  potria  dire: 
Hanno  signata la  faza  in  modo  de  Indian!:  chi  da  vi  chi  da  viii.  chi  da  manco  segni. 
Parlano  ma  non  sonno  int<*3i  dalcuno:  Ampo  credo  chi  sia  sta  facto  parlare  in  ogni 
lenguazo  possibile:  Nela  terra  loro  non  hano  ferro:  ma  fanno  cortelli  de  alcune 
pietre:  &  similmente  ponte  de  freze:  Et  quilli  anchora  hanno  porta.de  la  uno  pezo 
de  spada  rotta  dorata  laqual  certo  par  facfa  in  Italia:  uno  putto  de  questi  haveva  ale 
orechie  dui  todini  de  arzento,  che  senza  dubio  pareno  sta  facti  a  Venetia:  ilche  mi 
fa  creder  che  sia  terra  ferma,  perche  non  e  loco,  che  mai  piu  sia  andato  nave,  che 
se  haveria  hauto  notitia  de  loro.  Hanno  grandissima  copia  de  salmoni,  Areng'e, 
StochafiSt  &  simil  pessi:  Hanno  ctiam  gran  copia  de  legnami,  &  fo  sopra  tutto  de 
Pint  da  fare  arbori  tf  anttnnt  de  nave,  per  el  che  questo  Serenissimo  Re  desegna 
havere  grandissimo  utile  cum  dicta  terra  si  per  IHegni  de  nave,  che  ne  haveva  de- 
besogno  como  per  li  homini  ch  seranno  per  exceUentia  da  fatiga,  &  gli  meglior 
schiavi  se  habia  hauti  sin  hora." 

"  They  are  of  like  colour,  figure,  stature,  and  aspect,  and  bear  the  greatest  re 
semblance  to  the  Gypsies;  are  clothed  with  the  skins  of  different  animals,  but  prin 
cipally  the  otter;  in  summer  the  hairy  side  is  worn  outwards,  but  in  winter  the 
reverse;  and  these  skins  are  not  in  any  way  sewed  together  or  fashioned  to  the 
body,  but  just  as  they  come  from  the  animal  are  wrapped  about  the  shoulders  and 
arms:  over  the  part  which  modesty  directs  to  be  concealed  is  a  covering  made  of 
the  great  sinews  of  fish.  From  this  description  they  may  appear  mere  savages,  yet 
they  are  gentle  and  have  a  strong  sense  of  shame  and  are  better  made  in  the  arms, 
legs,  and  shoulders,  than  it  is  possible  to  describe.  They  puncture  the  face,  like 
the  Indians,  exhibiting  six,  eight,  or  even  more  marks*  The  language  they  speak 
is  not  understood  by  any  one,  though  every  possible  tongue  has  been  tried  with  them. 
In  this  country  there  is  no  iron,  but  they  make  swords  of  a  kind  of  stone,  and  point 
their  arrows  with  the  same  material.  There  has  been  brought  thence  a  piece  of  a 
broken  sword  which  is  gilt,  and  certainly  came  from  Italy.  A  boy  had  in  his  ears 
two  silver  plates,  which  beyond  question,  from  their  appearance,  were  made  at 
Venice,  and  this  induces  me  to  believe  that  the  country  is  a  Continent;  for  had  it 
been  an  Island  and  visited  by  a  vessel  we  should  have  heard  of  it.  They  have 
great  plenty  of  salmon,  herring,  cod,  and  similar  fish;  and  an  abundance  of  timber, 
especially  the  Pine,  well  adapted  far  masts  andyardst  and  hence  His  Serene  Majesty 
contemplates  deriving  great  advantage  from  the  country,  not  only  on  account  of 
the  timber  of  which  he  has  occasion,  but  of  the  inhabitants  who  are  admirably  cal 
culated  for  labour,  and  are  the  best  slaves  I  have  ever  seen." 

When  it  is  known  from  Lord  Bacon  (History  of  Henry" 
VII.),  and  the  earlier  annalists,  that  the  vessels  which  sailed 
with  Cabot  were  "  fraught  with  gross  and  slight  wares  fit  for 


237 

commerce  with  barbarous  people,"  we  can  have  no  difficulty  in 
deciding  whither  to  refer  the  ear-rings  and  the  fragments  of 
the  showy  sword.  Aside  from  the  commercial  relations  of 
the  father  with  his  native  city,  such  articles  would  naturally, 
at  that  period,  have  been  drawn  from  Venice.  It  would  be 
absurd  to  offer  arguments  to  prove  that  the  country  further 
north,  which  Cortereal  could  not  reach  but  of  which  he  rightly 
conjectured  he  had  found  a  continuation,  was  that  discovered 
by  Cabot. 

An  early  French  translation  of  the  "Paesi,  &c."  appeared 
at  Paris,  without  date,  but  usually  referred  by  bibliographers 
to  the  year  1516.     After  the  quaint  old  introductory  "  Sen- 
suyt,"  its  title  is,  "  Le  Nouveau  Monde  et  navigations  faictes 
par  Emeric  de  Vespuee/'     It  states  the  year  1500,  instead 
of  1501,  as  the  date  of  Pasquiligi's  letter,  and  the  7th,  instead 
of  the  8th,  October  as  the  day  on  which  Cortereal  returned; 
but  these  errors  are  unimportant,  as  the  editions  in  the  origi 
nal  are  unanimous,  and  even  the  fraudulent  translation  which 
remains  to  be  noticed  does  not  falsify  the  date  of  the  letter. 
Dr  Dibdin  (Literary  Companion,  vol.  i.  p.  370,  note)  has 
fallen  into  a  singular  mistake  with  regard  to  this  work,  follow 
ing  Meusel,  who  was  in  his  turn  misled  (Bibl.  Hist.  vol.  iii. 
p.  265)  by  the  prominence  given  on  the  title-page  to  the  name 
"  Emeric  Vespuee."     They  suppose  it  to  be  a  translation  of 
another  curious  volume,  of  early  date,  occupied  with  the  voy 
ages  of  Americus  Vespucius,  and  Dr  Dibdin  is,  consequently, 
amazed  at  the  "  unaccountable"  price  given  for  it  by  Mr  He- 
ber.     Its  contents  are  precisely  those  of  the  "  Paesi,"  the 
three  first  books  being  devoted  to  Cadamosto,  <fee.,  and  the 
three  last  to  various  voyages  and  enterprises  in  the  old  and 
the  new  world.     The  name  of  Vespucius  occurs  only  in  the 
fifth  book.     The  passages  in  italics,  in  which  it  follows  cor 
rectly  the  original,  are  noted  for  the  purpose  of  contrast  here 
after  with  the  Latin  perversion.     In  comparing  the  following 
passages  of  Pasquiligi's  letter  (ch.  cxxv.  feuil.  78),  with  the 
original,  it  will  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  league  is  of  four 
miles. 


238 

"  Le  septiesme  jourdu  diet  moys  d»Octobre  arriva  icy  vne  des  deux  caravelles  de 
cestuy  roy  de  Portugal ;  lesquelles  Pan  passe  il  avoit  envoyez  pour  descouvrir  la 
terre  vers  transmontane  et  en  estoit  capitaine  Gaspard  Cotrad.  Et  a  rapporte  avoir 
trouve,  entre  maistral  et  ponent,  yne  terre  qui  est  loingtaine  d'icy  de  cinq  cens 
lieues.  Laquelle  auparavant  iamais  d'aucun  .n'avoit  este  ^ongneue.  Et  par  la 
coste  d'icelle  terre  ilz  allerent  environ  CL  lieues,  et  iamais  ne  trouverentfin  perquoy 
ils  croyent  que  ce  soit  terre  ferme  laquelle  est  voisine  d'une  aultre  terre  laquelle 
Pannee  passee  fut  descouverte  soulz  la  transmontane  lesquelles  caravelles  nepeureni 
arriverjusques  la  pourceque  la  mer  estoit  glacee  et  pleine  de  neige.  Et  la  ont  trouve 
vne  multitude  de  tres  gros  fieuves  ;  ilz  disent  que  cest  terre  est  moltpopulee  etles 
maisons  des  habitans  sont  d'aucuns  bois  tres  longs  couvertes  par  dehors  de  peaulx 
de  poisson.  Ilz  ont  amene  de  ce  pays  la  tant  hommes  que  femmes  et  petis  enfans 
huyt  person nages :  &  dedans  Pautre  caravelle  qui  se  attend  d'heure  en  heure  en  vient 
aultre  cinquante.  Les  gens  icy  sont  de  esgalle  couleur,  figure,  stature,  regard  et 
semblable  de  egiptiens;  vestus  de  peaulx  de  diverses  bestes,  mais  principallement  de 
louves.  En  Peste  ilz  tournent  le  poil  par  dehors  et  iver  le  contraire.  Ft  cestes 
peaulx  en  aulcune  maniere  ne  sont  point  consues  ensemble  ni  acoustrees,  mais  tout 
ainsi  que  elles  sont  ostees  de  la  peau  des  bestes  ilz  les  mettent  tout  alentour  de  leur 
espaulles  et  desbras.  Les  parties  vergogneuses  sont  leiz  avec  auscunes  cordes  faicteo 
des  nerfz  de  poisson  tres  fortes.  En  facon  qu'ilz  semblent  homines  saulvaiges.  Ilz 
sont  moult  honteulx  et  doulx  mais  si  bien  faitz  de  bras  et  de  jambes  et  d'espaulka 
qu'ils  ne  pourroyent  estre  mieulx.  Leur  visage  est  marquee  en  la  maniere  dea 
Indiens ;  auscuns  ont  VI,  marques  auscuns  VIII.  et  que  plus  moins.  Ils  parlent 
ma  ilz  ne  sont  entendus  d'aulcuns  et  croy  qu'il  leur  a  este  parle  de  tous  langaiges 
qu'il  est  possible  de  parler.  En  leur  pays  il  n'est  point  de  fer,  mais  le  cousteaulx 
sont  d'aulcunes  pierres,  et  semblablement  leurs  poinctes  de  leurs  flesches ;  et  ceulx 
des  d'caravelles  ont  encores  apporte  d'icelle  terre  une  piece  d'espee  rompue  que 
estoit  doree  laquelle  certainement  semble  avoir  este  faicte  en  Italic  ;  un  petit  enfant 
de  ces  gens  la  avoit  dedans  les  oreilles  certaines  pieces  d'argent  lesquelles  sans 
doute  sembloyent  estre  faiz  a  Venise  laquelle  chose  me  fait  croire  que  ce  soit  terre 
ferme  parceque  ce  n'est  pas  lieu  que  iamais  plr  y  ayt  este  aulcunes  navires  car  il 
eust  este  notice  d'elles — Ilz  ont  tres  grande  habondance  de  saulmons  harens,  sto- 
quefies  et  semblables  poissons.  Ilz  ont  aussi  grande  habondance  de  bois;  &  sur- 
toutes  de  Pins  pour  faire  arbres  et  matz  de  navires  parquoy  ce  roy  a  delibere  de  avoir 
grant  profit  de  la  terre  a  cause  des  bois  pour  faire  des  navires  car  il  en  avait  grant 
besoign  et  aussi  des  hommes  lesquils  seront  par  excellence  de  grant  peine  et  les 
meilleurs  esclaves  qu'on  saiche  jusques  a  ceste  heure." 

The  French  translation,  it  will  be  seen,  calls  the  Gypsies 
Egyptians,  of  which  the  English  word  is  a  corruption.  They 
are  styled  ^Egyptians  in  the  Statute  22  Henry  VIII.  cap. 
x.  but  the  designation  of  the  Venetian  Ambassador  is  that 
by  which  they  were  universally  known  in  Italy.  In  the 
Dissertation  of  Grellman  on  this  singular  race,  he  remarks 
(chap,  i.), 

"The  name  of  Zzgeuner  has  extended  itself  farther  than 
any  other ;  these  people  are  so  called  not  only  in  all  Germany, 


239 

Italy  and  Hungary  (tzigany),*  but  frequently  in  Transilvania, 
Wallacia,  and  Moldavia  (ciganis).  Moreover  the  Turks  and 
other  Eastern  Nations  have  no  other  than  this  name  for  them 
(tschingenes)." 

The  characteristics  of  the  race  are  stated  by  Swinburne 
(Travels  through  Spain,  p.  230) — 

u  Their  men  are  tall,  well-built,  and  swarthy,  with  a  bad 
scowling  eye,  and  a  kind  of  favourite  lock  of  hair  left  to 
grow  down  before  their  ears,  which  rather  increases  the  gloom 
iness  of  their  features ;  their  women  are  nimble,  and  supple- 
jointed  ;  when  young  they  are  generally  handsome,  with  very 
fiae  black  eyes ;  when  old  they  become  the  worst-favoured 
hags  in  nature." 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  early  settlers  in  New-England 
were  struck  with  the  resemblance.  Purchas  (vol.  iv.  p.  1842) 
has  "a  Relation  or  Journal  of  a  Plantation  settled  at  Plimouth 
in  New-England  and  proceedings  thereof:  Printed  1622,  and 
here  abbreviated."  At  p.  1849,  we  find  in  the  month  of 
March,  the  following  entry  : — 

"Saturday  in  the  morning  we  dismissed  the  savage  and  gave  him  a  knife,  and 
bracelet,  and  a  ring ;  he  promised  within  a  night  or  two  to  come  again  and  to  bring 
with  him  some  of  the  Massasoyts  our  neighbours  with  such  beaver  skins  as  they  had, 
to  truck  with  us.  Saturday  and  Sunday  reasonable  fair  days.  On  this  day  came 
again  the  Savage  and  brought  with  him  five  other  tall  proper  men  ;  they  had  every 
man  a  deer's  skin  on  him,  and  the  principal  of  them  had  a  wild  cat's  skin  or  such 
like  on  one  arm,  8cc.  They  are  of  complexion  like  our  English  Gypsies,  tfc." 

On  the  same  page  it  is  stated,  that  an  Englishman  named 
Hunt  had  practised  the  same  infamous  deception  as  Cortereal: 

"  These  people  are  ill  affected  towards  the  English  by  reason  of  one  Hunt,  a 
master  of  a  Ship  who  deceived  the  people  and  got  them  under  color  .of  trucking 
with  them  twenty  out  of  this  very  place  where  we  inhabit,  and  seven  men  from 
the  Nausites  and  carried  them  away  and  sold  them  for  slaves,  like  a  wretched  man 
(for  twenty  pounds  a  man)  that  care  not  what  mischief  he  do  them  for  his  profit" 

The  passage  in  the  Letter  of  the  Venetian  Ambassador 
answers,  incidentally,  an  important  purpose.  A  doubt  has 
been  suggested  by  Thomasius,  Griselini,  and  the  English  ge 
ographer  Salmon,  whether  Munster  and  Spelman  do  not  err 

*  Is  not  here  the  original  of  zany? 


240 

in  naming  1417,  instead  of  1517,  as  the  era  at  which  the  gyp 
sies  made  their  appearance  in  Europe,  and  important  refer 
ences  are  connected  with  the  rectification  of  the  supposed 
mistake. 

The  Encyclopedia  Britannica  (Edinburgh  Edition  of  1812), 
under  the  title  "  Gypsies"  remarks — 

"Munster,  it  is  true,  who  is  followed  and  relied  upon  by  Spelman,  fixes  the  time 
of  their  first  appearance  to  the  year  1417,  but  as  he  owns  that  the  first  whom  he 
ever  saw  were  in  1529,  it  is  probably  an  error  of  the  press  for  1517,  especially  as 
other  historians  inform  us  that  when  Sultan  Selim  conquered  Egypt  in  the  year 
1517  several  of  the  Nations  refused  to  submit  to  the  Turkish  yoke  and  revolted 
under  Zinganeus,  whence  the  Turks  call  them  Zinganees." 

The  same  suggestion  is  found  in  The  London  Cyclopaedia. 
It  must  disappear,  with  its  train  of  conjectures,  before  this 
Letter,  written  in  1501,  which  assumes  the  characteristics  of 
the  race  to  be  so  familiarly  known  as  even  to  furnish  a  conve 
nient  illustration  and  save  the  necessity  of  a  particular  de 
scription.  To  those  who  hold  the  Hindostan  origin  of  this 
people,  and  have  been  struck  with  the  admirable  Memoir  of 
Captain  Richardson  in  the  Seventh  volume  of  The  Asiatic 
Researches,  this  item  of  evidence  will  be  deeply  interesting. 


241 


CHAP.  IV. 

THE  REGION  VISITED   BY   CORTEREAL — STATEMENTS  OFTHE  THREE  POR 
TUGUESE     HISTORIANS,   DAMIANO    GOES,    OSORIUS,  AND    GALVANO— 0? 

GOMARA,  HERRERA,  AND  FUMEE EDITION  OF  PTOLEMY  PUBLISHED  AT 

BASLE   1540 THE   NAME  "  LABRADOR,"  i.  6.  "LABORER.5* 

THE  inquiry  now  arises  as  to  the  point  at  which  Cortereal 
reached  the  American  Continent,  and  followed  the  coast  north 
wards  for  a  space  of  between  six  and  seven  hundred  miles* 

Damiano  Goes,  a  writer  of  the  highest  credit,  the  contem 
porary  of  Emanuel,  and  historiographer  of  Portugal,  says 
(Chronica  del  Rey  D.  Manoel,  cap.  Ixvi.),  that  it  was — 

"  A  region  which  on  account  of  its  great  freshness,  and 
the  vast  groves  of  trees  all  along  the  coast,  he  called  Green 
land"  (terra  que  por  ser  muito  fresca  etde  grandes  arvoredos 
como  o  sam  todas  as  que  jazem  per  a  quella  banda  Ihe  pos 
nome  Terra  Verde). 

Another  Portuguese  writer,  Osorius  (De  rebus  Emanuelis,. 
&c.  lib.  ii.)  says,  that  Cortereal  conferred  the  name  on  account 
of  the  singular  amenity  of  the  region  ("  ad  terrain  tandem 
pervenit  quam  propter  singularem  amcenitatem  Viridem  ap- 
pellavit"). 

There  is  a  third  writer  of  that  country,  Galvano,  of  whom 
a  translation  by  Hakluyt  appeared  in  1601.  He  says  (p.  35), 

"In  the  year  1500,  it  is  reported  that  Gasper  Cortereal  craved  a  general  license 
of  the  King  Emanuel,  to  discover  the  New  Foundland.  He  went  from  the  Island 
Terceira  with  two  ships  well  appointed  at  his  own  cost,  and  he  sailed  into  that 
climate  which  standeth  under  the  North  in  50  degrees  of  latitude,  which  is  a  land 
now  called  after  his  name,  and  he  came  home  in  safety  unto  the  city  of  Lisbon." 

It  is  abundantly  clear  that  Cortereal  began  his  career  to  the 
southward  of  the  St  Lawrence  ;  and  he  may  have  reached  the 
Gulf,  and  perhaps  the  southern  extremity  of  Labrador* 

Gomara,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  limits  Cabot  to  58  degrees,, 
2  F 


242 

says  of  Cortereal  (ch.  37), — "Dexo  su  nombre  a  las  ylas  que 
estan  a  la  boca  del  Golfo  Quadrado  y  en  mas  de  50  grades,"  a 
passage  translated  by  Richard  Eden  (Decades,  fol.  318),  "  he 
named  the  Quadrado  after  his  name,  Cortesreales,  lyinge  in 
the  L  degrees  and  more." 

Herrera,  who  conducts  Cabot  to  68,  says  of  Cortereal  (Dec. 
i.  lib.  vi.  ch.  16),  "  No  hico  mas  que  dexar  su  nombre  a  las 
Islas  que  estan  a  la  boca  del  Golfo  Quadrado  en  mas  de  50 
grados."  ("  He  did  nothing  more  than  give  his  name  to  the 
islands  which  are  in  the  mouth  of  the  Gulph  Quadrado  in 
upwards  of  50  degrees.")  Fumee  (Histoire  Generate  des 
Indes,  ch.  xxxvii.  fol.  48)  makes  the  same  statement. 

In  the  edition  of  Ptolemy,  published  at  Basle  in  1540,  the 
first  of  the  Maps  is  entitled  "Typus  Orbis  Universalis,"  on 
which  is  seen  in  the  extreme  North  of  the  New  World, 
"  Terra  Nova  sive  de  Bacalhos,"  and  below  it,  to  the  south 
ward,  is  an  island  designated  "  Corterati,"  with  a  great 
stream  in  its  rear,  evidently  intended  for  the  St  Lawrence 
and  thus  characterised  "  Per  hoc  fre turn  iter  patet  ad  Mo- 
lucas." 

There  can  be  no  difficulty  in  understanding  why  the  region 
whence  it  was  supposed  the  fifty-seven  unfortunate  natives  so 
well  adapted  for  Labour  had  been  stolen  had  received  its  pre 
sent  name.  It  was  talked  of  as  the  Slave  Coast  of  America, 
and  the  commercial  designation  which  thus  entered  into  the 
speculations  of  adventurers  seems  to  have  quickly  supplanted 
the  appellation  conferred  on  it  by  Cortereal.  A  similar  tri 
umph  of  the  vocabulary  of  the  mart  is  found  at  the  same  pe 
riod,  and  amongst  the  same  people,  in  the  case  of  Brazil. 
Barros  (Decade  i.  lib.  v.  chap.  2)  is  indignant  that  the  name 
of  Santa-Cruz,  given  by  Cabral  should  have  yielded  to  one 
adopted  "by  the  vulgar,"  from  the  wood  which  constituted, 
at  first,  its  great  export.  So,  in  most  of  the  old  works,  we 
find  the  Asiatic  possessions  of  Portugal,  designated  as  the 
Spice  Islands,  &c.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  objects  of 
CortereaPs  second  voyage  were  Timber  and  Slaves.  Twenty 
years  before,  there  had  been  erected  on  the  shores  of  Africa 


243 

the  Fort  of  D'EImina,  to  follow  up  the  suggestion  of  Alonzo 
Gonzales  pointing  out  the  southern  Africans  as  articles  of  com 
merce.  We  readily  comprehend,  then,  the  exultation  with 
which  a  new  region  was  heard  of,  where  the  inhabitants 
seemed  to  be  of  a  gentle  temper,  and  of  physical  powers  such 
as  to  excite  the  admiration  of  the  Venetian  Ambassador. 
That  Cortereal  on  the  subsequent  visit  fell  a  sacrifice  to 
the  just  exasperation  of  the  people  whose  friends  and  rela 
tives — men,  women,  and  children — he  had  perfidiously  car 
ried  off,  is  very  probable,  and  the  shores  of  America  were 
thus  saved  from  witnessing  all  the  horrors  that  have  marked 
the  accursed  traffic  in  the  other  hemisphere. 

The  impressions  made  on  the  natives,  of  dread  and  detes 
tation,  seem  not  to  have  been  speedily  effaced.     Verrazani, 
twenty-two  years  afterwards,  passed  along  the  coast  from  Flo 
rida  to  the  latitude  of  50  degrees,  and  it  is  curious  to  follow 
his  narrative  in  connexion  with  our  knowledge  of  Cortereal's 
base  conduct,  and  its  probable  consequences  to  himself,  and 
the  brother  who  went  to  seek  him.    Verrazani  speaks,  in 
warm  terms,  of  the  kind  and  cordial  reception  he  every  where 
experienced  in  the  first  part  of  his  route,  and  in  the  latitude 
of  41*  40'  he  remained  for  a  considerable  time  (see  his  Nar 
rative  in  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  420).     As  he  proceeds  fur 
ther  North,  we  recognise  the  coincidence  of  his  description 
of  the  country  with  that  of  Cortereal. 

"  Piena  di  foltissime  selve ;  gli  alberi  dellequali  erano  abeti, 
cipressi  et  simili  chi  si  generano  in  regioni  fredde"  ("full  of 
thick  woods,  consisting  of  fir,  cypress,  and  other  similar  trees 
of  cold  countries").  And  so  of  the  dress  of  the  inhabitants, 
"  Vestono  di  pelli  d'orso  et  lupi  cervieri  et  marini  et  d'altri 
animali"  ("  they  clothe  themselves  with  the  skins  of  the  bear, 
the  lucerne,  the  seal,  and  other  animals").  He  is  struck 
with  the  change  of  character,  "  Le  genti  tutte  sons  difformi 
dalF  altre  et  quanto  i  passati  erano  -d'apparenza  gentili  tanto 
questi  erano  di  rozzezza  et  vitii  pleni"  ("  the  people  differ 
entirely  from  the  others,  and  in  proportion  as  those  before 
visited  were  apparently  gentle,  so  were  these  full  of  rudeness 


244 

and  malevolence").  With  vehement  cries  they  forbade  him 
to  land  ("  eontinuainente  gridando  che  alia  terra  non  ci  appros- 
gimassimo"),  and  a  party  which  went  on  shore  was  assailed  with 
the  war-whoop  and  a  flight  of  arrows  ("  et  quando  scende- 
vamo  al  lito  ci  tiravano  con  li  loro  archi  mettendo  grandissimi 


245 


CHAP.  V. 

CIRCUMSTANCES  WHICH  HAVE  LED  TO  ERRORS  AS  TO  THE  VOYAGE  OF 
CORTEREAL— THE  PORTUGUESE  MAPS — ISLE  OF  DEMONS— THE  FRAUD 
OF  MADRIGANON  IN  THE  "ITINERARIUM  PORTUGALLENSIUM*'— MR  BAR- 
HOW'S  CHRONOLOGICAL  HISTORY  OF  VOYAGES,  &C.— DR  LARDNER*S 
CYCLOPAEDIA THE  EDINBURGH  CABINET  LIBRARY. 

HAVING  determined  the  extent  of  Cortereal's  progress  to  the 
North,  it  is  time  to  advert  to  the  circumstances  which  have 
conspired  to  pervert  the  history  of  his  voyage. 

There  is  yet  extant  a  letter  from  Robert  Thorne  of  Bris 
tol,  addressed  from  Seville,  as  early  as  the  year  1527,  to  the 
English  Ambassador,  Doctor  Ley  (Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  214), 
in  which  he  sends  to  therambassador  "  a  little  Mappe  or  Garde 
of  the  World,"  with  a  great  many  curious  remarks.  It  is 
here  that  he  speaks  of  his  father  as  one  of  those  who  had  set 
forth  the  expedition  of  England,  and  of  the  happy  conse 
quences,  "  if  the  mariners  would  then  have  been  ruled  and 
followed  their  pilot's  mind"  (p.  219).  Adverting  to  the  con 
troversy  pending  between  Portugal  and  Spain,  he  declares 
that  the  islands  in  dispute  belong  to  Spain,  "as  appeareth  by 
the  most  part  of  all  the  Gardes  by  the  Portingals,  save  those 
which,  they  have  falsified  of  late  purposely"  (p.  218).  After 
speaking  of  the  possessions  of  Spain  in  the  new  world,  he 
says,  "  which  maine  land  or  coast  goeth  northwards,  and  fin- 
isheth  in  the  land  that  we  found  which  is  called  here  Terra 
de  Labrador"  (p.  216). 

Thus  a  quarter  of  a  century  before  the  time  of  Ramusio, 
and  half  a  century  before  that  of  Ortelius,  we  find  the  map- 
makers  of  the  country  most  renowned  for  nautical  skill,  and 
the  sciences  connected  with  it  detected  in  falsification  as  na 
tional  interest,  or  vanity,  might  prompt.  It  appears,  further, 
that  in  the  very  quarter  to  which  attention  is  now  directed 


246 

there  had  been,  already,  an  invasion  of  the  English  preten 
sions  so  well  concerted  as  to  give  currency  to  the  spurious 
appellation,  even  among  the  rivals  of  the  Portuguese,  though  it 
excited  the  indignation  of  Thome  who  was  old  enough  to 
remember  all  about  the  voyages  of  discovery  set  forth  from  his 
native  city. 

Another  source  of  the  absurdities  which  deform  the  early 
maps  of  this  region,  is  found  in  that  love  of  the  marvellous  and 
the  terrible  which,  in  all  ages,  has  delighted  to  people  remote 
and  unknown  countries  with  monsters  and  prodigies.  The 
first  discoveries  of  the  Portuguese  gave  a  new  direction  to 
vulgar  wonder,  and  the  exaggerations  and  falsehoods  which 
ministered  to  it ;  and  amongst  other  fictions  it  was  pretended 
that  there  existed  an  island,  the  peculiar  residence  of  Demons 
and  fatal  to  all  who  approached  it.  No  Map  could  venture 
to  refuse  this  tribute  to  popular  credulity,  and,  accordingly, 
in  the  celebrated  edition  of  Ptolemy,  published  at  Ulme  in 
1483,  we  find  the  "  Insula  Demonum"  occupying  a  place  in 
the  Sexta  Tabula  *fl.sise* 

Just  as  these  regions  were  becoming  so  well  known,  as 
rather  to  bring  discredit  on  such  tales,  the  New  World  was  dis 
covered,  and  abundant  scope  allowed  to  the  fancy,  particularly 
in  the  North,  without  much  peril  of  detection.  A  difficulty 
seems  to  have  been  experienced  at  first  in  selecting  a  judi 
cious  site  for  the  interesting  emigrants.  The  island,  saved 
from  the  wreck  of  their  fortunes  in  the  old  world,  is  bandied 
about  in  all  directions  by  Cosmographers  with  little  regard  to 
that  good  old  saying  which,  without  recommending  unne 
cessary  commerce  with  the  Evil  One,  yet  makes  it  a  point  of 
honesty  to  give  him  his  due  in  unavoidable  transactions.  Or- 
telius,  on  whose  map  the  "  Insula  Dsemonum"  figures  with  St 
Brandon,  Frisland,  and  all  the  other  silly,  or  fraudulent  fab 
rications  of  that  day,  places  it  not  very  far  from  Hudson's 
Strait.  Ramusio,  in  his  text,  would  give  it  a  local  habitation 
about  half  way  between  that  Strait  and  Newfoundland,  but 
in  constructing  the  map  which  accompanies  his  third  volume, 
he  seems  to  have  thought  a  great  Gulf  a  much  fitter  place, 


247 

and  it,  therefore,  occupies  a  conspicuous  station  in  the  "Golfo 
Quadrado,"  or  St  Lawrence.  It  is  about  five  times  as  large 
as  Newfoundland,  from  which  it  is  divided  by  a  narrow  strait. 
On  it  demons  are  seen,  as  well  flying  as  on  foot,  with 
nothing  to  protect  them  from  a  climate  so  little  suited  to  their 
former  habits  but  a  pair  of  wings  and  a  ridiculously  short  tail; 
yet  they  are  made,  poor  devils,  to  appear  happy  and  even 
sportive. 

It  is  time,  however,  to  turn,  from  this,  comparatively  harm 
less,  foolery  to  the  deliberate  fraud,  already  adverted  to,  on, 
the  part  of  Madriganon,  in  his  pretended  translation  of  the 
"  Paesi,  <fee."  into  Latin,  in  a  book  entitled  "  Itinerarium 
Portugallensiura,"  published  at  Milan  in  1508  (cap.  cxxvu 
fol.  Ixxx.). 

"  Utigitur  nova  anni  prasentis  intelligatis  scitote  hicesse  cam  triremem  quam 
superiore  anno  Rex  Portugallix  Serenissimus  expediverat  versus  Aquilonem  prx- 
fecto  Gaspare  Corterato  qui  nobis  refert  continentem  invenisse  distantem  ad  M. 
duo  milia  inter  Chorum  et  Favonium  haptenus  totijoene  orbi  incompertam  terrain; 
cujus  latus  aiunt  ad  mifliaria  prope  DCCC  percurrisse,  nee  tamen  finis  compertus 
estquispiam;  ideo  credunt  Continentem  non  Insulam  esse,  regioque  videturesse 
conjunctoeuidamplagx  alias  a  jtfbstris p&agratse  quasi  sub  ipso  Septentrione  eousque 
celox  tamen  non  pervenit  ob-  congelatum  sequor  et  ingruentes  caclo  nives.  Argu- 
mento  sunt  totfluminaqus  ab  illis  montibUs  derivantur  quod  videlicet  ibi  magna  via 
nivium  existat:  arguunt  propterea  insulam  non  posse  tot  flumina  emittere:  Aiunt 
prjeterea  terram  esee  eximie  cultam.  Domos  subeunt  ligneas  quas  cooperhint  pelli- 
busaccoriispiscium:  Hue  adduxerunt  viros  septem  sexus  utriusque.  Inceloce 
vero  altera  quam  prastolamur  in  koras  advehuntur  quinquaginta  ejus  regionis  ln- 
colx.  Hi  si  proceritatem  corporis,  si  colorem*  si  habitudinem,  si  habitum  spectet 
cinganis  non  sunt  absimilefi.  Pellibus  piscium  vestiunt  et  lutrarum  et  eorum  im 
primis  qui  instar  vulpium  pillosas  habent  pclles;  eisque  utuntur  hieme  pilo  ad 
carnes  verso  ut  nos;  at  estate  ritu  oontrario;  neque  eas  consuunt  aut  concinant 
quovis  modo,  verum  uti  fert  ipsabellua  eo  modo  utuntur,  eis  armos  et  brachia  prae- 
^cipue  tegunt;  inguina  vero  ftine  ligant  multiplici,  confecto  ex  piscium  nervia.  Vi- 
dentur  propterea  silvestres  homines,  non  sunt  tamen  invereciindi  et  corpora  habent 
habilissima  si  brachia,  si  armos,  si  crura  respexeris,  ad  simetriam  sunt  orania.  F*- 
ciem  stigmate  compunguntinunintquenotismultiiugis' instar  indorum,  sex  velacto 
stigm'atibus  prout  libuerit;  hunc  morem  sola  voluptas  moderatur:  Loquuntur  qui- 
dem  sed  haud  intelliguntur,  licet  adhibiti  fuerint  fere  omnium  linguarum  inter- 
pretes:  Eorum  plaga  caret  prorsus  ferro;  gladios  tamen  habent  sed  ex  acuminato 
lapide.  Pari  modo  cuspidant  sagittas  qu&  nostris  sunt  acuminatiares:  Nostri  inde 
attulewint  ensis  confracti  partem  inauratam?  quae  Italiae  ritu  sabrifacta  videbatur: 
Quidam  puer  illic  duos  orbes  argenteos  auribus  appensos  circumferebat  qui  baud 
dubie  ccelati  more  nostro  visebantur:  caelaturam  Fenelam  imprimis  prxseferentest 
auibus  rebus  non  difficulter  adducin^ur  CoKtinentem  csse  potius  quam  Insulam,  quia 


248 

si  eo  naves  aliquando  applicuissent  de  ea  comperti  aliquid  habuissemus.  Piscibus 
scatet  regio  salmonibus  videlicet  et  alecibus  [Stockfish  omitted,  probably  from 
scantiness  of  vocabulary]  et  id  genus  compluribus.  Silvas  habent  omnifariam 
perinde  ut  omnilignorum  g^nere  abundet  Teg'io-.propterea  naves  fabricantur  antennas 
et  maksy  transtra  et  religua  qu&  pertinent  ad  navigia:  ob  id  hie  Nosier  Rex  instituit 
inde  multum  emolumenti  sumere:  turn  ob  ligna  frequentia  pluribus  rebus  baud, 
inepta,  turn  vel  maxime  ob  hominum  genus  Laboribus  assuetum.-  quibus  ad  varia 
eis  uti  quibit,  quandoquidem  suapte  natura  hi  viri  nati  sunt  ad  Labores  suntque  me- 
liora  mancipia  quam  unquam  viderim." 

The  principal  perversions  are  noted  in  italics.  Instead  of 
"  a  region  discovered  last  year,"  we  have  "a  region  formerly 
visited  by  our  countrymen."  The  distance  sailed  along  the 
coast  becomes  almost  eight  hundred  miles.  There  is  created 
amongst  the  natives  a  preference  of  Venetian  manufactures. 
This  region  "very  populous"  according  to  the  original,  is 
converted  into  one  <(  admirably  cultivated,"  and  instead  of  the 
Pine,  &c.  well  suited  for  the  spars  of  vessels,  we  have  the  na 
tives  actually  engaged  in  ship  building !  The  captives  " adapt 
ed"  to  labour  become  "  habituated"  to  it,  and  at  length  "born" 
to  it ;.  and  in  speaking  of  the  king  of  Portugal,  the  ambassador 
is  made  to  call  him  "  our  King:"  And  this  is  a  professed 
translation,  by  an  ecclesiastic,  dedicated  to  a  high  public  func 
tionary  ! 

In  order  to  comprehend  fully  the  extensive  influence  which 
this  fraud  has  exercised  on  the  modern  accounts  of  CortereaPs 
voyage,  it  will  be  necessary  to  advert  briefly  to  a  subsequent 
piece  of  imposture  of  which  more  will  be  said  in  another  place 

In  the  year  1558,  there  was  published,  at  Venice,  a  little 
volume  containing  the  adventures  of  two  brothers,  Nicholas 
and  Antonio  Zeno,  in  which  an  effort  is-  tnade  to  show  that 
they  were  acquainted  with  the  New  World  long  before  the 
time  of  Columbus.  It  is  not  necessary  to  give  more  of  the 
story  at  present,  than  that  these  persons,  about  the  year  1380, 
were  in  an  island  somewhere  in  the  Atlantic,  designated  as 
Frisland.  They  there  conversed  with  a  fisherman,  who,  twen 
ty-six  years  before,  had  been  carried  by  a  tfempest  far  to  the 
westward,  and  been  cast  ashore,  with  a  few  companions,  on  a 
place  called  Estotiland,  plainly  designed,  by  the  framer  of 
the  story,  for  the  Northern  Coast  of  America.  After  remain- 


249 

ing  a  number  of  years  in  this  country,  the  fisherman  y  with  the 
aid  of  his  transatlantic  friends,  built  a  vessel  mA  recrossed  the 
ocean  to  Frisland.  The  editor  of  the  work  gives  the  follow 
ing  digest  of  the  information  gathered  as  to  the  inhabitants  of 
this  newly-discovered  region — "It  is  credible  that  in  time 
past  they  have  had  traffic  with  our  men,  for  he  said  that  he 
saw  Latin  book§  in  the  king's  library."  Again,  «  They 
3010  corn  and  r»ake  beer  and  ale,"  <&c.  &c.  An  expedition 
was  fitted  out  by  the  Prince  of  the  Island,  and  sailed  towards 
the  west,  but  returned,  as  it  would  appear,  without  having 
reached  Estotiland,  so  that  the  only  visiter  was  the  fisherman 
driven  off  his  station  and  cast  away  there  one  hundred  and 
forty-seven  years,  by  computation,  before  the  time  of  Corte- 
real's  voyage. 

It  will  be  Seen  that  the  story,  promulgated  in  1558,  is  so 
framed  as  exactly  to  fall  in  with  the  perversion  by  the  Itine- 
rarium,  half  a  century  before,  as  to  the  probable  intercourse 
with  Venetians — the  cultivation  of  the  soil  by  the  natives — 
and  their  building  vessels  fit  to  navigate  the  ocean.  The  only 
difference  is,  that  the  Itinerarium  merely  makes  the  supposed 
traffic  precede  generally  the  visit  of  Cortereal,  but  the  author 
of  the  Zeni  voyages  carrieS.it  back  beyond  the  disaster  to  the 
fisherman  which  must  have  occurred  about  the  year  1354. 

We  are  now  prepared  for  the  following  passages  from  Mr 
Barrow,  and  another  more  recent  writer.  The  parts  enclosed 
in  parenthesis  appear  as  Notes  in  the  works  quoted. 

"  la  the  first  collection  of  voyages  which  is  known  to  have  been  published  hi 
Europe,  and  printed  in  Vicenza,  by  Franfcazano  Montaboldo,  (Mundo  Nuovo  e 
Paesi  nuovamente  retrovati,  &c.  Vicenza,  1507;  a  very  rare  book;  translated  into 
Latin,  by  Madrigano,  under  the  title  of '  Itinerarium  Portugalensium  e  Lusitania  in 
Indiam,  &c.J)  there  is  inserted  a  letter  from  Pedro  Pascoal,  ambassador  from  the 
republic  of  Venice  to  the  court  of  Lisbon,  addressed  to  his  brother  in  Italy,  and 
dated  29th  October,  1501,  in  wfcich  he  details  the  voyage  of  Cortereal,  as  told  by 
himself  on  his  return. 

"From  this  authority,  it  appears  that  having  employed  nearly  a  year  in  this 
voyage,  he  had  discovered  between  West  and  North  West,  a  Continent  until  then 
unknown  to  the  rest  of  the  world,  that  he  had  run  along  the  coast  upwards  of  eight 
hundred  miles;  that  according  to  his  conjecture  this  land  lay  near  a  region  formerly 
approached  by  the  Venetians  Nicholo  and  Antonio  Zeno!  almost  at  the  North  Pole!  and 
that  he  was  unable  to  proceed  farther  on  account  of  the  great  mountains  of  ice 
which  encumbered  the  sea,  and  the  continued  snows  which  fell  from  the  sky.  He 

2G 


250 

further  relates  that  Cortereal  brought  fifty-seven  of  the  natives  In  his  vessel— he  ex 
tols  the  country  on  account  of  the  timber  which  it  produces,  the  abundance  offish 
upon  its  coasts,  and  the  inhabitants  being  robust  and  laborious."  (Barrow,  Chrono 
logical  History,  p.  40,  41.) 

"  From  his  own  account  it  appears  that  having  employed  nearly  a  year  in  this 
voyage,  he  had  discovered  between  West  and  North- West,  a  Continent  till  then 
unknown  to  the  rest  of  the  world;  that  he  ran  along  the  coast  upwards  of  eight  hun 
dred  miles;  that  according  to  his  conjecture  this  land  lay  near  a  region  formerly 
approached  by  the  Venetians  (an  allusion  to  the  voyages  of  the  Zeni),  and  almost  at 
the  North  Pole,  and  that  he  was  unable  to  proceed  further,  8cc.?J  (Dr  Lardner*s 
Cyclopaedia,  Hist  of  Maritime  and  Inland  Discovery,  vol.  ii.  p.  139.) 

Our  criticism  on  this  epitome  of  errors  is  confined  to  the 
original  wrong- doer.  Not  only  <loes  Mr  Barrow  fall  an  un 
resisting  victim  to  the  treachery  of  the  monk,  but,  such  is  the 
influence  of  bad  company,  he  himself  is  found  taking,  in  his 
turn,  rather  dishonest  liberties  with  his  own  guide.  In  the 
original,  Cortereal  is  said  to  have  passed  along  between  six 
and  seven  hundred  miles  of  the  newly  discovered  coast 
without  reaching  its  termination.  Madrignanon  stretches  out 
the  distance  to  almost  eight  hundred,  while  Mr  Barrow  in 
sists  on  "  upwards"  of  eight  hundred.  For  all  this,  too,  he 
vouches  the  wretched  monk,  whereas  his  audacity,  as  we  have 
seen,  did  not  quite  enable  him  to  reach  the  point  over  which 
the  Secretary  of  the  Admiralty,  with  the  gathered  impetus  of 
so  rapid  a  progress,  takes  a  fearless  leap. 

In  happy  ignorance  of  the  host  of  authorities  which  fix  con 
clusively  the  limit  of  the  voyage,  this  gentleman  evinces  an 
amiable  anxiety  to  frame  an  apology  for  one  of  CortereaPs 
countrymen  whose  statement  he  found  in  Hakluyt's  transla 
tion: 

"Galvano  places  it,  although  with  little  accuracy,  in  50°;  misprinted  probably  for 
60°  which  would  be  correct.'"  (Barrow,  p.  39. ) 

We  have  forborne,  as  has  been  said,  to  press  a  censure  of 
the  writer  in  Dr  Lardner*s  Cyclopaedia,  because  he  is  merely 
a  pitiable  martyr  to  faith  in  his  predecessor ;  but  another  work, 
published  on  the  1st  of  October  last,  does  not  merit  the  same 
forbearance,  as  it  sets  at  equal  defiance  the  genuine  and  the 
spurious  authorities.  The  reference  is  to  the  "  Narrative  of 
Discovery  and  Adventure  in  the  Polar  Seas  and  Regions, 


251 

<£c. ;  by  Professor  Leslie,  Professor  Jameson,  and  Hugh  Mur 
ray,  Esqre.  F.R.S.E."  forming  vol.  i.  of  the  Edinburgh  Cab 
inet  Library.  By  this  work  it  appears  (p.  158)  that  Corte- 
real,  "  immediately  upon  the  discovery  of  the  Western  World, 
resolved  to  follow  in  the  steps  of  Columbus."  We  are  in 
formed  further  (ib.),  "  Respecting  the  details  of  this  voyage, 
there  remain  only  detached  shreds  which  Mr  Barrow  ha* 
collected  with  eq  ual  learning  and  diligence  !"  The  character 
of  a  work  put  forth  under  such  auspices,  may  be  gathered 
from  the  following  passage  (p.  159) — 

*'  The  natives  are  correctly  described  as  of  small  stature — a  simple  and  laborious 
race;  and  no  less  than  fifty-seven  being  allured  or  carried  on  board  were  conveyed 
to  Portugal.  After  a  run  along  this  coast  estimated  at  800  miles  Cortereal  came  to 
a  region  which  appeared  to  some  (/)  as  lying  almost  beneath  the  Pole,  and  similar  to 
that  formerly  reached  by  Nicolo  and  Antonio  Zeno  !  Ramusio  more  explicitly 
states,  &c.  &c." 

All  the  rest  is  in  a  similar  strain.  Only  one  part  of  the  pass* 
age  quoted  calls  for  particular  remark,— that  as  to  the  stature 
of  the  inhabitants.  The  writer  is  evidently  anxious  to  give  a 
sanction  to  his  own  absurd  hypothesis  that  the  natives  whose 
wonderful  symmetry  arid  aptitude  for  labour  extorted  the  ad 
miration  of  the  Venetian  Ambassador — whose  "  goodly  cor- 
porature"  is  specially  mentioned  by  Richard  Eden  (Decades, 
318) — were  the  Esquimaux  of  Labrador.  Now,  without  re 
lying  on  the  circumstances  already  stated,  we  mention  one 
fact.  Ramusio,  whose  name  is  here  invoked,  devotes  to  the 
voyage  of  Cortereal  about  half  a  page,  and  expressly  declares 
that  the  inhabitants  were  large  and  well  proportioned,  "gli 
habitanti  sono  huomini  grandi*  ben  proportionati." 


252 


CHAP.  VI. 


DIFFUSIVE  MISCHIEF  OF  THE  ITINERARIUM  POttTUGALLENSTUM— GRYffJEUS 
—MEUSEL — FLIiURIEU— HUMBOLDT,  &C. 

THE  perversion  by  Madrignanon  has  passed  into  the  earliest 
and  most  esteemed  Collections  of  Voyages  and  Travels,  and  thus 
exercised  a  mischievous  influence  on  more  recent  works. 

In  the  JVbvus  Orbis  of  GrynJEus  published  at  Basle,  in 
1532,  the  Letter  of  Pasquiligi  is  given  (p.  138)  according  to 
the  version  of  the  Itinerarium ;  and  so  in  the  edition  of  that 
work  published  in  the  same  year  at  Paris  (p.  121),  and  in  the 
Basle  Edition  of  1555  (p.  99).  Everywhere,  indeed,  we  are 
presented  with  lamentable  proofs  of  the  blind  confidence  re 
posed  in  it,  even  as  to  other  matters.  Thus,  the  "  Biogra 
phic  Universelle"  (art.  Gadamosto)  sharply  rebukes  GrynsBus 
for  having  stated  1504,  instead  of  1454,  as  the  year  in  which 
Cadamosto  represents  himself  to  have  been  at  Venice  previous 
to  his  voyage.  The  Itinerarium  (cap.  ii.)  is  the  source  of  this 
error.  The  explanation  does  not,  it  is  true,  relieve  Grynseus 
from  censure.  The  mistake  appears  in  the  Basle  Edition  of 
the  Novus  Orbis  of  1532  (page  5),  in  the  Paris  Edition  of 
the  same  year  (p.  3),  and  is  not  corrected  in  that  of  Basle  in 
1555  (p.  2), 

So  implicitly  has  Madrignanon  been  followed,  that  Meusel 
(Biblioth.  Hist.,  original  Leipsic  Ed.  vol.  ii.  part  ii.  p.  318) 
not  only  gives  the  year  1504,  but  finding  a  statement,  on  the 
same  page,  by  Cadamosto  as  to  his  age,  makes  a  calculation 
accordingly,  and  gravely  informs  us  that  the  voyager  must 
have  been  born  in  1483 — just,  in  fact,  twenty-nine  years  after 
the  expedition !  Meusel  finds  out  afterwards,  in  some  way, 
that  he  was  wrong,  and  throws  the  blame  (vol.  iii.  p.  159, 
160),  like  the  "  Biographic  Universelle,"  on  Grynaeus. 


253 

Even  in  translating  the  title  of  that  chapter  of  the  "  Paesi," 
(book  6,  cap.  cxxvi.)  which  contains  the  letter  of  Pasquiligi, 
the  Itinerarium  commits  a  blunder,  that  has  been,  in  the  same 
manner,  perpetuated.  In  the  original  it  runs  thus  :  "  Copia 
de  una  Lettera  de  Domino  Pietro  Pasqualigo  Oratore  della 
Illustrissima  Signoria  in  Portugallo  scripta  (a  soi  fratelli)  in 
Lisbona  adj.  xix.  Octobrio,  &c."  The  words  indicating  the 
address  we  have  placed  within  a  parenthesis,  in  order  to  mark, 
with  more  distinctness,  the  manner  in  which  it  is  plain  they 
must  be  read  and  understood.  The  place,  as  well  as  the  time, 
mentioned  are  parts  of  the  date  of  the  letter,  for  Pasquiligi  is 
obviously  conveying  intelligence  from  Lisbon,  where  Corte- 
real  had  arrived,  to  his  brothers  in  Italy.  Not  attending  to  a 
matter  so  obvious,  the  Itinerarium  (fol.  Ixxix.)  represents  the 
personages  addressed  as  residing  in  Lisbon,  "ad  germanos 
suos  in  Ulisbona  commorantcs  !"  This  absurdity  also  is 
copied  into  the  Novus  Orbis  (Basle  Ed.  of  1532,  p.  138  ; 
Paris  Ed.  same  year,  p.  121;  and  the  Basle  Ed.  of  1555,  p.  99). 

Such,  then,  is  the  unhappy  fate  of  a  modern  reader.  By 
the  writers  who  minister  to  his  instruction  it  is  deemed  a  won 
derful  effort  to  go  back  to  the  Novus  Orbis  of  1555.  To  con 
sult  the  earlier  editions  of  1532  would  be  considered  quite  an 
affectation  of  research.  Yet  on  reaching  that  distant  point,  it 
is  plain  we  cannot  read  a  single  line  without  a  distressing  un 
certainty  whether  it  may  not  merely  reflect  the  dishonesty, 
or  ignorance,  of  an  intermediate  translator,  .instead  of  the 
meaning  of  the  original  work. 

The  question  how  far  the  author  of  the  "  Paesi"  was  in 
debted  to  previous  publications,  now  finally  lost,  for  part  of 
his  materials,  particularly  as  to  the  first  four  books,  is  one  of 
much  curiosity,  and  with  regard  to  which  a  great  deal  has 
been  said  by  many  learned  critics  who  had  plainly  never  ex 
amined  any  one  of  its  pages ;  but  the  inquiry  would  here  be 
irrelevant,  as  it  is  not  pretended  that  the  Letter  pf  Pasquiligi 
and  the  others  addressed  to  persons  in  Italy,  given  in  Book 
Sixth,  had  ever  before  appeared  in  print.  The  remarks  pre 
pared  on  that  point  are,  therefore,  withheld,  as  they  would 


254 

unwarrantably  swell  a  part  of  the  subject  which  has  already 
expanded  beyond  its  due  proportion. 

The  name  Labrador  or  Laborer,  connected  with  the  per 
version  by  the  Itinerarium  of  "  very  populous"  into  "  admi 
rably  cultivated,"  has  led  to  a  singular  medley  of  errors  in  all 
the  accounts  of  Cortereal's  voyage.  It  would  require  a  vol 
ume  to  exhibit  them,  but  a  reference  to  a  few  of  the  more 
recent  writers  will  show  how  completely  all  the  sources  of 
information  within  their  reach  had  been  poisoned.  Thus  M. 
Fleurieuy  in  his  Introduction  to  the  Voyage  de  Marchand 
(torn.  i.  p.  5),  says: — 

"  En  1500  ou  1501  Gaspar  de  Cortereal,  Portugais,  homme  de  nalssance  partit  de 
Lisbone,  arriva  a  Terre  Neuve,  en  visita  la  cote  orientale,  se  presenta  a  1'embou- 
chure  du  fleuve  Saint  Laurent,  decouvrit  au-dessus  du  cinquantieme  Parallile  une 
Terre  qu'ilnomma  de  Labrador  parce  qu'il  Izjugeapropre  au  labourage  et  a  la  cul 
ture,  parvint,  enfin,  remontant  vers  le  Nord  a  1'entree"  d'un  Detroit  auquel  il  imposa 
le  nom  de  Detroit  d'Anian  et  qui  plus  de  cent  ans  apre"s  fut  appelle  Detroit  de 
Hudson,*  &c." 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Baron  Humboldt  (Essai  Politique 
sur  le  Royaume  de  la  Nouvelle  Espagne,  Lib.  iii.  ch.  viii.) 
should  have  hastily  given  an  incidental  sanction  to  a  passage 
replete  with  errors  of  every  description. 

Mr  Barrow,  with  that  wary  caution  which  is  generally  the 
result  of  long  official  training,  does  not  dwell  on  this  perplex 
ing  point,  but  others  have  rushed  in  where  he  dared  not  tread : 

"  That  part  of  it  which  being  on  this  side  of  the  50th  degree  of  N.  latitude  he 
thought  was  still  Jit  for  tillage  and  cultivation  he  named  Terra  de  Labrador"  (Fors- 
ter,  p.  450).  "  He  arrived  at  Conception  Bay  in  Newfoundland,  explored  the  East 
Coast  of  that  Island,  and  afterwards  discovered  the  River  St  Lawrence.  To  the 
next  country  which  he  discovered  he  gave  the  name  of  Labrador,  because  from  its 
latitude  and  appearance  it  seemed  to 'him  better  fitted  for  culture  than  his  other  dis 
coveries  in  this  part  of  America."  (Kerr^s  Collection  of  Voyages,  8cc.  vol.  xviii. 
p.  354.)  "He  appears  first  to  have  reached  Newfoundland,  whence  pushing  to 
the  North  he  came,  to  that  great  range  of  Coast  to  which  from  some  very  superficial 
observation  he  gave  the  name  of  Labrador  or  the  Laborers  Coast"  (Historical  Ac 
count  of  Discoveries  and  Travels  in  North  America,  &c.  by  Hugh  Murray,  Esq. 
vol.  i.  p.  69). 

Mr  Barrow  must  have  a  further  hearing  (p.  41). 

"  To  this  evidence  may  also  be  added  that  of  Ramusio,  whose  accuracy  in  such 

*  So  the  Biographie  Universelle  (art.  Cortereal),  «'  Ce  detroit  auquel  il  donna  le 
nom  d'Anian  a  recu  depuis  celui  cF  Hudson." 


255 

matters  is  well  known.  The  following  extract  is  taken  from  his  discourse  on  Terra 
Ilnna  and  the  Oriental  Islands: — 'In  the  part  of  the  New  World  which  runs  to 
the  North- West,  opposite  to  our  habitable  Continent  of  Europe,  some  navigators 
have  sailed,  the  first  of  whom,  as  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  was  Caspar  Cortereal, 
a  Portugueze,  who  arrived  there  in  the  year  1500  with  two  Caravels,  thinking 
that  he  might  discover  some  strait  through  which  he  might  pass  by  a  shorter 
voyage  than  round  Africa,  to  the  Spice  Islands.  They  prosecuted  their  voyage  in 
those  seas  until  they  arrived  at  a  region  of  extreme  cold;  and  in  the  latitude  of  60° 
North  they  discovered  a  river  filled  with  Ice  [such  is  Mr  Barrow's  translation  of 
Ramusio's  word  neve],  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Rio  Nevado, — that  is,  Snow 
River.  They  had  not  courage  however  to  proceed  farther,  all  the  coast  which, 
runs  from  Rio  Nevado  to  Porto  das  Malvas  (Mallow  Port),  .which  lies  in  56°  and 
which  is  a  space  of  two  hundred  leagues,  See.  &c.'  " 

The  claims  of  Ramusio  (who  has  merely  put  into  words  the 
representation  of  the  Portuguese  maps)  to  extraordinary  ac 
curacy^  may  be  judged  of  by  the  assertion  made  at  the  outset 
of  the  foregoing  Extract.  He  states  Cortereal  to  be  the  first  of 
whom  he  had  heard  as  penetrating  into  this  Northern  region ; 
yet  on  the  very  same  page  which  thus  conducts  that  naviga 
tor  to  60°  he  represents  Cabot  to  have  advanced  to  67°,  and 
in  the  previous  volume  he  had  fixed  the  date  of  the  latter  en 
terprise  as  even  earlier  than  the  truth  will  warrant.  Thus 
he  is  convicted  of  the  plainest  inconsistency,  without  drawing 
to  our  aid  the  fact  just  established,  from  the  earliest  and  best 
authority,  that  Cortereal  was  defeated  in  an  effort  to  reach 
that  very  Northern  Region  which  had  been  discovered  the 
year  before. 

The  force  of  the  other  proofs  establishing  the  discrepance 
between  Ramusio's  account  and  that  of  the  Venetian  Ambass 
ador,  is  obscured  by  Mr  Barrow's  method  of  presenting  the 
subject.  He  quotes,  at  first,  as  will  be  seen  on  referring  to 
his  volume,  just  enough  to  exhibit  a  progress,  in  seeming  co 
incidence  with  Pasquiligi's  Letter,  and  then  turns  to  other 
matters.  He  does  not  revert  to  Ramusio  until  the  reader's 
attention  is  diverted  from  the  measurement  of  distances,  which 
occurs  as  the  first  test,  and  even  in  the  end  he  suppresses  a 
part  of  Ramusio's  statement  on  that  subject.  The  limited 
distance  is  exhausted,  as  we  see,  between  60°  and  56°,  and 
here  then  would  seem  to  be  that  region  which  Cortereal,  on 
account  of  its  amenity  and  smiling  groves,  denominated  Green- 


256 

land.  But  Mr  Barrow's  theory,  and  all  the  authorities,  re 
quire  that  Cortereal  should  visit  the  River  St  Lawrence. 
Whatever  scepticism  may  exist  as  to  his  having  penetrated 
into  Hudson's  Bay,  no  doubt  can 

"  occur  in  regard  to  the  St  Lawrence.  Even  without  specific  evidence,  it  might 
safely  have  been  concluded*  that  as  a  passage  to  India  was  the  grand  object  of  re 
search,  so  large  an  opening  as  is  presented  by  the  mouth  of  this  river  could  not  have 
escaped  examination.  Independent,  however,  of  this  general  reasoning,  the  evi« 
dence  famished  by  Bamusio  is  decisive.  In  describing-  the  principal  places  on  that 
coast,  he  says,  that  beyond  Capo  de  Qabo  (Cattle  Cape),  which  is  in  54°,  it  runs 
two  hundred  leagues  to  the  Westward*  to  a  great  river  called  St  Lawrence,  which 
some  considered  to  be  an  arm  of  the  sea,  and  which  the  Portuguese  ascended  to  the 
distance  of  many  leagues."  (Barrdw,  p.  43.) 

Thus  we  find  the  distance  between  56°  and  54°  entirely 
thrown  out  of  view,  and  yet  there  remains  a  (Computation  of 
four  hundred  leagues  of  coast  examined  by  Cortereal^  viz., 
two  hundred  from  Rio  Nevado  to  56°,  and  two  hundred  more 
from  54°  to  the  St  Lawrence.  To  meet  this  demand  we  have 
in  the  original  only  between  six  and  seven  hundred  miles, 
increased  by  Madrignanon  to  almost  eight  hundred !, 

The  river  laden  with  snow  (carico  de  Neve),  and  hence 
called  Bio  Nevado,  is,  doubtless,  the  St  Lawrence,  if  indeed 
the  name  and  the  circumstances  be  not  mere  fiction.  Mr 
Barrow,  however,  considers  it  to  be  Hudson's  Strait,  and 
finds  a  probability  in  "  all  the  collateral  circumstances  of  the 
Narrative,"  that  the  Portuguese  on  this  occasion  "actually 
entered  Hudson's  Bay"  (p.  4£).  Now  it  will  surely  be  con 
sidered  rather  singular  that  a  person  familiar  with  the  minia 
ture  streams  of  Portugal,  should  thus  misapply  epithets,  even 
if  we  suppose  him  to  have  erroneously  regarded  the  Strait  as 
terminating  in  itself,  and  as  thus  forming  a  great  Bay  or  Gulf ; 
yet  Mr  Barrow  is  persuaded  that  Cortereal  called  the  Strait 
Snow  Biver,  after  he  had  ascertained  it  to  be  neither  River, 
Bay  nor  Gulf,  but  a  mere  medium  of  communication  between 
different  parts  of  the  ocean ! 

On  the  map  of  Ortelius  the  Northern  Coast  of  America  is 
studded  with  Portuguese  names.  The  Letter  of  Thome  fur- 
nishes  a  satisfactory  clew  to  this  nomenclature.  The  fidelity 
of  the  representation  of  Hudson's  Bay  is  too  striking  to  have 


257 

been  the  result  of  chance.  Having,  then,  negatived  the  poss 
ibility  that  Cortereal  could  have  penetrated  into  it,  we  revert, 
with  perfect  confidence,  to  the  belief  that  Cabot's  Map,  which 
the  geographer  expressly  states  to  have  been  before  him,  must 
have  been  made  use  of.  No  difficulty  remains  if  we  suppose 
that  Ortelius  was  anxious  to  employ  all  his  materials,  so  as  not 
to  appear  behind  the  knowledge  of  his  time,  and  that  having 
adopted  the  configuration  of  the  English  Navigator  he  affixed, 
conjecturally,  the  names  found  in  profusion  on  the  maps  got 
up  at  Lisbon. 

However  this  may  have  been,  we  quit  the  voyage  ,of  Cor 
tereal  with  the  certainty  that  he  claimed  for  it  neither  origi 
nality  of  purpose  nor  success  of  execution,  but  admitted,  on 
the  contrary,  that  he  had  completely  failed  in  an  effort  to  reach 
the  point  attained  by  his  predecessor. 


2  H 


258 


CHAP.  VIL 


PROJECT  OF  CORTES  IN  1524. 

A  CONSIDERABLE  interval  now  occurs  without  any  materials 
for  the  present  review ;  and  the  second  Expedition  of  Cabot 
from  England,  in  1517,  has  already  been  considered  at  large. 

Proceeding  to  the  year  1524  we  reach  the  project  of  the 
celebrated  Cortes,  of  which  the  history  is,  fortunately,  much 
less  involved  than  that  of  Cortereal,  As  it  was  attended,  in 
deed^  with  no  interesting  results,  even  a  passing  notice  would 
be  superfluous  were  it  not  that  the  spirit  of  misrepresentation 
has  here  also  been  perversely  active  and  successful. 

We  must  be  indebted  again  to  Mr  Barrow,  whose  work, 
indeed,  is  invaluable  in  reference  to  our  present  task,  as  it  not 
only  embodies,  in  a  cheap  and  convenient  form,  all  the  mis 
takes  of  its  predecessors,  but  generally  supplies  a  good  deal 
of  curious  original  error : 

"  Cortez,  the  conqueror  and  viceroy  of  Mexico,  had  received  intelligence  of  the 
attempt  of  Cortereal  to  discover  a  Northern  passage  from  the  Atlantic  into  the 
Pacific,  and  of  his  having  entered  a  strait  to  which  he  gave  his  name.  Alive  to 
the  importance  of  the  information,  he  lost  not  a  moment  in  fitting  out  three  ships 
well  manned,  of  which  he  is  said  to  have  taken  the  command  in  person,  though 
nominally  under  the  orders  of  Francisco  Ulloa,  to  look  out  for  the  opening  of  this 
Strait  into  the  Pacific,  and  to  oppose  the  progress  of  the  Portuguese  and  other 
Europeans  who  might  attempt  the  passage.  Little  is  known  concerning  this  ex 
pedition  of  Cortez,  but  that  it  soon  returned  without  meeting  with  Cortereal,  &?c."* 

From  all  this  the  reader  naturally  infers,  that  while  the  eyes 
of  Europe  were  turned,  at  that  period,  on  Cortereal,  no  one 
had  heard  of  the  discoveries  of  Cabot,  or  at  least  that  they 
were  deemed  of  minor  importance,  After  what  has  been  said, 
in  the  preceding  Chapter,  of  the  subordinate  and  unsuccessful 

*  Barrow's  Chronological  History  of  Voyages,  p.  54* 


259 

character  of  the  Portuguese  enterprise,  it  will  no  doubt  be 
thought  extraordinary  that  such  an  erroneous  estimate  should 
have  been  made  at  that  early  day.  There  is  no  difficulty  in 
clearing  the  matter  up  from  the  very  letter  of  Cortes  himself, 
in  which  he  apprises  the  Emperor  of  his  views  on  the  subject. 
The  letter,  dated  16th  of  October,  1524,  will  be  found  in 
Barcia's  Historiadores  Primitives,  torn.  i.  p.  151,  and  is  faith 
fully  rendered  by  Ramusio  (vol.  iii.  fol.  294).  After  ex 
pressing  great  zeal  for  the  service  of  the  Emperor,  he  remarks 
that  it  seemed  to  him  no  other  enterprise  remained  by  which 
to  manifest  his  devotion  than  to  examine  the  region  between 
the  river  Panuco  (in  Mexico)  and  Florida  recently  discovered 
by  the  Adelantado  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  also  the  Coast  of  the 
said  Florida  towards  the  North  until  it  reaches  the  Baccalaos, 
holding  it  for  certain  that  along  this  coast  is  a  strait  conducting 
to  the  South  Sea  ("descubrir  entre  el  Rio  de  Panuco  i  la 
Florida,  que  es  lo  que  descubrio  el  Adelantado  Juan  Ponce  de 
Leon,  i  de  alii  la  Costa  de  la  dicha  Florida  por  la  par te  del 
Norte  hasta  llegar  a  los  Bacallaos  ;  porque  se  tiene  cierto  que 
en  aquella  costa  ai  estrecho  que  pasa  a  la  Mar  del  Sur"). 
He  states  as  a  part  of  his  plan  that  certain  vessels  in  the  Pa 
cific  should  sail  concurrently  along  the  western  coast  of  Amer 
ica,  while  the  others,  "  as  I  have  said,  proceed  up  to  the  point 
of  junction  with  the  Baccalaos,  so  that  on  the  one  side  or  the 
other  we  cannot  fail  to  ascertain  this  secret"  ("  como  he  dicho 
hasta  lajuntar  con  los  Bacallaos  ;  asi  por  una  parte  i  por  otra 
no  se  deja  de  saber  el  secreto"). 

The  reader  can  now  judge  of  Mr  Barrow's  correctness. 
The  Viceroy  "  receives  intelligence  of  the  attempt  of  Corte- 
real ;"  of  his  having  "  entered  a  strait"  which  Mr  Barrow 
pronounces  Hudson's  Strait,  and  "  loses  not  a  moment"  in 
endeavouring  to  follow  up  that  alarming  success,  when  it  ap 
pears  that  in  point  of  fact  the  interval  thus  measured  by  a 
"  moment"  was  at  least  twenty-three  years,  and  the  proposed 
survey  of  Cortes  from  Florida  point  expressly  stops  short  at 
the  Baccalaos.  There  is  not  the  slightest  reason  for  supposing 
that  Cortes  had  ever  heard  of  CortereaPs  voyage  which 


260 

amounted,  as  we  have  seen,  to  an  unsuccessful  effort,  at  first, 
to  tread  in  the  steps  of  Cabot,  and  was  afterwards  turned  into 
a  mere  kidnapping  speculation.  But  it  is  material  to  remark 
that  Cortes  has  no  other  designation  for  the  region  in  the 
North  than  that  which  Peter  Martyr,  in  his  Decades,  pub 
lished  eight  years  before,  had  stated  to  have  been  conferred 
on  it  by  Cabot. 

We  will  not  fatigue  and  disgust  the  reader  by  quoting  from 
other  writers  passages  having  the  same  tendency  to  obscure 
the  just  fame  of  the  English  Navigator. 


261 


CHAP.  VIII. 


VOYAGE  OF  STEPHEN  GOMEZ  IN  THE  SERVICE  OF  SPAIN. 

THE  expedition  next  in  order,  in  point  of  time,  is  that 
of  Stephen  Gomez,  fitted  out  by  order  of  the  Emperor 
Charles  V.  There  is -a  very  slight  and  unsatisfactory  notice 
of  it  in  Purchas  who,  instead  of  resorting  to  the  original 
sources  of  information  which  are  many  and  copious,  contents 
himself  with  referring  to  a  small  tract  by  Gaspar  Ens,  pub 
lished  at  Cologne  in  1612.  It  would  be  ungenerous  to  treat 
this  obscure  writer  with  harshness,  for  he  very  modestly  states 
that  the  accounts  at  large  being  in  foreign  languages  or  in 
bulky  volumes  ("  peregrinis  linguis  aut  magnis  voluminibus"), 
his  humble  object  was  to  prepare  a  brief  digest  of  the  prin 
cipal  heads  ("  quocirca  operse  pretium  putavi  siprsecipua  vari 
orum  navigationum  et  descriptionum  Occidentalis  India  Ca 
pita  lectori  communicarem").  Such  is  the  authority  on  which 
Purchas  gravely  relies,  and  it  is  curious  to  note  how  com 
pletely  Mr  Barrow  has,  in  consequence,  been  misled  (p.  52). 

"In  point  of  time,  however,  there  is  one  solitary  voyage  on  record  though  the 
particulars  of  it  are  so  little  known  as  almost  to  induce  a  suspicion  whether  any  such 
voyage  was  ever  performed,  which  takes  precedence  of  any  foreign  voyage  on  the 
part  of  EngUsh  Navigators  (/):  it  is  that  of  a  Spaniard,  or  rather,  perhaps,  judging 
from  the  name,  of  a  Portuguese.  To  what  part  of  the  coast  of  America  or  (/) 
Newfoundland  or  Labrador  he  directed  his  course  is  not  at  all  known.  It  is  evi 
dent,  however,  that  he  returned  without  bringing  hack  with  him  any  hope  of  a 
passage  into  the  Eastern  Seaa,  having  contented  himself  with  seizing  and  bringing1 
off  some  of  the  natives  of  the  coast  on  which  he  had  touched.  It  is  said  that 
one  of  his  friends,  accosting  him  on  his  return*  inquired  of  him  with  eagerness 
what  success  he  had  met  with  and  what  he  had  brought  back,  to  which  Gomez 
replying  shortly  '  esclavos*  (slaves),  the  friend  concluded  he  had  accomplished 
his  purpose  and  brought  back  a  cargo  of  (cloves).  On  this,  says  Purchas,  he 
posted  to  the  court  to  carry  the  first  news  of  this  spicy  discovery,  looking  for  a 
great  reward,  but  the  truth  being  known  caused  hereat  great  laughter.  Gaspar, 
in  his  History  of  the  Indies,  is  the  only  authority  for  this  voyage!" 


262 

Some  surprise  may  be  felt  that  Mr  Barrow  should  designate 
this  writer  in  a  familiar  way,  by  his  Christian  name,  evidently 
on  a  slight  acquaintance,  while  his  own  countrymen  are  quoted 
not  as  "Richard"  or  "Samuel,"  but  as  "  Hakluyt,"  and 
"  Purchas."  The  difference  of  manner  seems  to  proceed 
from  no  want  of  respect  for  the  German,  but  from  really  sup 
posing  that  in  the  reference  found  in  Purchas  to  "Gasparus 
Ens.  1.  ii.  c.  xxv."  the  marked  \vord  probably  alluded,  in 
some  quaint  way,  to  the  contents  of  the  book,  and  made  no 
part  of  the  name.  But  aside  from  this  singular  misconcep 
tion,  the  whole  scope  of  the  Secretary's  remarks  betrays  a 
more  comprehensive  ignorance  of  the  subject  than  could  have 
been  thought  possible.  Nothing  can  be  more  erroneous  than 
to  say,  that  "  Gaspar"  is  the  only  writer  who  speaks  of  this 
voyage.  There  is,  on  the  contrary,  not  a  single  author  of 
reputation  on  the  history  of  the  New  World  who  does  not  give 
an  account  of  it,  and  of  those  who  wrote pr ior  to  1612  we  may 
particularly  mention  Peter  Martyr  (Decade  vi.  ch.  x.,  and 
again  Decade  viii.  ch.  x.)  Oviedo  (Somm.  de  la  natural  y 
general  historia,  &c.  ch.  x.),  Ramusio  (vol.  iii.  fol.  52,  in 
Index  title  "Stefano"),  Gomara  (ch.  xl.),  De  Bry  (Gr.  Voy. 
part  iv,  p.  69),  Fumee  (Hist.  Gen.  des  Indes,  fol.  49),  Her- 
rera(Dec.  iii.  lib.  viii.  ch.  viii.),  the  Portuguese  writer,  Gal- 
vano,  translated  by  Hakluyt  (Ed.  of  1601,  p.  66),  Eden  (De 
cades,  fol.  213),  and  Sir  William  Monson  (Naval  Tracts, 
Book  iv. ) 

The  first  named  of  these  writers,  who  was  himself  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  is  more  than  usually  minute 
with  regard  to  this  voyage.  After  describing  the  conference 
at  Badajos  in  1524,  he  says,  "Decretum  quoque  est  ut  Ste- 
phanus  quidam  Gomez  artis  et  ipse  maritimse  peritus  alia 
tendat  via  qua  se  inquit  reperturum  inter  Baccalaos  et  Flo- 
ndas  jamdiu  nostras  terras  iter  ad  Cataiam"  (Dec,  vi.  ch.  x.).* 

*  "  It  is  decreed  that  one  Stephanas  Gomez  (who  also  himself  is  a  skilful  navi 
gator)  shall  go  another  way,  whereby,  betweene  the  Baccalaos  and  Florida,  long 
since  our  countries,  he  saith  he  will  finde  out  a  waye  to  Cataia"  (M.  Lok's  transla 
tion,  London,  1612,  fol.  246). 


263 

He  then  proceeds  to  describe  the  equipment,  and  the  In 
structions  given  by  the  Council.  In  the  8th  Decade,  ch.  x. 
we  have  an  account  of  the  return  of  Gomez — of  the  country 
visited  by  him — and  of  his  having,  in  violation  of  the  standing 
orders  on  that  subject,  forcibly  brought  off  some  of  the  in 
habitants  ("  contra  leges  a  nobis  dictatas  ne  quis  ulli  gentium 
vim  afferat").  The  jest  arising  out  of  the  mistake  of  the 
word  "esclavos"  for  "clavos"  is  not  forgotten.  All  this  is 
faithfully  rendered  in  Lok's  translation  (fol.  317).  In  Oviedo 
(Sonimario,  ch.  x.  fo.  xiv.),  we  have  the  report  made  to  the 
Emperor  on  the  return  of  Gomez : — 

"Despues  que  V.  M.  esta  en  esta  cibdad  de  Toledo  llego  a  qui  en  el  mes  de 
Noviembre  el  Piloto  Estevan  Gomez  el  qual  en  el  anno  passado  de  Mil  y  quinien- 
tos  y  veynte  y  quatro  par  mandado  de  V.  M.  fue  ala  parte  del  Norte  y  hallo  mucha 
tierra  continuada  con  la  que  se  llama  de  ks  Baccalaos  discurriendo  al  occidente  et 
pues  en  XL.  grados  y  XLI.  y  assi  algo  mas  y  algo  menos  de  donde  traxo  algunos 
Indies  y  los  ay  de  lies  al  presente  enesta  cibdad  los  quales  son  de  mayor  estatura 
quel  los  de  la  tierra  firma  segun  lo  que  dellos  paresce  comun  y  porque  el  dicho  piloto 
dize  que  vido  muchos  de  llos  y  que  son  assi  todos;  la  colores  assi  como  los  de  tierra 
firma,  y  son  grandes  frecheros  y  andan  cubiertos  de  cueros  de  venados  y  otros  ani 
mates  y  ay  en  aquella  tierra  excellentes  martas,  zebellinas  y  otros  ricos  enforros  y 
d'stas  pieles  truxo  algunas  el  dicho  Poloto,  &c." 

This  passage  is  copied  from  the  edition  of  Oviedo  in  The 
Library  of  the  British  Museum,  published  at  Toledo  on  the 
15th  February,  1526,  eighty-six  years  before  "Gaspares" 
time.  It  will  be  found  in  Ramusio  at  the  place  indicated 
above,  and  is  thus  translated  by  Richard  Eden  in  his  "De 
cades"  (fol.  213),  published  at  London  in  1555. 

•'  Shortly  after  that  Your  Majestie  came  to  the  Citie  of  Toledo  there  arryved  in 
the  moneth  of  November  Stephen  Gomez  the  Pilot,  who  the  yeare  before,  of  1524, 
by  the  commandement  of  Your  Majestie  say  led  to  the  Northe  partes  and  founde  a 
greate  parte  of  Lande  continttate  from  that  which  is  called  Baccalaos  discoursynge 
towarde  the  West  to  the  40th  and  4ilst  degree  vvhense  he  brought  certeyn  Indians 
(for  so  caule  wee  all  the  nations  of  the  new  founde  landes)  of  the  wliich  he  brought 
sum  with  him  from  thense  who  are  yet  in  Toledo  at  this  present,  and  of  greater 
stature  than  other  of  the  firme  lande  as  they  are  commonly.  Theyr  coloure  is 
much  lyke  the  other  of  the  firme  lande.  They  are  great  archers  and  go  covered 
with  the  skinnes  of  dyvers  beasts  both  wild  and  tame.  In  this  lande  are  many 
excellent  furres,  as  marterns,  sables,  and  such  other  rych  furres  of  the  which  the 
sayde  Pylot  brought  some  with  him  into  Spayne,  &c." 

It  is  of  a  voyage  set  forth  under  such  auspices,  and  the 
results  of  which  are  thus  minutely  detailed,  that  Mr  Barrow 


264 

declares  "to  what  part  of  the  Coast  of  America,  or  (!)  New 
foundland,  or  Labrador  lie  directed  his  course  is  not  at  all 
known."  In  vain  has  the  Father  of  this  portion  of  History 
given  us  the  Decree  of  a  Council  at  which  he  was  personally 
present — and  in  vain  has  another  Historian  preserved  the 
official  report  to  the  Emperor ;  Mr  Barrow  will  have  it,  that 
"  so  little  is  known  as  almost  to  induce  a  suspicion  whether 
any  such  voyage  was  ever  performed."  While  the  writers  of 
every  language  in  Europe  are  full  of  its  details — while  Eden, 
who  wrote  half  a  century  hefore  the  time  of  Caspar  Ens, 
gives  us,  in  plain  English,  the  very  degrees  of  latitude  visited 
by  Gomez — while  an  account  of  the  voyage  is  supplied  by 
Sir  William  Monson,  with  whose  writings  it  may  be  consid 
ered  the  official  duty  of  a  Secretary  of  the  Admiralty  to  be 
familiar — that  gentleman  insists  that  "  the  only  authority  for 
the  voyage"  is  the  paltry  compend  published  in.  1612 !  Such 
is  the  mode  in  which  the  British  Public  is  ministered  to  oil 
the  History  of  Maritime  Enterprise,  and  such  the  character 
of  a  book  which  Dr  Dibdin  pronounces,  in  his  Library  Com 
panion,  "  a  work  perfect  in  its  kind !" 

Mr  Barrow,  it  has  been  seen,  throws  out  a  suggestion  that 
Gomez,  from  his  name,  was  probably  a  native  of  Portugal,  and 
finding  it  somewhere  stated  that  he  sailed  with  Magellan,  ap 
peals,  in  another  passage  of  the  book,  to  that  fact  with  some 
complacency,  as  countenancing  his  shrewd  conjecture.  A 
writer  on  such  subjects  ought  surely  to  have  known  that  in 
the  brief  narrative  which  we  have  of  Magellan's  memorable, 
but  tragic,  expedition,  Gomez  occupies  a  prominent,  though 
not  very  creditable  place,  and  that  both  Herrera  (Dec.  ii.  lib. 
ix.  ch.  xv.)  and  Purchas  (vol.  i.  book  ii.  ch.  ii.  p.  34)  ex 
pressly  state  him  to  have  been  a  Portuguese.  The  "  Bio 
graphic  Universelle,"  on  the  other  hand,  not  only  pronounces 
Gomez  a  Spaniard,  but  asserts,  in  the  mere  wantonness  of 
rounding  off  a  sentence,  that  his  misconduct  towards  Magel 
lan  is  to  be  attributed  to  impatience  at  being  placed  under  the 
command  of  a  Portuguese  (Art.  Gomes)  \ 

Keeping  in  view  our  leading  purpose,  it  is  proper  to 


265 

emphatically,  that  in  every  account  of  this  voyage  distinct 
reference  is  made  to  the  antecedent  discoveries  of  Cabot — to 
the  "  Baccalaos"  which  had  been  rendered  universally  known 
by  the  work  of  Peter  Martyr,  published  eight  years  before. 
It  must  be  evident  that  if  the  Historian  just  named  confided 
in  Cabot's  veracity  he  could  not  have  anticipated  a  successful 
result  to  the  enterprise  of  Gomez,  for  he  had  described  our 
navigator  as  ranging  along  the  coast  of  America  with  the 
same  object  in  view,  as  far  south  as  the  latitude  of  Gibraltar. 
True,  he  tells  us  at  the  same  time,  that  the  Spaniards  were 
inclined  to  speak  slightingly  of  Cabot  (Dec.  iii.  c.  6),  but  his 
own  language  of  respect,  and  even  affection,  shows  that  he 
himself  cherished  no  disparaging  suspicions,  and  we  are,  there 
fore,  curious  to  know  what  part  he  took  in  the  Council  of  the 
Indies  when  Gomez  submitted  his  offer  to  find  a  passage  in 
the  very  quarter  which  Cabot  had  carefully  explored  in  vain. 
To  the  surprise  of  all  those  who  have  not  looked  closely  into 
the  subject,  there  will  be  found  in  the  8th  Dec.,  c*  10,  the 
following  expressions : — 

"Nunc  ad  Stephanum  Gomez  quern  in  calce  porrecti  libelli  (incipientis  'Prlus- 
quam')  cum  una  missum  caravela  dixi  ad  fretum  aliud  inter  Floridam  tellurem  et 
Baccalaoa  satis  tritos  quserendum.  Is  nee  freto  neque  a  se  promisso  Cataio  repertis 
regressus  est  intra  mensem  decimum  a  discessu.  Inanes  hujus  boni  hominis  fore 
cogitatus  existimavi  ego  semper  et  prseposui;  non  defuere  in  ejus  favorem  suf- 
fragia."* 

The  good  old  man  tells,  with  great  glee,  the  jest  about 
"  esclavos,"  and  chuckles  at  the  momentary  triumph  of  Ca 
bot's  enemies : — 

"  Ubi  accessit  in  portum  Chinium  unde  vela  fecerat  unus  quidam  audito  navi* 
ejus  adventu  et  quod  esclabos  (id  est  servos)  adveheret  nil  ultra  vestigans  citatissimo 
equorum  cursu  ad  nos  venlt  anhelo  spiritu  inquiens  clavis  et  preciosis  gemmis  onus- 

*  "Now  I  come  to  Stepnanus  Gomez,  who,  as  I  have  said  in  the  ende  of  that 
Booke  presented  to  your  Holiness  beginning  ("  Before  that"),  was  sent  with  one 
Caravell  to  seeke  another  Straight  between  the  land  of  Florida  and  the  Bacdaoa. 
sufficiently  known  and  frequented.  He  neither  findinge  the  Straight  nor  Cataia. 
which  he  promised,  returned  backe  within  tenn  Monethes  after  his  departure.  7 
always  thought  and  presupposed  this  good  man's  imaginations  were  vayne  and  frivo 
lous.  Yet  wanted  he  no  suffrages  and  voyces  in  his  favour  and  defence"  (Lok's 
translation,  fo.  317). 
2  I 


266 

tarn  aflfert  navim  Stephanus  Gomez,  opimam  se  habiturum  strenam  arbitratus  est, 
Ad  hanc  hujus  hominis  ineptiam  erecti  qui  rei  faverent,  universam  obtunderunt 
cum  ingenti  applausu  curiam  per  aphaeresim  dictione  detruncata  pro  esclavis  clavos 
esse  advectos  prxconando  (esclavos  enim  Hispanum  idioma  servos  appellatet  gario- 
phyllos  nuncupat  clavos)  postea  vero  quam  a  clavis  in  esclavos  fabulam  esse  trans- 
formatam  Curia  cognovit  cum  fautonim  jubilantium  erubescentia  risum  excitavit."* 

Of  Gomara's  account  it  might  be  superfluous  to  say  any 
thing;  but  he  was  Cabot's  contemporary,  and  the  passage 
illustrates  what  has  been  said,  in  another  place,  as  to  his  nar 
row  feeling  of  jealousy  towards  that  Navigator  who  had  a  few 
years  before  abandoned  the  service  of  Spain  to  rejoin  that  of 
his  native  country,  and  whom  the  King  of  England  had  re 
fused,  as  we  have  seen,  to  send  back  on  the  requisition  of 
Charles  V.  After  stating  the  departure  of  Gomez  in  pursuit 
of  the  strait  ("  endemanda  de  un  estrechoque  se  ofrecio  de 
haller  en  tierra  de  Baccalaos"),  his  return  without  success, 
and  the  jest  about  the  "  esclavos,"  he  says  (c.  xl.)  that  Gomez 
visited  a  region  "  que  aun  no  estaba  par  otro  vista  5  bien  que 
dicen  como  Sebastian  Gabato  la  tenia  primero  tanteada" 
("  which  had  never  before  been  seen  by  any  one,  though 
they  say  that  it  was  first  discovered  by  Sebastian  Cabot"). 
These  are  his  churlish  expressions  at  a  moment  when  he  has 
no  other  epithet  by  which  to  designate  the  country  visited, 
but  that  conferred  on  it  by  the  very  man  whose  merits  he 
strives,  in  this  despicable  temper,  to  depreciate ! 

In  the  "  Narrative  of  Discovery  and  Adventure  in  the  Po 
lar  Seas,  &c.  by  Professor  Leslie,  Professor  Jameson,  and 

•  "  And  when  he  came  into  the  haven  of  Clunia  from  whence  he  set  sayle,  a  cer- 
tayne  man  hearing  of  the  arrivall  of  his  Shippe  and  that  hee  had  brought  Esclavos,, 
that  is  to  say  slaves,  seekinge  no  further,  came  postinge  unto  us  with  pantinge  and 
breathless  spirit  sayinge  that  Stephanus  Gomez  bringeth  his  Shippe  laden  with 
cloves  and  precious  Stones:  and  thought  thereby  to  have  received  some  rich  pre 
sent  or  reward:  They  who  favoured  the  matter,  attentive  to  this  mann's  foolis-n  and 
idle  report,  wearied  the  whole  Court  with  exceedinge  great  applause,  cutting  the 
word  by  aphxresis  proclaimynge  that  for  esclavos  hee  hadd  brought  clavos  (for  the 
Spanish  tongue  calleth  slaves  esclavos  and  cloves  cfoww),but  after  the  Court  under- 
stoode  that  the  tale  was  transformed  from  clavos  to  slaves  they  brake  foorth  into  a 
great  laughter  to  the  shame  and  blushinge  of  the  favourers  who  had  shouted  for 
joy"  (Lok's  translation,  foL  317). 


267 

Hugh  Murray,  Esq.  F.R.S.E."  published  on  the  1st  October 
last,  there  is  found  (p.  161)  the  following  passage  : — 

"  Only  one  very  early  voyage  (from  Spain  to  the  North)  is  mentioned,  that 
namely,  which  was  undertaken  in  1524  by  Gomez,  with  a  view  of  discovering  a 
shorter  passage  to  the  Moluccas.  He  is  said  to  have  brought  home  a  few  of  the 
natives;  but  no  record  is  preserved  either  of  the  events  which  attended  his  enterprise 
or  even  of  the  coast  on  which  he  arrived.  There  remains  of  it,  as  has  been  observed, 
only  a  jest,  and  one  so  indifferent  as  not  to  be  worth  repeating." 

The  writer  might  be  excused,  perhaps,  for  not  knowing 
that  Oviedo,  in  1526,  and  Richard  Eden,  in  1555,  name  40 
and  41  degrees  of  latitude  as  points  visited  by  Gomez,  but 
what  shall  we  say  of  his  overlooking  the  following  passage  in 
a  popular  work,  published  in  1817? 

"  Une  ancienne  carte  manuscrite  dressee  en  1529  par  Diego  Ribeiro,  cosmo- 
graphe  Espagnol,  a  consent  le  souvenir  du  voyage  de  Gomez:  ony  litau  dessous 
de  1'emplacement  occup£  par  les  etats  de  New  York,  de  Connecticut  et  de  Rhode- 
Island  Terre  IPEtienne  Gomez  qu'il  decouvrif  en  1525  par  I'ordre  de  S.  M.  Hy  a 
beaucoup  d'arbres,  beaucoup  de  rodoballas,  de  saumons,  et  de  soles-  on  n'y  trouvepas 
d'or."  (Biographic  Universelle,  tit.  Gomes.) 

The  Diego  Ribeiro  here  named  had  been,  on  10th  June, 
1523,  appointed  Royal  Cosmographer,  with  a  large  salary, 
and  the  duty  committed  to  him  of  preparing  charts,  astrolabes, 
and  other  nautical  instruments  (Navarette,  Introd.  torn.  i.  p. 
cxxiv.  note  2).  The  Map  with  a  valuable  memoir,  published 
at  Weimar  in  1795,  is  in  the  Library  of  the  British  Museum. 


268 


CHAP.  IX. 


EXPEDITION  FROM  ENGLAND  IN  1  527. 
ERRONEOUS  STATEMENT  THAT  ONE  OF  THE  VESSELS  WAS  NAMED  "  DOM- 

INUS  VOBISCUM" — THEIR  NAMES  THE  "  SAMPSON"  AND  "THE  MARY  OF 
GUILFORD"—- LETTERS  FROM  THE  EXPEDITION  DATED  AT  NEWFOUND- 
LAND,  ADDRESSED  TO  HENRY  VIII.  AND  CARDINAL  WOLSEY — THE  ITAL 
IAN  NAVIGATOR,  JUAN  VERRAZANI,  ACCOMPANIES  THE  EXPEDITION  AND 

IS    KILLED  BY  THE  NATIVES LOSS    OF    THE    SAMPSON — THE    MARY   OF 

GUILFORD    VISITS    BRAZIL,    PORTO    RICO,    &C. ARRIVES    IN  ENGLAND, 

OCTOBER  1527— ROBERT  THORNE  OF  BRISTOL HIS  LETTER  COULD  NOT 

HAVE  LED  TO  THIS  EXPEDITION. 

THE  Second  Expedition  under  the  auspices  of  Henry  VIII. 
in  1527,  to  discover  a  North- West  Passage,  has  not  been 
more  fortunate  than  the  First,  in  1517,  in  escaping  perversion. 
The  statement  of  Hakluyt  (vol.  iii.  p.  129)  is  this  :— * 

"Master  Robert  Thorne  of  Bristol!,,  a  notable  member  and  ornament  of  his 
Country,  as  wel  for  his  learning  as  great  charity  to  the  poore,  in  a  letter  of  his  to 
King  Henry  the  8th  and  a  large  discourse  to  -Doctor  Leigh,  his  Ambassador  to 
Charles  the  Emperor  (which  both  are  to  be  seene  almost  at  the  beginning  of  the 
first  volume  of  this  my  Work)  exhorted  the  aforesaid  King,  with  very  weighty  and 
substantial  reasons,  to  set  forth  a  discovery  even  to  the  North  Pole.  And  that  it 
may  be  known  that  this  his  motion  took  present  effect,  I  thought  it  good  here- 
withall  to  put  down  the  testimonies  of  two  of  our  Chroniclers,  M.  Hall  and  M. 
Grafton,  who  both  write  in  this  sort.  « This  same  moneth'  (say  they)  *  King  Henry 
the  8th  sent  two  faire  Ships  wel  manned  and  victualled,  having  in  them  divers 
cunning  men  to  seek  strange  regions,  and  so  they  set  forth  out  of  the  Thames  the 
20th  day  of  May  in  the  19th  yeere  of  his  raigne,  which  was  the  yeere  our  Lord 
1527V 

"And  whereas  Master  Hall,  and  Master  Grafton  say,  that  in  those  Ships  there 
were  divers  cunning  men,  I  have  made  great  inquiry  of  such  as,  by  their  yeeres 
and  delight  in  Navigation,  might  give  me  any  light  to  know  who  those  cunning 
men  should  be,  which  were  the  directors  in  the  aforesaid  Voyage.  And  it  hath* 
been  tolde  me  by  Sir  Martine  Frobisher,  and  M.  Richard  Allen,  a  Knight  of  the 
Sepulchre,  that  a  Canon  of  Saint  Paul  in  London,  which  was  a  great  Mathematician, 
and  a  Man  indued  with  wealth,  did  much  advance  the  action,  and  went  therein  him- 
selfe  in  person,  but  what  his  name  was  I  cannot  learne  of  any.  And  furthur  they 
tolde  that  one  of  the  ships  was  called  the  Dominus  Vobiscum,  which  is  a  name  likely 
tote  given  by  a  religious  man  of  those  dayes:  and  that  say  ling  very  farre  North 
westward,  one  of  the  Ships  was  cast  away  as  it  entered  into  a  dangerous  Gulph, 


269 

about  the  great  opening:,  betweene  the  North  parts  of  Newfoundland,  and  the 
Country  lately  called  by  her  Majestic,  Meta  Incognita.  Whereupon  the  other 
ship  shaping  her  course  towards  Cape  Briton,  and  the  Coastes  of  Arambec,  and 
oftentimes  putting  their  men  on  land  to  search  the  state  of  those  unknown  regions, 
returned  home  about  the  beginning  of  October,  of  the  yere  aforesayd.  And  thus 
much  (by  reason  of  the  great  negligence  of  the  writers  of  those  times,  who  should 
have  used  more  care  in  preserving  of  the  memories  of  the  worthy  actes  of  our  Na 
tion)  is  all  that  hitherto  I  can  learne  or  find  out  of  this  voyage." 

This  is  copied  into  every  History  of  Discovery  since  that 
period  down  to  Mr  Barrow,  Dr  Lardner,  and  the  Edinburgh 
Cabinet  Library,  with  the  same  expression  of  regret  and  in 
dignation  that  no  record  should  have  been  preserved  of  the 
persons  and  vessels  employed  in  the  enterprise. 

Incredible  as  it  may  appear,  after  what  has  been  said,  there 
is  found  in  Purchas  (-vol.  iii.  p.  809),  the  very  Letter  written 
by  John  Rut,  the  commander  of  one  of  the  vessels  engaged  in 
this  expedition,  to  Henry  VIII.  from  Newfoundland,  and  an 
account  of  another  Letter  written  from  the  same  place  by  Al 
bert  de  Prato,  an  Ecclesiastic,  to  Cardinal  Wolsey.  The  Let 
ter  to  the  King  thus  appears  in  Purchas,  with  some  obvious 
imperfections : — 

"Pleasing  your  Honorable  Grace  to  heare  of  your  Servant  John  Rut,  with  all 
his  company  here,  in  good  health,  thanks  be  to  God  and  your  Graces  ship,  The" 
Mary  of  Gruitford,  with  all  her  [a  bknk  in  Purchas]  thanks  be  to  God ;  and 
if  it  please  your  honorable  Grace,  we  ranne  in  our  course  to  the  Northward,  till  we 
came  into  53  degrees,  and  there  we  found  many  great  Ilands  of  Ice  and  deepe 
water,  we  found  no  sounding,  and  then  we  durst  not  goe  no  further  to  the  North, 
ward  for  feare  of  more  Ice,  and  then  we  cast  about  to  the  Southward,  and  within 
foure  dayes  after  we  had  one  hundred  and  sixtie  fathom,  and  then  we  came  into 
52  degrees  and  fell  with  the  mayne  Land,  and  within  ten  leagues  of  the  mayne 
Land  we  met  with  a  great  Iland  of  Ice,  and  came  hard  by  her,  for  it  was  standing  in 
deepe  water,  and  so  went  in  with  Cape  de  Bas,  a  good  Harbor,  and  many  small 
Ilands,  and  a  great  fresh  River  going  up  farre  into  the  mayne  Land,  and  the  Mayne 
Land  all  wildernesse  and  mountaines  and  Woods,  and  no  naturall  ground,  but  all 
mosse,  and  no  inhabitation  nor  no  people  in  these  parts:  and  in  the  woods  we  found 
footing  of  divers  great  beasts,  but  we  saw  none  not  in  ten  leagues.  And  please 
your  Grace,  The  Samsm  and  wee  kept  cotnpany  all  the  way  till  within  two  dayes 
before  we  met  with  all  the  Ilands  of  Ice,  that  was  the  first  day  of  July  at  night,  and 
there  rose  a  great  and  a  marvailous  great  stortne,  and  much  foule  weather ;  I  trust 
in  Almightie  Jesu  to  heare  goqd  newes  of  her.  And  please  your  Grace,  we  were 
considering  and  a  writing  of  all  our  order,  how  we  would  wash  us  and  what  course 
we  would  draw  and  when  God  do  and  foule  weather  that  with  the  Cape  de  Sper 
shee  should  goe,  and  he  that  came  first  should  tarry  the  space  of  size  weeks  one 
for  another,  and  watered  at  Cape  de  Bas  ten  dayes,  oruering  of  your  Graces  ship 


270 

and  fishing,  and  so  departed  towards  the  Southward  to  seeke  our  fellow:  the  third 
day  of  August  we  entered  into  a  good  Haven,  called  St  John,  and  there  ive  found 
eleven  saile  of  Normans,  and  one  Brittaine,  and  two  Portugall  Barkes*  and  all  a  fish 
ing,  and  so  we  are  readie  to  depart  toward  Cape  de  Bas,  and  that  is  twentie  five 
leagues,  as  shortly  we  have  fished,  and  so  along  the  Coast  till  we  may  meete  with 
our  fellow,  and  so  with  all  diligence  that  lyes  in  me  toward  parts  to  that  Hands  that 
we  are  commanded  fry  the  Grace  of  God  as  we  were  commanded  at  our  departing .-  and 
thus  Jesu  save  and  keepe  your  Honorable  Grace,  and  all  your  honorable  Rever.  in 
the  Haven  of  Saint  John,  the  3  day  of  August,  written  in  haste,  1527. 

"  By  your  Servant  John  Rut  to  his  uttermost  of  his  power." 

The  Letter  to  Cardinal  Wolsey  from  Albert  de  Prato  was 
thus  addressed: — 

"  Reverend,  in  Christo*  Patri  Domino  Cardinal!  et  Domino 
Legato  Angliae."  It  began 

"  Reverendissime  in  Christo  Pater  Salutem.  Reverendiss- 
ime  Pater,  placeat  Reverendissimse  paternitati  vestrse  scire, 
Deo  favente  postquam  exivimus  a  Plemut  quae  fuit  X.  Junii," 
&c. 

Purchas  says,  "the  substance  is  the  same  with  the  former, 
and  therefore  omitted."  The  date  is  "  apud  le  Baya  Saint 
Johan  in  Terris  Novis  die  X.  Augusti  1527,  Revr.  Patr.  vest, 
humilis  servus,  Albertus  de  Prato." 

We  have  here  the  name  of  the  master  of  the  vessel,  and  also 
that,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  of  the  Canon  of  St  Paul's,  and  learn, 
further,  that  neither  of  the  vessels  was  called  the  "Dominus 
Vobiscum,"  but  that  one  was  "  The  Mary  of  Guilford,"  and 
the  other  "  The  Samson."  We  may  infer  that  the  latter 
perished  in  the  "  marvellous  great  Storm,"  by  which  the  two 
vessels  were  separated. 

The  direct  Corresppndence  with  the  King  and  the  Cardi 
nal  sufficiently  assure  us  of  the  interest  taken  by  these  per 
sonages  in  the  enterprise,  and  the  commands  pf  which  Rut 
speaks  "  at  our  departing"  as  to  the  ultimate  destination  of 
the  vessels  were  doubtless  from  the  Monarch  to  whom  the 
letter  is  addressed. 

We  have  to  state,  in  reference  to  this  enterprise,  a  convic 
tion  that  there  went  in  it  the  celebrated  Italian  Navigator, 
Juan  Verrazani,  over  whose  fate  a  singular  mystery  has  ex 
isted.  The  circumstances  which  seem  to  establish  the  fact  are 
the  following : — 


271 

In  the  year  1524,  Verrazarii,  employed  by  Francis  the  First, 
coasted  North  America  from  the  latitude  of  34°  to  50°.  The 
account  of  his  voyage,  found  in  Ramusio,  is  dated  at  Dieppe, 
8th  July,  1524.  From  this  period  we  have  no  distinct  intel 
ligence  of  him.  It  is  said  that  he  made  a  subsequent  voy 
age,  but  whence  or  whither  is  unknown,  for  the  French  and 
Italian  writers  do  not  offer  even  a  conjecture  as  to  the  cir 
cumstances  under  which  it  took  place.  That  he  made  it  in 
the  service  of  France  will  appear  improbable  when  we  look 
at  the  history  of  that  period. 

On  the  24th  February  1525  the  disastrous  battle  of  Pavia 
was  fought,  and  Francis  was  conducted  a  prisoner  to  Madrid. 
The  deplorable  condition  of  the  country  is  thus  described: — 

"  Meanwhile  France  was  filled  with  consternation.  The  King  himself  had  early 
transmitted  an  account  of  the  rout  at  Pavia  in  a  letter  to  his  Mother  delivered  by 
Pennalosa  which  contained  only  these  words,  '  Madam,  all  is  lost  except  our  Hoa- 
our.'  The  officers  who  made  their  escape  when  they  arrived  from  Italy  brought 
such  a  melancholy  detail  of  particulars  as  made  all  ranks  of  men  sensibly  feel  the 
greatness  and  extent  of  the  calamity.  France  without  its  Sovereign,  without  money 
in  her  Treasury t  without  an  Army,  without  Generah  to  command  it,  and  encompassed 
on  all  sides  by  a  victorious  and  active  enemy,  seemed  to  be  on  the  very  brink  of  destruc 
tion."* 

On  the  5th  June,  1525,  the  mother  of  Francis  appointed 
commissioners  to  seek  relief  from  Henry  VIII.  (Rymer's  Fce- 
dera,  vol.  xiv.  p.  37),  and  ultimately  a  loan  was  obtained  of 
two  millions  of  crowns  (ib.  p.  130).  Every  document  of  that 
period  serves  to  show  the  utter  prostration  of  France,  and 
the  anxiety  to  exhibit  a  sense  of  gratitude  to  England  for 
having  suddenly  become  from  an  enemy  a  preserver.  Thus, 
there  appears  (Rymer,  vol.  xiv.  p.  232)  a  document  from  the 
King  of  France,  dated  25  September  1527,  having  reference 
to  the  inconvenience  to  which  the  commerce  of  England 
might  be  subject  in  Flanders  in  consequence  of  her  new  posi 
tion,  and  appointing  Commissioners  to  secure  to  English  mer 
chants  equivalent  privileges  in  his  dominions.  It  closes 
thus: 

*  Robertson's  Charles  V.  Book  iv 


272 

"Cseteraque  demque  omniaet  singula  agere,  promittere  et  concludere  in  hoc 
negotio  suisque  circumstantiis  et  dependentiis  quibuscunqtle  quae  nosmetipsi  si 
prxsentes  agere  et  concludere  possemus,  etiam  si  talia  forent  quae  mandotum  rt~ 
quireruni  magis  spedale,  promittentes  bona  fide  et  verbo  nostro  regio.  Nos  omnia 
et  singula  per  dictos  oratores  et  Procoratores  nostros  pacta  promissa  et  conclusa 
impleturos  et  praestituros,  nee  ullo  unquam  tempore  quovis  qusesito  colore,  mfractu- 
ros  aut  contraventuros  scd  perpetu6  observaturos." 

Under  such  circumstances  it  would  be  no  matter  of  sur 
prise  to  find  the  impatient  Navigator  turning  to  the  same 
country  to  which  his  late  employers  had  become  supplicants, 
and  tendering  his  services  to  a  Monarch  whose  means  were 
as  abundant  as  his  spirit  was  sanguine  and  enterprising.  Ail 
expedition,  then,  is  fitted  out  at  this  precise  period  under  the 
auspices  of  the  King  and  Cardinal  Wolsey.  If  the  slightest 
evidence  could  be  discovered  of  communication  with  Verra- 
zani,  we  would  feel  quite  assured  that  the  one  party  would 
be  as  anxious  to  secure  his  aid  as  the  other  to  proffer  it. 

This  link  is  supplied  by  Hakluyt.  In  that  early  work,  of 
1582,  the  "  Divers  Voyages/7  we  find  the  following  state 
ment: — 

"  Master  John  Verarzanus,  which  had  been  thrice  on  that 
coast,  in  an  old  excellent  Map  which  he  gave  to  Henry  VIII.  y 
and  is  yet  in  the  custodie  of  Master  Locke,  doth  so  lay  it  out 
as  is  to  be  scene  in  the  Map  annexed  to  the  end  of  this  boke 
being  made  according  to  Verarzanus'  plot." 

It  is  impossible  to  withstand  a  conviction  that  Henry  while 
intent  on  this  enterprise  would  eagerly  enlist  the  services  of 
such  a  navigator  as  Verrazani  fortunately  thrown  out  of  em 
ployment,  and  so  well  acquainted  with  the  American  Coast, 
that  Hakluyt,  more  than  half  a  century  afterwards,  found  his 
Map  to  exhibit  the  most  accurate  representation  of  it. 

The  rumours  which  remain  as  to  the  fate  of  this  navigator 
must  now  be  examined. 

Ramusio  (torn.  iii.  fol.  417)  does  not  state  in  whose  service 
the  last  voyage  was  made,  though  from  its  connexion  with 
that  of  1524  the  reader  might  be  hastily  led  to  suppose  that 
both  were  from  the  same  country.  It  is  needless  to  repeat 
what  has  been  said  as  to  the  improbability  that  France,  during 


273 

a  period  of  dismay  and  beggary,  engaged  in  fitting  out  ex 
ploratory  voyages.  So  soon  after  the  peace  of  Cambray  as 
she  could  recruit  her  exhausted  resources,  we  find  the  well- 
known  expedition  of  Carder,  in  1534.  When  such  clear  and 
anthentic  information  exists  with  regard  to  this  last  voyage,  as 
well  as  of  the  previous  one  of  1524  under  Verrazani,  is  it  at 
all  likely  that  not  the  slightest  trace  would  be  found  of  an 
intermediate  expedition,  had  one  been  despatched?  The  cir 
cumstances  attending  the  death  of  Verrazani,  are  thus  given 
by  Rarausio: — 

<rEt  nell*  ultimo  viaggio  che  esso  fece  havendo  voluto  smontar  in  terra  con  alcuni 
compagni  furono  tutti  morti  da  quei  popoli  et  in  prcsentia  di  coloro  che  erano 
rimasi  nelle  navi  furono  arrostiti  et  mangiati."* 

Such  was  the  horrible  tale  which  Ramusio  found  current  in 
Italy.  It  is  plain,  then,  that  the  survivors  who  beheld  the 
cruelties  practised  on  the  unfortunate  captives  must  have  got 
back  in  safety,  and  made  report  of  the  dreadful  scene.  Yet 
in  the  annals  of  no  other  country  but  England  is  the  slightest 
allusion  found  to  the  departure,  or  return,  of  any  such  expe 
dition. 

There  will  now  be  perceived  the  importance  of  having 
settled  on  a  former  occasion,!  that  Oviedo,  in  his  history  of 
the  West  Indies,  represents  the  visit  of  an  English  ship  at 
Porto  Rico,  &e.,  to  have  occurred,  not  in  1517,  but  in 
1527.  It  was  then  shown  that  Herrera,  in  subsequently 
stating  the  same  transaction,  had  given  in  greater  detail  the 
testimony  of  Gines  Navarro,  the  Captain  of  the  Caravel,  who 
had  immediately  gone  off  to  the  English  ship.  Let  us  i\ow 
turn  again  to  Navarro's  statement: — 

"  They  said  that  they  were  Englishmen,  and  that  the  ship  was  from  England, 
and  that  she  and  her  consort  had  been  equipped  to  go  and  seek  the  land  of  the 
Great  Cham,  that  they  had  been  separated  in  a  tempest,  and  that  the  ship  pursuing 
her  course  had  been  in  a  frozen  sea  and  found  great  islands  of  ice,  and  that  taking 


•  "  In  the  last  voyage  which  he  made,  having  gone  on  shore  with  some  com 
panions,  they  were  all  killed  by  the  natives,  and  roasted  and  eaten  in  the  sight  of 
those  who  remained  on  board." 

f  See  page  112. 

2K 


274 

a  different  course  they  came  into  a  warm  sea  which  boiled  like  water  in  a  kettle, 
and  lest  it  might  open  the  seams  of  the  vessel,  they  proceeded  to  examine  the 
Baccalaos  where  they  found  fifty  sail  of  vessels,  Spanish,  French,  and  Portuguese, 
engaged  in  fishing,  that  going  on  shore  to  communicate  with  the  natives,  the  Piloty 
a  native  of  Piedmont,  was  killed;  that  they  proceeded  afterwards  along  the  coast 
to  the  river  Chicora,  and  crqssed  over  thence  to  the  Island  of  St  John.  Asking 
them  what  they  sought  in  these  islands,  they  said,  that  they  wished  to  explore  in 
order  to  make  report  to  the  King  of  England;  and  to  procure  a  load  of  the  Brazil 
wood."* 

Comparing  this  with  the  letter  of  Rut,  is  it  necessary  to 
enforce  the  coincidence  in  the  year — the  sailing  of  the  two 
ships  from  England — the  separation  by  tempest — the  struggle 
with  the  ice  in  the  North — the  return  to  Baccalaos — the 
vessels  found  there  engaged  in  fishing? 

Mark  too  the  death  of  the  Italian  pilot,  under  circum 
stances  which  correspond  so  well  with  the  sad  tale  reported 
to  the  friends  of  Verrazani  and  recorded  by  Ramusio ! 

It  was  probably  the  death  of  Verrazani,  and  despair  of  being 
rejoined  by  the  Sampson,  that  induced  Rut,  the  main  object 
being  frustrated,  to  seek  the  only  market  which  remained 
for  the  merchandise  with  which  the  Mary  of  Guilford  was 
freighted. 

Navarro  says,  that  the  English  spoke  of  having  proceeded 
along  the  coast  as  far  South  as  the  River  of  Chicora.  Now, 
in  describing  the  movements  of  the  expedition  to  Florida  under 
Ayllon,  in  1523,  Peter  Martyr  (Dec.  vii.  ch.  ii.)  says,  "  They 
affirm  that  these  provinces  lie  under  the  same  parallel  of  lat 
itude  with  Andalusia  in  Spain !  They  thoroughly  examined 


*  Dixeron  que  eran  Ingleses,  i  que  la  nao  era  de  Inglaterra,  i  que  aquella  i  otra 
se  avian  armado,  para  ir  £  buscar  la  Tierra  del  gran  Can,  i  que  un  temporal  las 
havia  apartado:  ique  siguiendo  esta  nao  su  viage  dieron  eji  un  mar  elado,  i  que 
hallaban  grandes  Islas  de  ielo:  i  que  torn ando  otra  derrota,  dieron  en  otra  mar 
caliente,  que  hervia  como  el  agua  en  una  caldera;  i  porque  no  se  les  derritasse  la 
brea,  fueron  £  reconocer  a  losEacallos,  adonde  hallaron  cinquenta  Naos  €astellanas 
Francesas,  i  Portuguesas,  pescando,  i  que  alii  quisieron  salir  en  tierra,  para  tomar 
lengua  de  los  Indies,  i  \esmataro7i  al  Piloto,  que  era  Piamontes  i  que  desde  alii  avian 
costeado  hasta  el  Rio  de  Chicora,  i  que  desde  este  Rio  atravesarpn  a  la  Isla  de  san 
Juan;  i  preguntando  les  le  que  buscabamen  aquellas  Islas,  dixeron,  que  las  querian 
ver,  para  dar  relacion  al  Rei  de  inglaterra  i  cargar  de  Brasil  (Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib. 
V.  cap.  iii.).' 


275 

the  principal  countries,  Chicora&nd  Duhare."  Peter  Mar 
tyr  supposes  these  regions  to  "  join  the  Baccalaos  discovered 
t)y  Cabotus  from  England/'  Amongst  the  provinces  connect 
ed  with  the  two  first  described,  he  (ib.)  expressly  mentions 
Jlrambe,  and  when  we  find  Frobisher  stating  to  Hakluyt  (3 
Hakl.  129)  a  tradition  that  the  surviving  ship  of  the  Expe 
dition  of  1527,  after  the  disaster  in  the  North,  «  shaped  her 
course  towards  Cape  Breton  and  the  Coasts  of  Jlrambec,"  we 
find  a  degree  of  harmony  pervading  these  unconnected  ac 
counts  that  is  truly  surprising. 

It  would  be  too  much,  however,  to  expect  a  minute  accuracy 
in  every  particular  of  Navarro's  report  as  to  what  he  heard 
on  board  the  English  ship.  An  error  is  probably  committed 
by  misplacing  one  of  the  incidents-.  The  alarm  about  the 
opening  of  the  seams  of  the  vessel  from  extreme  heat,  which 
appears  so  absurd  as  referred  ta  the  North,  becomes  quite 
intelligible,  when  we  recollect  that  the  English  are  represent 
ed  by  Oviedo  to  have  attempted  to  run  down  the  coast  of  Bra 
zil.  The  effect  produced  on  the  Mary  of  Guilford  was,  doubt 
less,  the  same  as  that  experienced  during  the  third  voyage  of 
Columbus,  in  1498,  when  precisely  the  same  apprehension 
are  represented  to  have  seized  his  crew. 

The  name  of  Robert  Thorne  is  associated  by  Hakluyt  and 
subsequent  writers  with  this  Expedition,  but  evidently  with 
out  due  consideration.  Thorne,  a  native  of  Bristol,  was  a 
ro ef chant- tailor  of  London,*  who  went  to  Spam  and  is  said, 
without  further  particulars  as  to  date,  to  have  addressed  the 
letter  found  ia  Hakluyt  to  Henry  VIII.  from  Seville  e<  in 
1527,"  As  the  Expedition  left  the  Thames  on  the  20th  May, 
1527,  it  is  plainly  absurd  to  suppose  that  a  letter  written  dur 
ing  that  year  could  have  been  forwarded — its  suggestions  con 
sidered  and  adopted — ^the  course  resolved  on — the  command 
ers  selected—vessels  suitable  for  such  an  enterprise  prepared 
— and  all  the  arrangements  completed  so  as  to  admit  of  this 
early  departure.  Nor  is  there  any  evidence  that  the  letter 

*  Stow's  Survey  of  London  ;  Fuller's  Worthies- 


276 

in  question  was  ever  forwarded.  It  was  handed  to  Hakluyt, 
as  he  states  in  his  work  of  1582,  by  Cyprian  Lunar,  a  son  of 
Thome's  executor.  No  doubt  Verrazani  proceeded  to  Eng 
land  immediately  on  discovering  that  in  the  confused  and  ex 
hausted  state  of  France  he  had  no  chance  of  employment ;  and 
not  more  than  sufficient  time  would  thus  be  allowed  for  ma 
turing  all  the  necessary  arrangements.  Aside  from  the  en 
terprising  temper  of  Henry  VIII.',  Verrazani  was,  perhaps, 
in  some  measure  indebted  for  success  in  his  application  to  the 
mood  of  Wolsey,  whose  resentment  at  the  supposed  treachery 
of  Charles  V.  as  to  the  election  of  a  Pope  had  at  this  time  pass 
ed  into  the  politics  of  England.  The  Cardinal's  zeal  on  behalf 
of  the  Expedition  tnay  have  been  quickened  by  knowing  how 
much  its  success  would  startle  and  annoy  the  Emperor.  We 
have  already  seen,  in  considering  the  voyage  of  1517  with 
which  this  has  been  confounded,  what  alarm  was  created  by 
intelligence  of  the  visit  of  the  Mary  of  Guilford  to  the  Islands. 
The  Emperor  was  struck  with  the  inconveniences  likely  to 
result,*  and  gave  strict  orders  to  seize  and  make  an  example 
of  any  future  intruders^ 

The  abrupt  termination  of  the  enterprise  prevents  our  being 
able  to  trace  distinctly  the  influence  on  it  of  Cabot's  previous 
voyages.  Verrazani,  in  1524,  did  not  get  further  North  than 
50°,  and  so  far  as  the  Mary  of  Guilford  advanced  beyond  that 
point  we  see  only  an  effort  to  reach  Hudson's  Strait.  It  would 
be  absurd  to  suppose  that  the  King  who  is  found  possessed  of 
Verrazani's  more  limited  map  had  not  before  him  the  bolder 
one  of  Cabot.  In  addition  to  "  the  Card"  which  Lord  Bacon 
Speaks  of  as  having  been  exhibited  by  Cabot,  the  history  of 
the  more  recent  voyage  of  1517  must  have  been  perfectly 
well  known.  Thorne  speaks  familiarly  to  Henry  VIII.  of  the 
discoveries  made  on  that  occasion  by  "*your  Grace's  subjects," 
and  the  very  mariners  employed  ten  years  before  would  of 
course  be  sought  for  and  engaged  anew.f 

•  *'Los  inconvenientes  que  podria  haver  de  la  navigation  de  esta  Nacion  a  los 
Indias."    Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  c.  iii. 
|  See  Appendix  (E.). 


277 

A  future  part  of  the  subject  will  be  understood  more  readily 
by  noting  here,  that  Frobisher  was  aware  of  the  course  taken 
on  this  occasion  and  of  the  loss  of  one  of  the  ships  in  "  a  dan 
gerous  gulf  between  the  North  parts  of  Newfoundland  and 
the  country  lately  called  by  her  Majesty  Meta  Incognita." 

It  is  impossible  to  turn  from  this  Expedition  without  ad 
verting,  in  terms  of  indignation,  to  those  who,  instead  of  look 
ing  into  the  evidence  which  strikingly  evinces  the  earnest  and 
continued  exertions  of  Henry  VIIL  in  reference  to  this  pro 
ject,  prefer  the  easier  task  of  stringing  together  such  para 
graphs  as  the  following: — 

"  Neither  was  the  turbulent,  voluptuous,  proud,  and  cruel  disposition  of  Henry 
VII  I.  arty  great  encouragement  to  men  of  abilities  and  enterprise  to  undertake 
voyages  of  discovery  K  and  thereby  expose  themselves  to  the  king's  fickle  and 
tyrannical  temper  in  case  of 'miscarriage."* 

"  JJut  it  is  more  difficult  to  discover  what  prevented  this  scheme  of  Henry  VII. 
from  being  resumed  during  the  reigns  of  his  son  and  grandson,  and  to  give  any 
reason  why  no  attempt  was  made  cither  to  explore  tie  Northern  Continent  of 
America  more  fully,  or  to  settle  in  it.  Henry  VlII.«was  frequently  at  open  enmity 
with  Spain:  the  value  of  the.  Spanish  acquisitions  in  America  had  become  so  well 
known,  as  might  have  excited  his  desire  to  obtain  some  footing  in  those  opulent 
regions;  and  during  a  considerable  part  of  his  reign,  the  prohibitions  in  a  papal 
bull  would  not  have  restrained  him  from  making  encroachments  upon  the  Spanish 
dominions.  But  the  reign  of  Henry  was  not  favourable  to  the  progress  of  discovery. 
During  one  period  of  it,  the  active  part  which  he  took  in  the  affairs  of  the  Conti 
nent,  and  the  vigour  with  which  he  engaged  in  the  contest  between  the  two 
mighty  rivals,  Charles  V.  and  Francis  I.  gave  full  occupation  to  the  enterprising 
spirit  both  of  the  King  and  his  Nobility.  During  another  period  of  his  administra 
tion,  his  famous  controversy  with  the  Court  of  Rome  kept  the  nation  in  perpetual 
agitation  and  suspense:  engrossed  by  those  objedst  neither  the  King  nor  the  Nobles 
had  inclination  or  leisure  to  turn  their  attention  to  new  pursuits  f  and  without  their 
patronage  and  aid,  the  commercial  part  of  the  nation  was  too  inconsiderable  to 
make  any  effort  of  consequence. "f 

"  That  prince,  (Henry  VIII. )  full  of  bustle,  needy  of  money,  and  not  devoid  of 
intelligence,  might  have  been  supposed  rather  prompt  to  embark  in  such  enter 
prises:  but  involved  in  so  many  disputes,  domestic  and  theological,  and  studying, 
.hough  with  little  skill,  to  hold  the  balance  between  the  two  great  continental 
rivals,  Charles  and  Francis,-he  was  insensible  to  the  glory  and  advantages  to  be  derived 
from  Maritime  Expeditions." % 

*  Forster,  Northern  Voyages,  p.  268. 
j-  Dr  Robertson's  America,  book  5x. 

J  Edinburgh  Cabinet  Library  (vol.  i.  p.  98),  by  Professors  Leslie  and  Jameson, 
and  Hugh  Murray,  Esq. 


278 


CHAP.  X. 

VOYAGE  FROM  ENGLAND  IN  1536. 

IT  has  been  thought  unnecessary  to  speak  in  detail  of  the 
Expedition  of  Verrazani  in  1524,  or  of  that  of  Cartier  in 
1534,  as  they  did  not  advance  beyond  the  points  which  for 
mer  Navigators  had  rendered  quite  familiar.  Of  a  subse 
quent  voyage  from  England,  in  1536,  our  information,  de 
rived  altogether  from  Hakluyt,  is  quite  meagre,  but  there  was 
evidently  contemplated  a  more  adventurous  range  of  search. 
The  scheme  originated  with  "one  Master  Hore  of  London, 
a  man  of  goodly  stature  and  of  great  courage,  and  given  to 
studie  of  cosmography  ."*  Amongst  the  company,  it  is  stated, 
were  "  many  gentlemen  of  the  Inns  of  Court,  and  of  the  Chan- 
cerie"  One  of  the  persons  particularly  spoken  of,  is  "  M. 
Rastall,  Sergeant  RastalPs  brother,"  a  name  familiar  in  the 
Law,  from  the  well-known  "Entries*'  of  the  brother  here 
alluded  to*  After  a  tedious  passage,  the  gentlemen  reached 
Cape  Breton  #nd  proceeded  Northward,  but  seem  to  have 
made  little,  progress  when  they  were  arrested  by  famine, 
which  became  so  pinching  that  one  individual  killed  his  com 
panion  "  while  he  stooped  to  take  up  a  root  for  his  relief,"! 
and  having  appeased  the  pangs  of  hunger,  hid  the  body  for 
his  own  future  use.  It  being  ascertained  that  he  had  some 
where  a  concealed  store  of  animal  food,  he  was  reproached 
for  his  base  selfishness,  "  and  this  matter  growing  to  cruel 
speeches,"^  he  stated  plainly  what  he  had  done.  The  Chief 
of  the  Expedition  was  greatly  shocked  at  this  horrible  dis 
covery,  "  and  made  a  potable  oration,  containing  how  much 
these  dealings  offended  tHe  Almightie,  and  vouched  the  Scrip- 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  in.  p.  129.  f  Ibid.  vol.  Hi.  p.  130.  f  Ib. 


279 

tures  from  first  to  last  what  God  had  in  cases  of  distresse  done 
for  them  that  called  upon  Him,  and  told  them  that  the  power 
of  the  Almighty  was  then  no  lesse  than  in  all  former  time  it 
had  bene.     And  added,  that  if  it  had  not  pleased  God  to  have 
holpen  them  in  that  distresse,  that  it  had  bene  better  to  have 
perished  in  body,  and  to  have  lived  everlastingly,  than  to 
have  relieved  for  a  poore  time  their  mortal   bodyes,  and  to 
be  condemned  everlastingly  both   body  and  soul  to  the  un 
quenchable  fire  of  hell."*     But  in  vain  did  this  good  man, 
who  was  not  himself  of  the  Profession,  entreat  his  associates 
to  combat  the  unhappy  tendency  to  prey  on  their  fellow-crea 
tures  ;  and  they  were  about  to  cast  lots  to  ascertain  who  should 
be  killed,  when  a  French  vessel  unexpectedly  arrived  "well 
furnished  with  vittaile."     Notwithstanding  the  amity  of  the 
two  nations,  it  was  decided,  in  the  multitude  of  Counsellors, 
to  consult  their  own  safety  at  the  expense  of  the  new  comers. 
The  case  being  one  of  plain  necessity,  they  resolved  to  acton 
the  familiar  maxim  which  permits  the  law  to  slumber  in  such 
emergencies,  and  to  get  possession  of  the  French  vessel,  view 
ing  it,  doubtless,  if  any  argument  was  had,  in  the  light  of  the 
tabula  in  naufragio  spoken  of  in  the  books. 

The  thing  would  seem  to  have  been  managed  with  fair 
Words  and  characteristic  adroitness.  Hakluyt  got  his  informa 
tion  from  Mr  Thomas  Buts,  of  Norfolk,  whom  he  rode  two 
hundred  miles  to  see,  "  as  being  the  only  man  now  alive  that 
was  in  this  discoverie.?;  Buts  musjt  have  heen  very  young  at 
the  time  of  the  Expedition — probably  in  London  as  a  student 
of  law  or  articled  to  an  attorney — and  it  can  hardly  be  sup 
posed  that  he  was  trusted  with  a  prominent  part  at  this  inter 
esting  crisis,  when  there  were  on  board  men  of  the  experience 
of  Rastall  and  the  others.  Yet  there  was  evidently  a  touch  of 
vain-glory  about  his  narrative  to  Hakluyt — something  of  the 
"pars  fui?? — and  the  old  man,  though  long  retired  from  busi 
ness,  kindled  up  at  the  reminiscence :  "  Such  was  thepolicie 
of  the  English  that  they  became  masters  of  the  same,  and 

*  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  130. 


280 

changing  Ships  and  vittailing  them  they  set  sayle  to  come 
into  England  !"*  The  despoiled  Frenchmen  followed  these 
harpies  of  the  law,  and  made  complaint  to  Henry  VIII. 

"  The  King-  causing  the  matter  to  be  examined  and  finding  the  great  distresse 
of  his  subjects,  and  the  causes  of  the  dealing  with  the  French,  was  so  moved  with 
pilie  that  he  punished  not  his  subjects,  hut  of  his  own  purse  made  full  and  royal 
recompense  unto  the  French."f 

It  had  been  stated  at  the  outset  that  the  adventurers  were 
"  assisted  hy  the  King's  favour  and  good  countenance,"  which, 
with  his  subsequent  clemency  and  generosity,  may  furnish  a 
suitable  answer  to  the  silly  tirade  of  Forster. 

•  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  131.  f  Ib- 


281 


CHAP.  XL 

EXPEDITION  OF  CORTEREAL  IN  1574,  AND  RETROSPECT  TO  A  PRETENDED 
VOYAGE  BY  A  PERSON  OF  THE  SAME  NAME  IN  1464. 

THE  long  interval  between  the  voyage  of  1536  and  that  of 
Frobisher  supplies  nothing  worthy  of  particular  notice.  One 
incident,  however,  may  be  glanced  at,  because  it  is  probably 
connected  with  a  misconception  as  to  a  pretended  expedition 
of  much  earlier  date. 

In  the  work  of  Hakluyt  published  in  1582,  we  find  the  fol 
lowing  passage: — 

"Averielate  and  great  probabilitie  of  a  passage  by  the  North- West  part  of 
America  in  58  degrees  of  Northerly  latitude.  An  excellent  learned  Man  of  Por 
tugal  of  singular  gravety,  authoritie  and  experience  tolde  me  very  lately  that  one 
Anus  Cortereal  Captayne  of  Hut  yle  of  Tercera.  about  the  yeare  1574  which  is  not 
above  eight  years  past  sent  a  shippe  to  discover  the  North  West  Passage  of  Ame 
rica  and  that  the  same  shippe  arriving  on  the  Coast  of  the  said  America  in  fiftie 
eyghte  degrees  of  Latitude  found  a  great  entrance  exceeding  deepe  without  afl 
impediment  of  ice,  into  which  they  passed  above  -twentie  leagues  and  found  it 
alwaies  to  trende  towards  the  South  the  lande  lying  low  and  plain  on  either  side. 
And  that  they  persuaded  themselves  verily  that  there  was  a  way  open  into  the 
South  Sea.  But  their  victuals  fay  ling-  them  and  they  beeing  but  one  Shippe  they 
returned  backe  agayne  with  joy." 

Nothing  further  is  heard  on  the  subject. 

One  of  the  idlest  of  the  numerous  efforts  to  detract  from  the 
fame. of  those  who  led  the  way  in  the  career  of  discovery^  is 
the  assertion  that  Newfoundland  was  discovered  by  a  person 
named  Cortereal  as  early  as  1464,  twenty-eight  years  before 
the  enterprise  of  Columbus.  The  following  passage  on  the 
subject  is  found,  in  Mr  Barrow's  Chronological  History  of 
Voyages  (p.  37). 

"  The  first  Navigator  of  the  name  of  Cortereal,  who  engaged  in  this  enterprise, 
was  John  Vaz  Costa  Cortereal,  a  Gentleman  of  the  Household  of  the  Infanta  Don 
Fernando— who,  accompanied  by  Alvaro  Martens  Hornea,  explore4  the  northern 

2L 


282 

seas,  by  order  of  King  Alfonso  the  Fifth,  and  discovered  the  Terra  de  Saccalhaos 
(the  land  of  Cod  Fish)  afterwards  called  Newfoundland. 

"This  voyage  is  mentioned  by  Cordeiro,  (Historta  Insulana  Cordeiro  I  vol.  fol ) 
but  he  does  not  state  the  exact  date,  which  however  is  ascertained  to  have  been 
in  1463  or  1464;  for  on  their  return  from  the  discovery  of  Newfoundland,  or  Terra 
Nova,  they  touched  at  the  Island*of  Terceira,  the  Captaincy  of  which  Island  having 
become  vacant  by  the  death  of  Jacome  Bruges,  they  solicited  the  appointment,  and 
in  reward  for  their  services  the  request  was  granted,  their  patent  commission  being 
feted  in  Evora,2nd  April  1464. 

"Notwithstanding  this  early  date  of  a  voyage  across  the  Atlantic,  there  exists 
no  document  to  prove  that  any  thing  further  was  done  by  the  ^Portuguese,  in  the 
way  of  discovery,  till  towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century;  and  if  the  evidence 
of  that  in  question  rested  on  this  single  testimony  of  Cordeiro,  and  on  the  fact  of 
the  Patent,  it  would  scarcely  be  considered  as  sufficiently  strong  to  deprive  Cabo- 
tas  of  the  honour  of  being  the  first  who  discovered  Newfoundland  ;  at  the  same 
time  if  the  Patent  should  specify  the  service  for  which  it  Was  granted,  and  that 
service  w  stated  to  be  the  discovery  of  Newfoundland,  the  evidence  would  go  far  in 
favour  of  the  elder  Cortereal." 

Supposing,  for  a  moment,  the  statement  here  made  to  be 
correct,  it  must  doubtless  be  received  with  astonishment.  In 
all  the  eager  controversies  between  Spain  and  Portugal,  grow 
ing  out  of  the  discovery  of  America  by  the  former  power,  not 
the  slightest  reference  is  made  to  this  antecedent  voyage,  al 
though  we  are  apprised,  by  the  letter  of  Thorne,  of  a  resort 
even  to  the  falsification  of  maps.  Is  it  possible  that  Portugal, 
during  the  most  stirring  period  of  her  history,  would  not  at 
tempt  to  follow  up  a  discovery  which  was  yet  deemed  worthy  of 
a  signal  reward?  The  younger  Cortereal,  moreover,  we  have 
seen,  speaks  of  the  country  visited  by  him  in  1501  as  before 
altogether  unknown,  and  of  that  lying  further  north  as  discov 
ered  only  the  year  before.  Would  such  language  have  been 
used  by  him,  or  endured  by  his  countrymen,  if  he  had  merely 
revisited  a  region  discovered  thirty -seven  years  before  by  a 
member  of  the  same  family  ? 

We  have  in  the  work  of  the  Portuguese  writer  Galvano* 
translated  by  Hakluyt,  a  minute  and  copious  History  of  Mar 
itime  Discovery,  in  which,  though  the  voyage  of  Caspar 
Cortereal  is  particularly  described,  not  the  slightest  allusion  is 
found  to  this  earlier  enterprise. 

It  will  probably  be  considered,  also,  rather  remarkable  that 
when  Columbus,  twenty  years  after  this  discovery,  submitted 


283 

to  the  Court  of  Portugal  hts  project  for  seeking  land  in  the 
West,  it  was  referred  to  a  learned  Junto,  who  pronounced  it 
extravagant  and  visionary,  and  that  on  appeal  to  the  Council 
this  decision  was  affirmed.  To  remove  all  doubt  a  Caravel 
was  secretly  sent  to  sea,  provided  with  the  instructions  of  Co 
lumbus,  and  her  return,  not  long  after,  without  success,  was 
considered  to  establish,  conclusively,  the  impracticable  char 
acter  of  the  scheme. 

But  it  happens  that  Mr  Barrow,  in  putting  forth  the  state 
ment,  has  not  looked  even  into  the  work  which  he  professes 
to  cite  as  his  authority.  The  volume  of  Cordeyro  was  pub 
lished  in  1717,  and  is  entitled  "  Historia  Insulana  das  Ilhas  a 
Portugal  sugeytas  no  Oceano  Occidental."  Of  it,  and.  of  its 
author  so  little  is  known  that  his  name  does  not  find  a  place 
even  in  the  Biographic  Universelle.  A  greater  part  is  occu 
pied  with  adulation  of  some  of  the  principal  families  of  the 
different  islands  ;  yet  there  is  supplied  the  very  Document  at 
full  length,  to  whose  possible  language  Mr  Barrow  hypothet- 
ically  attaches  so  much  importance.  A  copy  of  the  work  is 
found  in  the  Library  of  the  British  Museum.  The  Commiss 
ion  of  Cortereal,  as  Governor  of  Terceira,  bears  date  (p.  246), 
Evora,  12  April,  1464,  and  in  the  consideration  recited  for 
the  grant  not  the  slightest  reference  is  made  to  any  such  dis 
covery.* 

Thus  does  the  evidence  in  support  of  this  preposterous 
claim  disappear.  The  whole  story  had  probably  its  origin  in 
some  confused  tradition  whicn  reached  Cordeyro  as  to  the 
voyage  of  1574.  Yet  mark  how  Error,  "  like  to  an  entered 
tide,  rushes  by  and  leaves"  even  Mr  Barrow  hindmost  . 

"  There  seems  little  reason  to  doubt  that  a  Portuguese  navigator  had  discovered 
Newfoundland  long  before  the,  time  of  Cabot.  John  Vaz  Casta  Cortereal,  a  gentle 
man  of  the  Royal  Household,  had  explored  the  Northern  Seas  by  order  of  Alphonso 

*  **  E  considerando  en  de  outra  parte  os  services  que  Joao  Vas  Cortereal,  fidalgo 
da  casa  do  dito  Senhor  meu  filho,  tern  feyto  ao  Infante  meu  Senhor  seu  padre  que 
Deos  haja,.8c  depois  a  mim  &  a  elle,  confiando  em  a  sua  bondade,  &  lealdade,  & 
vendo  a  sua  disposicao,  a  qual  he  para,  poder  servir  o  dito  S«bhor  &  manter  seu 
direyto,  &,  justica,  em  galardao  dos  ditos  services  Ihe  fiz  merce  de  Capitania  da  flha 
Terceyra." 


284 

the  V.  about  the  year  1463,  and  discovered  the  Terra  dt  Baccalhao*  or  land  of  Cod 
fish,  afterwards  called  Newfoundland."* 

As  authority  for  these  assertions,  Mr  Barrow  is  cited ! 
Again: 

"This  house  was  that  of  Cortereal:  for  a  member  of  which,  John  Vaz  Cortereal, 
claims  are  advanced  as  having  discovered  Newfoundland  nearly  a  century  ( ! )  before 
the  celebrated  voyages  of  Columbus  or  Cabot. "f 

•  Dr  Lardner's  Cyclopaedia,  History  of  Maritime  and  Inland  discovery,  vol.  ii. 
p.  138. 

f  Edinburgh  Cabinet  Library,  by  Professors  Leslie  and  Jameson,  and  Hugh 
Murray,  Esq.  vol.  i.  p.  158. 


285 


CHAP.  XII. 

SIR  MARTIN  FROBISHER. 

To  exhibit  a  just  estimate  of  the  merits  of  this  navigator,  is 
one  of  the  gravest  portions  of  the  duty  that  remains  to  be  per 
formed.  There  will  here  be  found,  probably,  the  most  striking 
proof  yet  presented  of  injustice  to  the  fame  of  Sebastian  Cabot. 

Had  Frobisher  seen  the  tract  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert? 
The  question  may  not,  perhaps,  be  deemed  one  of  essential 
importance,  when  we  know  that  Ramusio,  twenty-two  years 
before,  had  furnished  a  statement,  which  it  is  impossible  to 
misunderstand,  of  the  course  pursued,  and  of  the  point  attain 
ed,  by  Cabot,  and  that  there  was  suspended  in  the  Queen's 
Gallery  the  Map,  exhibiting  his  discoveries,  referred  to  in 
that  tract.  Yet  the  evidence  happens  to  be  so  singularly  con 
clusive  as  to  invite  the  inquiry. 

A  doubt,  indeed,  on  the  subject  has  arisen  only  from  the 
conduct  of  Hakluyt,  who  in  giving  a  place  to  the  work  of  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert  has  suppressed  the  very  curious  and  in 
teresting  explanation  of  its  history ;  and,  owing  to  the  blind 
confidence  in  that  compiler,  no  one  has  since  thought  of  going 
beyond  his  volumes.  There  is,  fortunately,  a  copy  of  the 
original  publication  in  the  Library  of  the  British  Museum 
(tide  in  catalogue  Gilbert). 

The  tract  was  published  on  the  12  April  1576,  and  is  pre 
ceded  by  an  Address  to  the  reader  from  George  Gascoigne, 
who  thus  explains  the  manner  in  which  it  came  into  his  pos 
session  : 

"Now  it  happened  that  myself  being-  one  (amongst  many)  beholden  to  the  said 
Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  for  sundry  courtesies,  did  come  to  visit  him  in  the  winter 
last  past,  at  his  house  in  Limehouse,  and  being  very  bold  to  demand  of  him,  how 
he  spent  his  time  in  this  loitering  vacation  from  martial  stratagems,  he  courteously 
took  me  into  his  study,  and  there  .shewed  me  sundry  profitable  and  very  com- 


386. 

mendable  exercises  which  he  had  perfected  painfully  with  his  own  pen,  and  amongst 
the  rest  this  present  discovery.  The  which,  as  well  because  it  was  not  long,  as 
also,  because  I  understood  that  M»  Forboiser,  a  kinsman  of  mine,  did  pretend  to 
travel  in  the  same  discovery  t 1  craved  it  at  the  said  Sir  Humphrey's  hand  for  two  or 
three  days." 

Gascoigne  retained  possession  of  the  tract,  and  subsequently 
published  it. 

Frobisher  (or  Forboiser  as  he  is  more  commonly  called  in 
the  old  accounts)  sailed  from  Gravesend,  on  his  first  voyage, 
12  June,  1576.  We  thus  find  that  the  tract  was  obtained  by 
a  kinsman,  for  his  use,  the  preceding  winter,  and  that  it  even 
appeared  in  print  two  months  before  Frobisher  left  the 
Thames.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  it  (Hakluyt,  vol. 
iii.  p.  16). 

"  Sebastian  Cabota  by  his  personal  experience  and  travel  bath  set  forth  and  de 
scribed  this  passage  in  his  Charts,  which  are  yet  to  be  seen  in  the  Queen's  Majesty's 
Privy  Gallery  at  Whitehall,  who  was  sent  to  make  this  discovery  by  King  Henry 
VH.  and  entered  the  same  fret:  affirming  that  he  sailed  very  far  westward  with  a 
quarter  of  the  North  on  the  North  side  of  Terra  de  Labrador  the  llth  of  June, 
until  he  came  to  the  Septentrional  latitude  of  67°  and-a-halfj  end  finding  the  sea 
still  open  said,  that  he  might  and  would  have  gone  to  Cataia  if  the  mutiny  of  the 
master  and  mariners  had  not  been." 

There  is  another  tract  in  Hakluyt  (vol.  iii.  p.  24)  already 
referred  to,  entitled  "Certain  other  reasons  or  arguments  to 
prove  a  passage  by  the  North- West,  learnedly  written  by  Mr 
Richard  Willes,  Gentleman."  Here,  also,  a  perilous  discre 
tion  has  been-  exercised  in  the  way  of  curtailment.  The  Ess 
ay  appeared  originally  in  a  new  edition  of  Richard  Eden's 
Decades,  published  by  Willes,  in  1577.*  The  tract  is  ad 
dressed  to  the-  Countess  of  Warwick  whose  husband  was  the 
patron  of  Frobisher,  and  is  headed  "  For  M.  Captayne  Fro 
bisher,  passage  by  the  North- West"  (fol.  230).  That  Willes 
had  been  solicited  to  prepare  it  is  apparent  from  the  conclu 
sion  (fol.  236). 

'*  Thus  much,  Right  Honorable,  my  very  good  Lady,  of  your  question  concern 
ing  your  servant's  voyage.  If  not  so  skilfully  as  I  would,  and  was  desirous  fully  to 
do,  at  the  least  as  I  could  and  leisure  suffered  me,  for  the  little  knowledge  God 

•  "  The  History  of  Travayle  in  the  West  and  East  Indies,  8cc.  by  Richard  Eden. 
Newly  set  in  order,  augmented  and  finished  by  Richarde  Willes.  London,  1577." 


287 

hath  lent  me,  if  it  be  any  at  all,  in  cosmography  and  philosophy,  and  the  small 
experience  I  have  in  trayaile.  Chosing  rather  in  the  clear  judgment  of  your  hon 
ourable  mind  to  appear  rude  and  ignorant,  and  so  to  be  scene  unto  the  multitude, 
than  to  be  found  unthankful  and  careless  in  anything  your  Honour  should  com- 
mande  me.  God  preserve  your  Honor.  At  the  Court  the  20  of  March,  your 
Honor's  most  humbly  at  commandment  Richard  Willes,"' 

This  Tract  was  prepared  after  the  first  voyage  of  Fro 
bisher,  and  reference  is  made  in  it  to  a  document  now  lost, 
viz.,  the  Chart  drawn  by  Frobisher  to  exhibit  the  course  he 
had  pursued.  The  account  given  by  Willes  of  Cabot's  de 
scription  of  the  Strait  corresponds  with  that  supplied  by  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  but  it  is,  as  has  been  shown  on  a  former 
occasion,  more  explicit. 

"Cabota  was  not  only  a.  Skilful  Seaman  but  a  long  travailer,  and  such  a  one  as 
mtered personally  that  Strait  sent  by  King  Henry  VII.  to  make  the  aforesaid  dis 
covery,  as  in  his  own  Discourse  of  Navigation  you  may  read  in  his  Card  drawn 
with  his  own  hand;  the  mouth  of  the  North- Western  Strait  lieth  near  the  318  me 
ridian  [60°  W.  Long,  from  Greenwich]  between  61  and  64°  in  elevation  continuing 
the  same  breadth  about  ten  degrees  West  where  it  openeth  Southerly  more  and 
more"  (fol.  233). 

That  Frobisher  was  considered  as  having  done  nothing 
more,  on  his  first  voyage,  than  to  act  on  the  suggestions  of 
Cabot,  and  as  far  as  he  went  to  confirm  them,  may  be  inferred 
from  another  passage.  It  was  plain  that  he  had  not  penetrated 
to  the  extent  mentioned  by  Cabot,  yet  he  had  followed  the  in 
structions  as  to  the  quarter  where  the  Strait  was  to  be  found, 
and  his  partial  success  inspired  a  hope  that  he  might,  in  a 
second  attempt,  urge  his  way  through.  That  this  was  the 
extent  of  the  merit  claimed  for  the  recent  voyage  is  plain 
from  the  language  which  Willes  addresses  to  a  lady  whose 
influence  had  been  mainly  instrumental  in  setting  it  forth. 
After  representing  the  Strait  to  be  "  betwixt  the  61  st  and 
64th  degrees  North,"  he  adds,  "  So  left  by  our  countryman 
Sebastian  Cabote  in  his  Table,  the  which  my  good  Lord  your 
father  [The  Earl  of  Bedford]  hath  at  Cheynies  and  so  tried 
this  last  year  by  your  Honor's  Servant  as  he  reported  and  his 
Card  and  Compass  do  witness"  (fol.  232). 

The  very  history  of  the  voyages  themselves  is  stripped  by 
Hakluyt  of  the  evidence  they  furnish  as  to  a  knowledge  of 


288 

Cabot's  previous  enterprise.  Thus  we  have  (vol.  iii.  p.  47) 
the  account  of  three  voyages  "  penned  by  Master  George 
Best,  a  gentleman  employed  in  the  same  voyage,"  and  find 
(p.  60)  that  this,  gentleman  was  the  Lieutenant  of  the  Admi 
ral's  ship.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  King's  Library  (title  in 
catalogue  Frobisher)  of  his  work  as  originally  published  in 
1578  ;  and  prefixed  to  it  is  a  long  and  interesting  Dedication 
to  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  of  which  no  part  is  found  in  Hak- 
luyt.  Amongst  other  things  he  says,  "  And  Sebastian  Ca- 
bote  being  an  Englishman  and  born  in  Brystowe,  after  he  had 
discovered  sundry  parts  of  Newfoundland  and  attempted  the 
passage  to  Cataya  by  the  North- West  for  the  King  of  Eng 
land,  for  lack  of  entertainment  here  {notwithstanding  his  good 
desert)  was  forced  to  seek  to  the  King  of  Spain." 

There  was  another  work  published  during  the  same  year, 
entitled  "A  Prayse  and  Reporte  of  Master  Martin  For- 
baisher*s  voyage  to  Meta  Incognita  by  Thomas  Churchyard" 
(Library  of  British  Museum,  title  in  catalogue  Churchyard), 
in  which  the  writer  says,  "  Gabotha  was  the  first  in  King 
Henry  VII.'s  days  that  discovered  this  frozen  land,  or  Seas 
from  Sixty-seven  towards  the  North,  and  from  thence  towards 
the  South  along  the  Coast  of  America  to  36°  and-a-half,  &c. 
But  this  Gabotha?s  labor  robs  no  piece  of  prayse  from  Master 
Forboisher,  for  Gabotha  made  but. a  simple  rehearsal  of  such 
a  soil,  but  Master  Forboisher  makes  a  perfect  proof  of  the 
mines  and  profit  of  the  country."  It  is  curious  to  note,  thus 
early,  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  Frbbteher's  admirers  to  cast 
iato  the  shade  the  enterprise  of  Cabot.  The  claim  put  forth 
to  superior  merit — sufficiently  idle  in  itself — must  have  ap 
peared  utterly  ridiculous  after  the  worthlessness  of  the  ore  had 
been  ascertained,  and  it  seems  to  have  been  subsequently 
thought  safer  to  waive  any  allusion  whatever  to  him  who  had 
gloriously  led  the  way  in  the  career  of  discovery. 

Thus,  then,  we  have  the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  a 
knowledge  of  what  Cabot  had  done,  arid  of  its  direct  influ 
ence  on  Frobisher's  enterprise.  Let  us  now  see  what  the  lat 
ter  actually  accomplished. 


289 

The  First  Expedition  left  Gravesend,  as  has  been  said,  on 
the  12th  June,  1576.  No  interest  attaches  to  its  movements 
until  the  llth  of  August,  at  which  point  we  take  up  the  nar 
rative  of  the  Master  of  the  Gabriel,  Christopher  Hall  (Hak- 
luyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  30)— 

"  The  11  we  found  our  Latitude  to  be  63  degr.  and  8  minutes,  and  this  day  we 
entered  THE  STREIGHT. 

"  The  12  wee  set  sa#e  towardes  an  Island,  called  the  GabriePsMaM,  which  was 
10  leagues  then  from  us. 

"We  espied  a  Sound,  and  bare  with  it,  and  came  to  a  Sandie  Baye.  where  we 
came  to  an  anker,  the  land  bearing  East-South-east  off  us,  and  there  we  rode  at 
night  in  8  fathome  water.  Itfloweth  there  at  the  South-east  Moone.  We  called 
at  Prior's  sownd,  being  from  Gabriel's  Island,  tenne  leagues. 

"  The  14  we  waied,  and  ranne  into  another  sownd,  where  we  ankered  in  8 
fathome  water,  faire  sande  and  black  oaze,  and  the"re  calked  our  ship,  being  weake 
from  the  wales  upward  and  took  in  fresh  water. 

"  The  15  day  we  Waied,  and  sailed  to  Prior's  Bay,  being  a  mile  from  thence. 

*  The  16  day  was  calme  and  rode  still  without  yce,  but  presently  within  two 
houres  it  was  frozen  round  about  the  ship,  a  quarter  of  an  ynch  thicke  and  that  day 
very  faire  and  calme. 

"  The  17  day  we  waied,  and  came  to  Thomas  Williams  Island. 

" The  18  day  we  sailed  North  North  West,  and  ankered  again  in  23  fathome, 
and  tough  oaze,  vnder  Burchers  Island,  which  is  from  tie  former  Island,  ten 
leagues. 

"The  19  day  in  the  morning,  being  calme,  and  no  winde,  the  Captaine  and  I 
teoke  our  boate,  with  eight  men  in  her,  to  rowtis  ashore,  to  see  if  there  were  there 
any  people,  or  no,  and  going  to  the  top  of  the  Island,  we  had  sight  of  seven  boates* 
which  came  rowing  from  the  East  side,  toward  that  Island:  whereupon  we  retuined 
aboored  againe:  at  length  we  sent  our  boate  with  five  men  in  her,  to  see  whither 
they  rowed,  and  so  with  a  white  cloth  brought  one  of  their  boates  with  their  men 
along  the  shoare,  rowing  after  our  boate,  till  such  time  as  they  sawe  our  Ship,  and 
then  they  rowed  ashoare:  then  I  went  on  shoare  myself,  and  gave  every  of  them  a 
threadden  point,  and  brought  one  of  them  aboored  of  me,  where  he  did  eate  and 
drinke,  and  then  carried  him  ashore  againe.  Whereupon  all  the  rest  came  aboored 
with  their  boates,  being  nineteen  persons,  and  they  spake,  but  we  understoode 
them  not.  They  be  like  to  Tartars,  with  long  blacke  haire,  broad  faces,  and  flatte 
noses,  and  tawnie  in  color,  wearing  scale  skins,  and  so  doe  the  women,  not  differ 
ing  in  the  fashion,  but  the  women,  are  marked  in  the  face  with  blewe  streekes 
downe  the  cheekes,  and  round  about  the  eyes.  Their  boates  are  made  all  of  scales 
skinnes,  with  a  keele  of  wood  Within  the  skin:  the  proportion  of  them  is  like  a 
Spanish  Shallop,  save  only  they  be  flat  in  the  bottome,  and  sharpe  at  both  ends. 

"  The  twentieth  day  we  waied,  and  went  to  the  East  side  of  this  Island,  and  I  and 
the  Captaine,  with  foure  men  more  went  on  shoare,  and  there  we  sawe  their  houses, 
and  the  people  espying  vs,  came  rowing  towards  our  boate:  whereupon  we  plied 
toward  our  boate;  and  wee  being  in  our  boate  and  they  ashore,  they  called  to  us, 
and  we  rowed  to  them,  and  one  of  their  company  came  into  our  boate,  and  we 

2M 


290 

carried  him  aboard,  and  gave  him  a  Bell  and  a  knife:  so  the  Captaine  and  I  willed 
five  of  our  men  to  set  him  a  shoare  at  a  rocke,  and  not  among  the  company,  which 
they  came  from,  but  their  wilfulness  was  such,  that  they  would  goe  to  them,  and  so 
were  taken  themselves,  and  our  boate  lost. 

"  The  next  day  in  the  morning1,  we  stoode  in  neere  the  shoare,  and  shotte  off  a 
fanconet,  and  sounded  our  Trumpet,  but  we  could  heare  nothing  of  our  men:  this 
Sound  we  called  the  Five  Men  Sound,  and  plyed  out  of  it,  but  ankered  againe  in 
thirtie  fathome,  and  oaze,  and  riding  there  all  night,  in  the  morning,  the  snowe  lay 
a  foote  thicke  upon  our  hatches. 

"  The  22  day  in  the  morning  we  wayed,  and  went  againe  to  the  place  where  we 
lost  our  men,  and  our  boate.  We  had  sight  of  fourteen  boates,  and  some  came 
neere  to  us,  but  we  could  learne  nothing  of  our  men:  among  the  rest,  we  enticed, 
one  boate  to  our  ships  side,  with  a  Bell,  and  in  giving  liim  the  Bell,  we  tooke  him, 
and  his  boate,  and  so  kept  him,  and  so  rowed  down  to  Thomas  Williams  Island, 
and  there  ankered  all  night. 

"  The  26  day  we  waied,  to  come  homeward  and  by  12  of  the  clocke  at  noone,  we 
were  thwart  of  Trumpets  Island." 

Such  was  the  result  of  Frobisher's  Only  Voyage,  having  in 
view  the  discovery  of  a  North- West  Passage  ! 

It  is  seen,  at  once,  that  he  got  entangled  with  the  land  by 
keeping,  at  the  outset,  too  far  North.  Cabot  had  said,  that 
the  Strait  was  between  the  61st  and  64th  degree  of  latitude  ; 
and  Ramusio  tells  us,  from  the  navigator's  Letter,  and  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert  and  Lord  Bacon  from  his  card,  that  the 
course  he  took  was  "very  far  Westward,  with  a  quarter  of 
the  North  on  the  North  side  of  Terra  de  Labrador."  Frobish- 
er*s  reasons  for  disregarding  facts  which  must  have  been  known 
to  him,  can  only  be  conjectured.  One  motive  may  have  been 
a  puerile  ambition  to  strike  out  a  aew  route.  We  learn  from 
Best,  (Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  58)  "  This  place  he  named  after 
his  name,  Frobisher*s  Strait,  like  as  Magellanus  at  the  South- 
West  end  of  the  World,  having  discovered  the  passage  to  the 
South  Sea,  and  called  the  same  Straits  Magellan's  Straits." 
A  more  indulgent  explanation  is  suggested  by  recollecting  the 
account  which  he  gave  (Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  129)  of  the  fate 
of  one  of  the  English  ships  engaged  in  the  attempt  at  discovery 
in  1527.  Frobisher  understood  that  the  vessel  had  been  "  cast 
away  as  it  entered  into  ^dangerous  gulf  about  the  great  open 
ing  between  the  North  parts  of  Newfoundland  antii  the  coun 
try  lately  called  by  her  Majesty  Meta  Incognita."  (Ib.)  It  is 
not  improbable  that  he  may  have  been  induced  by  a  dread  of 


291 

the  fate  of  his  predecessor  absurdly  to  commence  his  examina 
tion  on  the  very  verge  of  the  limit  fixed  by  Cabot,  without  the 
least  reference  to  the  course  pursued  by  that  Navigator  which 
had  conducted  him  from  61°  at  the  commencement  of  the 
Strait  to  64°  at  its  termination.  The  precise  extent  to  which 
Frobisher  threaded  his  way  amongst  rocks  a&d  islands  is  not 
given  by  Hall,  but  is  stated  by  Best,  (Hakluyt,  p.  58)  at  fifty 
leagues,  and  again  (p.  59)  at  sixty  leagues. 

The  Second  Voyage  was  prompted  by  mere  cupidity. 
The  incident  which  stimulated  the  hopes  of  the  adventurers 
is  thus  related,  (Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  59) 

**  Some  of1  his  company  brought  floures,  some  greene  grasse:  and  one  brought  a 
piece  of  blacke  stone  much  like  a  sea  cole  in  colour,  which  by  the  waight  seemed 
to  be  some  kinde  of  metall  or  minerall.  This  was  a  thing  of  no  account  in  the 
judgment  of  the  Captaine  at  the  first  sight,  and  yet  for  novelty  it  was  kept  in  re 
spect  of  the  place  from  whence  it  came.  After  his  arrival  in  London  being  de 
manded  of  sundry  of  his  friends  what  thing  he  had  brought  them  home  out  of  that 
country,  he  had  nothing  left  to  present  theni  withal  b'ut  a  piece  of  this  blacke  stone, 
and  it  fortuned  a  gentlewoman  one  of  the  adventurers  wives  to  have  a  piece  thereof, 
which  by  chance  she  threw  and  burned  in  the  fire,  so  long  that  at  the  length  being 
taken  forth,  and  quenched  in  a  little  vinegar,  it  glistered  with  a  bright  marquesset 
of  Golde.  Whereupon  the  matter"  being  called  in  some  question,  it  was  brought 
to  certaine  Goldfiners  in  London  to  make  assay  thereof^  who  gave  out  that  it  held 
Golde,  and  that  very  richly  for  the  quantity.  Afterwards  the  same  Goldfiners 
promised  great  matters  thereof  if  there  were  any  store  to  be  found,  and  offered 
themselves  to  adventure  for  the  searching  of  those  parts  from  whence  the  same 
was  brought.  Some  that  had  great  hope  of  the  matter  sought  secretly  to  have  a 
lease  at  her  Majesty's  hands  of  those  places,  whereby  to  enjoy  the  masse  of  so 
great  a  public  profit  vfito  theil-  own  private  gaines. 

"  In  conclusion,  the  hope  of  more  of  the  same  Golde  ore  to  be  found  kindled  a 
greater  opinion  in  the  hearts  of  many  to  advance  the  voyage  againe.  Whereupon 
preparation  was  made  for  a  new  voyage  against  the  yere  following,  and  the  Cap 
taine  morfc  especially  directed  by  commission  for  the  searching  more  of  this  Golde 
ore  than  for  the  searching  any  further  discovery  of  the  passage." 

All  the  movements  of  the  Expedition  had  exclusive  refer 
ence  to  this  new  object  of  pursuit. 

"  Now  had  the  Generall  altered  his  determination  for  going  any  further  into  the 
Streites  at  this  time  for  any  further  discovery  of  the  passage  having  taken  a  man 
and  a  woman  of  that  country,  which  he  thought  sufficient  for  the  use  oflanguage. 
and  ako  having  met  with  these  people  here  which  intercepted  his  men  the  lastycre 
(as  the  apparell  and  English  furniture  which  was  found  in  their  tents,  very  well 
declared)  he  knew  it  was  but  a  labor  lost  toseeke  them  further  off*,  when  he  had 
found  them  there  at  hand.  And  considering  also  the.  short  time  he'  had  in  hand, 
he  thought  it  best  to  bend  his  whole  endeavour  for  the  getting  of  myne,  and  to 
leave  the  passage  further  to  be  discovered  hereafter."  (Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  70.) 


292 

On  the  22nd  August,  having  collected  upwards  of  two 
hundred  tons  of  ore,  they  left  the  Island,  whence  it  had  been 
principally  obtained,  on  their  return  to  England.  "  We  gave 
a  volley  of  shot  for  a  farewell  in  honour  of  the  Right  Honoura 
ble  Lady  Anne  Countess  of  Warwick,  whose  name  it  beareth, 
and  so  departed  aboard."  (Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  72.)  They 
reached  Bristol  in  October. 

The  Third  Voyage  had  the  same  objects  in  view  with  the 
preceding,  and  we  find  it  remarked  at  the  close,  (3  Hakluyt, 
p.  96)  "  The  people  are  now  become  so  wary  and  so  circum 
spect  by  reason  of  their  former  losses,  that  by  no  means  we 
can  apprehend  any  of  them,  although  we  attempted  often  in 
this  last  voyage.  But  to  say  truth  we  could  not  bestow  any 
great  time  in  pursuing  them  because  of  our  great  business  in 
lading  and  other  things." 

There  is  little  interest  in  pursuing  the  details  of  such  an 
expedition.  But  one  part  of  the  account  is  too  curious  not 
to  be  noticed.  By  stress  of  weather,  Frobisher  was  actually 
driven  to  the  southward  into  Hudson's  Strait,  and  yet  aban 
doned  the  route  which  hq  saw  plainly  before  him  in  order  to 
resume  the  search  for  ore. 

•«  The  seventh  of  July  as  men  nothing  yet  dismayed,  we  cast  about  towards  the 
inward,  and  had  sight  of  land,  which  rose  in  form  like  the  Northerland  of  the  Straits, 
which  some  of  the  fleetes,  and  those  not  the  worst  marine*s,  judged  to  be  the  North 
foreland:  however  other  some-  were  of  contrary  opinion.  But  the  matter  was  not 
well  to  be  discerned, by  reason  of  thicke  fogge  which  a  long  time  hung  upon  the 
Coast,  and  the  new  falling  snow  which  yeerely  altereth  the  shape  of  the  land,  and 
taketh  away  oftentimes  the  Mariners  markes.  And  by  reason  of  the  darke  mists 
A-hich  continued  by  the/  space  of  twentie  days  together,  this  doubt  grew  the  greater 
and  the  longer  perilous,  for  whereas  indeed  we  thought  ourselves  to  be  upon 
the  Northeast  side  of  Frobisher's  Straits  we  were  now  carried  to  the  Southwest- 
wards  of  the- Queens  Foreland,  and  being  deceived  by  a  swift  current  coming  from 
the  Northeast  were  brought  to  the  Souihwestwards  of  our  said  course  many  miles  more 
than  we  did  think  possible  could  come  to  passe.  The  cause  whereof  we  have  since 
found,  and  it  shall  be  at  large  hereafter  declared,"  (3  Hakl.  79.) 

"  The  tenth  of  July  the  weather  still  continuing  thicke  and  darke,  some  of  the 
ships  in  the  fogge  lost  sight  of  the  Admirall,  and  the  rest  of  the  Fleete,  and  won 
dering  to  and  fro  with  doubtful  opinion  whether  it  were  best  to  seeke  backe  againe 
to  seaward  through  the  great  store  of  yce,  or  to  follow  on  a  doubtful  course  in  a 
Seas  Bay  or  Straights  they  knew  not,  or  along  a  coast,  whereof  by  reason  of  the 
darke  mistes  they  could  not  discerne  the  dangers  if  by  chance  any  rocke  or  broken 
ground  should  lie  off  the  place,  as  commonly  in  those  parts  it  doth"  (p.  80). 


293 

««  The  General,  albeit,  -tfith  the  first,  perchance,  he  found  out  the  error,  and  that 
this  was  not  the  olde  straights,  yet  he  persuaded  the  Fleete  alwayesth&t  they  were 
in  their  right  course,  and  knowen  straights.  Howbeit,  I  suppose,  he  rather  dis 
sembled  his  course."  **  And  as  some  of  the  companie  reported,  he  has  since  con 
fessed  that  if  it  had  not  beenefor  the  charge  and  care  he  had  of  the  fleets  and  freighted 
ships,  he  both  would  and  could  have  gone  through  to  the  South  Sea,  called  Mar  del 
Sur,  and  dissolved  the  long  doubt  of  the  passage  which  we  seeke  to  fade  to  the  rich 
country  of  Cataya"  (p.  80). 

Having  taken  in  a  vast  quantity  of  ore  the  vessels  returned, 
and  it  proving,  on  examination,  utterly  worthless,  no  further 
attempt  was  made  by  Frobisher. 

The  preceding  detail,  while  it  has  enabled  us  to  draw  some 
facts  from  the  rare  and  curious  volumes  in  which  they  have 
long  slumbered,  has  effected  incidentally,  it  is  hoped,  the  pur 
pose  which  connects  them  with  these  pages.     It  is  evident, 
that  nothing  but  Frobisher's  departure  from  the  plain  Instruc 
tions  laid  down  for  his  government,  prevented  his  doing  what 
was  achieved  by  Cabot  so  long  before,  and  by  Hudson  in  the 
next  century.     But  after  his  first  blind  experiment  he  was 
intent  on  another  object.     We  find  him  actually  driven  into 
the  true  Strait  and  confessing  that  he  saw  his  way  quite  clear. 
At  this  very  moment  he  had  in  his  Cabin  the  Instructions 
drawn  up,  at  the  instance  of  his  patrons,  by  Willes,  describing 
the  Strait  in  a  manner  not  to  be  misunderstood,  and  strength 
ening  all  the  hopes  suggested  by  his  own  observation.     That 
paper,  as  actually  printed  in  England  the  year  before  he  sailed 
on  the  Third  Expedition,  urges  to  this  day  its  testimony 
against  him.     The  tract  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  procured 
in  MS.  for  his  use,  and  printed  two  years  before,  offered  the 
same  cheering  confirmation.     It  is  difficult  to  screen  Frobisher 
altogether  from  reproach,  for  the  discovery  of  the  passage  evi 
dently  continued  a  leading  object  with  those  who  had  set  forth 
the  Expedition.     When,  therefore,  he  voluntarily  abandoned 
the  route  which  he  was  convinced  would  conduct  him  through 
the  Strait,  we  see  that  his  own  eager  sympathies  were  with 
the  more  sordid  objects  of  pursuit,  and  induced  him  to  turn 
away  from  the  peril,  and  the  glory,  of  the  onward  course. 

What  must  be  thought,  under  such  circumstances,  of  a 
writer  who  refuses  a  place  to  the  name  of  Cabot  in  a  list  of 
those  who  had  engaged  in  the  enterprise  ? 


294 

«« The  reign  of  George  III,  will  stand  conspicuous  and  proudly  pre-eminent  in 
future  history,  for  the  spirit  with  which  discoveries  were  prosecuted  andtheobjects 
of  science  promoted;  and  a  dawn  of  hope  appears  that  ere  its  close  the  interesting 
problem  of  a  North- West  passage  will  be  solved,  and  this  great  discovery,  to  which 
the  Frobishers,  the  Hudsons,  &c.,  so  successfully  opened  the  way,  be  accomplished. 
Little,  if  any  thing,  has  been  added  to  the  discoveries  of  these  extraordinary  men, 
who,  in  the  early  periods  of  navigation,  had  every  difficulty  to  struggle  against,"  Sec. 
(Quarterly  Review,  vol.  xviii.  p.  213.) 


295 


CHAP.  XIII. 

VOYAGE  OF  HUDSON. 

AFTER  what  has  been  said  of  the  evidence  that  lay  open  as  to 
the  success  of  Cabot,  the  task  may  be  a  superfluous  one  of 
tracing  a  familiarity  with  it  to  each  succeeding  Navigator. 
Yet  with  regard  to  Hudson,  his  acquaintance  is  apparent  even 
with  the  volumes  which  collect  and  arrange  the  knowledge 
on  the  subject  existing  at  the  time  of  that  Expedition  of  1610 
which  has  given  to  his  name  so  much  celebrity.     In  the  voyage 
made  by  him  two  years  before,  he  is  found  conferring  amongst 
other  designations  that  of  "  Hakluyt's  Headland"  (Purchas, 
vol.  iii.  p.  464).     It  would  be  absurd,  then,  to  suppose  him 
ignorant  of  the  Volumes,  published  in  London  eight  years 
before,  which  constitute  that  writer's  claim  to  the  gratitude 
of  Seamen;  nor  can  we  suppose  that  in  undertaking  a  voyage 
in  search  of  the  North- West  passage  he  would  overlook  the 
information  which  they  supplied  as  to  his  predecessors  in  the 
enterprise.     He  would  find  at  p.  16,  of  the  third  vol.  the 
Treatise  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  in  which  it  is  said,  "  Fur 
thermore,  Sebastian  Caboto,  by  his  personal  experience  and 
travel,  hath  set  forth  and  described  this  passage  in  his  charts, 
which  are  yet  to  be  seen  in  the  Queen's  Majesty's  Privy  Gal 
lery  at  Whitehall,  who  was  sent  to  make  the  discovery  by  King 
Henry  VII. ,  and  entered  the  same  fret,  affirming  that  he  sail 
ed  very  far  westward  with  a  quarter  of  the  North  on  the  North 
side  of  Terra  de  Labrador  the  llth  of  June,  until  he  came 
to  the  Septentrional  latitude  of  67°  and-a-half."     He  would 
find  at  p.  26,  of  the  same  volume,  the  yet  more  pointed  state 
ment  of  Willes,  that  Cabot  represented  the  strait  through 
which  he  penetrated  to  commence  at  about  a  longitude  equiv 
alent  to  60°  west  from  Greenwich  and  between  61°  and  64* 


296 

of  latitude,  "  continuing  the  same  breadth  about  ten  degrees 
West,  where  it  openeth  southerly  more  and  more."  It  could 
hardly  fail  to  arrest  his  attention  at  p.  80,  that  Frobisher,  in 
his  last  voyage,  being  driven  by  stress  of  weather  into  the  very 
Strait  thus  described,  "confessed  that  if  it  had  not  been  for 
the  charge  and  care  he  had  of  the  Fleet  and  fraughted  Ships 
he  both  would  and  could  have  gone  through  to  the  South  Sea." 
In  the  same  volume,  p.  9,  is  the  passage  from  Gomara,  which 
represents  Cabot  to  have  proceeded  by  the  route  of  Iceland. 
At  page  441  of  the  first  volume  occurs  a  special  recommen 
dation  of  "  Ortelius'  Book  of  Maps."  It  has  already  been 
stated  that  in  this  work  the  Bay  is  plainly  exhibited,  and  that 
the  author  had  Cabot's  Map  before  him.  When,  therefore, 
it  appears  that  Hudson,  in  1610,  touched  at  Iceland  on  his 
way  out,  and  finally  penetrated  into  the  Bay  by  following  the 
Instructions  so  distinctly  laid  down,  we  cannot  but  suppose 
him  aware  that  he  was  merely  attempting  to  retrace  the  course 
taken,  a  century  before,  by  Sebastian  Cabot. 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX. 


(A.) 

-«i        (Seepage  42.) 
FABYAN'S  CHRONICLE—ALLUSION  TO  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABOT. 

FABTAN  died,  according  to  Stow,  in  1511.  Five  years  after,  his 
Chronicle  was  published  by  Pynson,  but  it  then  reached  only  to  the 
tenth  year  of  Henry  VII.  ?s  reign,  that  is  1495.  A  new  edition  of 
the  work  was  published  by  Rastall,  in  1533,  with  the  Continuation. 
It  is  here,  of  course,  that  we  look  for  the  paragraphs  referred  to  by 
Stow;  yet,  there  is  not  to  be  found  the  slightest  allusion  to  the  expe 
dition  or  to  either  of  the  Cabots,  Mr  Ellis,  who  gave  to  the  public, 
some  years  ago,  an  edition  of  Fabyan  with  notes,  and  has  even  fur 
nished  a  copy  of  Fabyan's  Will  occupying  seven  folio  pages,  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  aware  of  the  importance  of  inquiry  on  this 
point.  Stow,  in  the  collections  which  he  made  for  his  Survey,  speaks 
of  a  Continuation  by  Fabyan  himself,  as  low  as  the  third  year  of 
Henry  VIII.  which  book,  he  adds,  "  I  have  in  written  hand"  (Har- 
leian  MS.  538).  Mr  Ellis,  in  his  Preface  to  Fabyan  (p.  xvii.),  sup 
poses  that  the  MS.  thus  referred  to  may  be  the  one  now  in  the  Cot 
ton  Manuscripts  (Nero  C,  no.  xi.),  but  this  comes  down  only  to  the 
beginning  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.,  and  though  some  of  the  last 
pages  have  been  destroyed,  yet  it  would  seem  from  an  examination 
of  the  copious  Index  which  fortunately  precedes  it,  and  is  evidently 
contemporary  with  the  body  of  the  work,  that  it  did  not  reach  the 
period  in  question.  Assuming,  however,  the  correctness  of  Mr 
Etlis's  conjecture,  the  question  would  still  remain  open  as  to  the 
authenticity  of  the  ordinary  version.  Mr  E.  refers  (ib.)  to  another 
MS.  copy  which  he  had  heard  of,  but  had  not,  as  it  would  seem, 
consulted.  The  point  is  worthy  of  attentive  examination.  Stow, 


300 

of  course,  in  making  the  assertion,  knew  of  the  printed  work  of 
Fabyan.  The  Stow  MS.  could  be  instantly  recognised  by  its  allu 
sion,  under  the  year  1502,  to  the  exhibition  of  the  savages.  We 
must  strike  out  the  reference  to  Fabyan  in  Stow,  Speed,  and  Pur- 
chas,  or  deny  that  any  part  of  the  Continuation  can  be  by  him,  for 
it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  he  would  prepare  two  works  relative  to 
the  incidents  of  the  same  reign  differing  essentially  from  each  other. 
It  forms  a  presumption  in  favour  of  the  Stow  MS.,  and  against  the 
Continuation  by  Rastall,  that  while  the  worthy  Alderman,  noting 
from  time  to  time  what  fell  under  his  observation,  would  be  likely  to 
advert  to  the  incident  in  question^  it  might  readily  escape  a  compiler 
endeavouring  to  recall  the  leading  events  of  the  era  after  curiosity 
about  the  Newfoundland  had  passed  away. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  the  original  edition  of  Fabyan,  published  by 
Pynson,  is  accompanied  by  a  single-  leaf,  on  which  are  noted  the 
death  of  Henry  VII.  and  the  accession  of  his  son.  As  Mr  Ellis  re- 
publishes  this  (see  his  edition,  p.  678)  without  any  attempt  lo  account 
for  the  disappearance  of  the  intermediate  matter,  a  conjecture  may  be 
hazarded.  Bale,  in  his  "  Scriptorum  Illustrium  Magni  Brytanniae, 
&c."  (Bas.  Ed.  of  1557,  foL  642),  states  that  Cardinal  Wolsey  had 
caused  some  copies  of  Fabyan's  work  to  be  burned,  because  it  ex 
posed  the  enormous  revenues  of  the  priesthood,  "  Ejus  Chronicorum 
exemplaria  nonnulla  Cardinalis  Wolsius  in  suo  furore  comburi  fecit 
quod  cleri  proventus  pingues  plus  satis  detexerit."  Mr  Ellis  is  of 
opinion  (Preface,  xviii.)  that  the  obnoxious  passage  "must"  have 
been  that  in  which  an  abstract  is  given  of  the  Bill  projected  by  the 
House  of  Commons  in  the  llth  Henry  IV. ;  but  this  seems  to  furnish 
a  very  inadequate  motive  for  the  vehement  indignation  of  the  Car 
dinal.  A  more  perilous  epoch  to  the  Chronicler  was  that  in  which 
he  had  to  record  the  death  (in  1500)  of  Cardinal  and  Chancellor  Mor 
ton.  Of  this  personage,  Bacon  says,  in  his  History  of  Henry  VII., 

"This  year  also  died  John  Morton,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
Chancellor  of  England  and  Cardinal.  He  was  a  wise  man,  and  an 
eloquent,  but  in  his  nature  harsh  and  haughty;  much  accepted  by  the 
King,  but  envied  by  the  nobi4ity,  and  hated  of  the  people.9'  "  He 
(Henry  VII.)  kept  a  strait  hand  on  his  nobility,  and  chose  rather  to 
advance  clergymen  and  lawyers  which  were  more  obsequious  to  him, 
but  had  less  interest  in  the  people." 

It  is  highly  probable,  that  the  popular  sentiment  would  be  reflect 
ed  from  the  page  of  Fabyan,  and  give  umbrage  to  Wolsey,  who  may 
be  supposed  anxious  that  Henry  VIII.  should  pursue  the  very  policy 


301 

attributed  by  Bacon  to  his  Father.  At  this  precise  point,  then,  occurs 
a  chasm  in  the  copies  extant  of  Pynson's  edition.  Was  not  this  part 
sacrificed  to  the  resentment  of  Wolsey,  or  suppressed  from  a  dread  of 
his  displeasure,  and  was  it  not  Afterwards  supplied  l>y  Rastall  ?  The 
MS.  which  had,  meanwhile,  been  lost  sight  of,  could  not  elude  so 
indefatigable  a  collector  as  Stow.  The  single  leaf  referred  to,  of 
Pynson's  edition,  may  be  either  part  of  the  original  work,  or  a  hasty 
substitute,  got  up  on  the  withdrawal  of  the  obnoxious  matter,  so  as 
to  give  to  the  work  the  appearance  of  being  brought  down  to  the 
latest  period. 


(B.) 
(Seepage  95.) 

ENGLISH    EXPEDITION  SAID  TO  HAVE  BEEN  FOUND  BY  HOJEDA  AT    OAQUI- 

BAOOA. 

THE  claims  of  Truth  are  so  paramount  to  those  of  any  Hypothesis, 
however  convenient  and  apparently  well  sustained,  that  a  caution  must 
here  be  interposed.  It  might  be  presumed  that  Navarette  (torn.  iii. 
p.  41)  would  not  lightly  hazard  the  unqualified  assertion  alluded  to; 
yet  this  consideration  will,  perhaps,  occur  with  most  force  to  those 
who  have  not  examined  his  volumes.  He  adduced  no  authority  in 
support  of  the  position,  and  the  Document  which  seems,  at  a  hasty 
glance,  to  countenance  it,  will  be  found,  on  examination,  to  suggest 
an  opposite  conclusion. 

Cabot  had  discovered  a  vast  Continent  along  the  coast  of  which  he 
proceeded  to  the  South  as  far^s  Florida  without  reaching  its  termi 
nation.  Of  this  fact  the  Spanish  Government  was,  of  course,  fully 
aware  in  July  1500,  the  date  of  the  agreement  with  Hojeda  in  which 
allusion  is  made  to  the  English,  for  we  find  (Navarette,  torn.  iii. 
p.  77)  a  Letter  from  the  Sovereigns  dated  6th  May,  1500,  which 
Navarette  himself  (ib.  p.  42)  connects  with  an  intention  to  follow  up 
the  discoveries  of  Cabot  The  conduct  of  England  was  of  course 
regarded  by  the  Court  of  Spain  with  indignation  and  alarm,  as  in 
volving  a  violation  of  the  Papal  Bull.  Cabot  followed  the  main  land 
no  further  only  because  his  provisions  were  exhausted.  When  the 
Spaniards,  then,  subsequently  discovered  Terra  Firma,  nothing  was 
more  natural,  or  correct,  than  to  suppose  it  connected  with  the  Great 
Continent  coasted  by  the  English,  and  in  resolving  to  take  possess- 


302 

ion,  their  policy,  and  pretended  exclusive  rights,  would  lead  them 
to  watch  and  repel  all  foreign  competition.  It  was  as  if,  in  after 
times,  the  Spanish  commander  at  Pensacola  or  St  Augustine  had 
been  advised  of  the  colonization  of  Virginia  by  the  English. 

On  turning  to  the  agreement  with  Hojeda  it  is  found  that  he  is 
enjoined  to  continue  his  examination  of  the  region  he  had  discover 
ed  on  the  former  voyage,  and  which  seemed  to  run  East  and  West, 
as  it  must  lead  towards  (hacia)  the  place  where  it  was  known  the 
English  were  making  discoveries.  He  is  directed  to  set  up  marks 
as  he  proceeds  with  the  Royal  Arms,  so  that  it  might  be  known  he 
had  taken  possession  for  Spain,  and  the  English  be  thereby  prevent 
ed  from  making  discoveries  in  that  direction  (Navarette,  torn.  iii. 
p.  86). 

"Item:  quevaes  6  sigais  aquella  costa  que  descubristes  que  se  corre  leste — 
Tuest,  segun  parece,  per  razon  que  va  hacia  laparte  donde  se  ha  sabido  que  des- 
•cubrian  los  Ingleses  €  vais  poniendo  las  marcas  con  las  armas  de  SS.  A.  A.  6  con 
otras  senales  que  scan  conocidas,  cuales  vos  pareciere  porque  se  conozcacomo  voa 
habes  descubierto  aquella  tierra,  para  que  atages  el  descubrir  de  los  Ingleses  por 
aquella  via." 

A  Grant  of  Land  is  made  to  Hojeda  in  consideration  prospectively 
ofhis  active  exertions  to  prosecute  discoveries  and  to  check  those  of 
the  English  (ib.  p.  88). 

**  Para  que  labrees,  €  fagaes  labrar,  €  vos  aprovecheis  €  podais  aprovechar  de 
alii,  para  lo  que  habees  de  descubrir  i  en  la  costa  de  la  tierra  fame  para  el  atajo 
de  loa  Ingleses." 

The  general  direction  of  the  region  visited  by  Hojeda  is  correctly 
described,  and  it  is  certain  that  had  Cabot  not  been  stopped  by  a 
failure  of  provisions,  but  turned  the  Cape  of  Florida  and  followed 
the  ooast,  he  must  have  reached  Caquibacoa.  The  vast  interval  oc 
casioned  by  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  was  then  unknown. 

It  is  quite  plain  that  the  injunction  contained  in  Hojeda's  instruc 
tions,  so  far  from  assuming  the  identity  of  the  spots  visited  by  him 
and  the  English,  involves  a  conjecture  as  to  their  relative  position 
towards  each  other.  It  was  by  following  up  his  discoveries  that 
Hojeda  was  to  meet  and  check  intrusion.  The  phraseology,  too, 
discountenances  the  idea  that  the  person  addressed  had  conveyed  the 
information  as  to  the  danger;  it  seems  rather  communicated  to  him 
in  the  way  of  caution.  Nor  would  the  setting  up  of  marks  to  let  the 
English  know,  on  reaching  them,  of  the  Spanish  claim  be  probably 
so  much  insisted  on,  if,  long  before,  Hojeda  had  personally  given 
notice  of  it.  The  allusion  seems  to  be  not  so  much  to  any  one  expe- 


303 

dition  of  the  English  as  to  a  particular  quarter  from  which  their  en 
croachment  was  to  be  apprehended;  and  Hojeda  is,  therefore,  en 
joined  to  spread  out  his  party,  as  soon  as  possible,  over  the  interme 
diate  region,  so  that  it  might  be  found  preoccupied.  If  Caquibacoa 
had  been  the  scene  of  common  discovery,  and  of  actual  encounter, 
it  is  strange  that  Hojeda  should  now  be  told  by  others  of  the  direc 
tion  which  led  towards  the  English. 

Hojeda  was  examined  on  oath,  at  great  length,  in  the  law  pro 
ceedings  between  Don  Diego  Columbus  and  the  Crown,  and  the* 
very  question  at  issue  was  as  to  originality  of  discovery.  He  makes 
not  the  slightest  allusion  to  such  a  meeting,  and  yet,  in  the  course  of 
a  trial  before  a  domestic  tribunal,  (here  would  seem  to  have  been  no 
motive  for  omitting  to  state  what,  if  true,  must  have  been  known  to 
so  many.  Nor  is  this  all.  If  Hojeda  really  found  a  party  of  Eng 
lishmen  in  that  quarter  he  can  hardly  escape  the  charge  of  perjury. 
He  swears  positively  (Navarette,  torn.  iii.  p.  544)  that  he  was  the 
first  who  attempted  to  follow  up  the  discovery  of  Columbus  ("  el 
primero  hombre  que  vino  a  descubrir  despues  que  el  Almirante"). 
After  speaking  of  his  having  found  the  marks  of  Columbus  he  pro 
ceeds  to  detail  his  own  discoveries,  mentioning  particularly  Caqui 
bacoa;  and  he  swears  that  no  part  of  this  had  ever  been  discovered 
or  visited  either  by  Columbus  or  any  one  else  ("  nunca  nadie  loha- 
bia  descubierto  ni  tocado  en  ello  asi  el  Almirante  como  otra  per 
sona").  The  statement  is  repeated  in  another  part  of  his  testimony 
(p.  546),  "  e  que  toda  esta  costa  y  la  tierra-firme,  y  el  Golfo  de 
Uraba  y  el  Darien  el  Almirante  ni  otra  persona  no  Jo  habia  descu 
bierto." 

One  other  forcible  consideration  will  occur  to  those  apprised  of  the 
character  of  Hojeda.  That  fiery  and  daring  adventurer  would  have 
regarded  the  rival  party  as  impudent  trespassers  on  the  dominions 
of  the  King  of  Spain,  and  as  setting  at  defiance  the  Papal  Bull.  A 
man  who  gravely  quotes  this  instrument  in  his  manifesto  to  the  poor 
Indians  as  sufficient  authority  for  subjugating  them,  would  hardly 
have  exacted  less  deference  to  it  from  Christians.  He  was  the  last 
person  in  the  world  to  come  home  quietly  with  a  report  of  the  intru 
sion — not  knowing  when  he  should  return — and  to  throw  on  his 
Sovereign  the  necessity  of  giving  that  direct  authority  for  expulsion 
which  it  might  be  more  agreeable  to  find  the  officer  taking  for 
granted.  Hojeda  would  have  known  his  cue  without  a  prompter. 

In  a  recent  volume  (Lardner's  Cyclopaedia,  History  of  Maritime 
and  Inland  discovery,  vol.  ii.  p.  35),  the  assertion  is  made  thaf 


304 

"  Hojeda  met  with  English  navigators  near  the  Gulf  of  Maracaibo," 
and  a  sufficient  authority  is  supposed  to  be  found  for  it  in  the  lan 
guage  of  the  Document  already  quoted.  Without  repeating  what 
has  been  said  on  that  point,  it  may  be  remarked  that  the  writer  in 
the  Cyclopaedia  does  not  deal  fairly  with  the  original.  He  repre 
sents  Hojeda  as  ordered  « to  follow  and  examine  the  coast  which  he 
had  already  discovered,  and  which  appears  to  run  East  and  West, 
as  that  is  the  part  which  the  English  are  known  to  be  exploring," 
&c.  It  is  obvious  that  the  most  important  words  are  here  left  unno 
ticed.  The  expression  "  por  razon  que  va  hacia  la  parte  donde  se 
ha  sabido  que  descubrian  las  Ingleses"  will  not  bear  the  translation 
of  the  Cyclopaedia  without  the  substitution  indicated  by  brackets, 
"  as  that  is  [goes  towards]  the  part  where  the  English  are  knowa 
to  be  exploring." 

Should  it  appear,  in  the  end,  that  the  assertion  has  no  better 
foundation  than  the  document  in  question,  what  a  melancholy  proof 
have  we  of  the  perils  to  which  Truth  is  subject  when  a  writer  like 
Navarette,  who  was  to  clear  up  all  difficulties,  is  found  rashly  start 
ing  new  errors  to  run  their  course  through  successive  volumes! 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  remarks  now  submitted  rather 
take  from  the  force  of  what  appears,  in  the  text,  a  plausible  case. 
But  a  frequent  observation  of  the  diffusive  consequences  of  a  single 
error  suggests  that  there  is  something  of  moral  guilt  in  pressing  too 
earnestly  a  statement  the  truth  of  which  is  not  sincerely  confided  in. 

If  deprived  of  the  happy  coincidence  suggested  by  the  assertion  of 
Navarette,  it  must  be  left  to  conjecture  to  determine  in  what  quarter 
the  active  and  enterprising  spirit  of  Cabot  was  employed  during  the 
long  interval  between  his  undoubted  voyages  from  England  and  the 
time  of  his  entering  the  service  of  Spain. 

Another  motive  has  its  weight  The  curious  and  important 
Documents  at  the  Rolls  Chapel  will  probably  one  day  be  arranged 
and  made  available  to  the  purposes  of  history.  Evidence  may  then 
come  forth,  and  it  is  desirable  that  no  erroneous  hypothesis  should 
be  found  in  the  way  of  Truth.  Until  that  period  we  must  be  con 
tent  to  remain  in  the  dark.  Where  the  records  are  in  such  a  state  of 
confusion  as  to  warrant  the  charge  which  has  been  before  men 
tioned  for  finding  a  specific  paper  of  which  the  exact  date — the 
name  of  the  party — the  purpose  and  general  tenor — are  given,  it  is 
obvious  that  no  private  fortune  would  be  adequate  to  meet  the  ex 
pense  of  a  general  search. 


305 


(CO 
(See  page  174.) 

WAS  CABOT  APPOINTED  GRAND  PILOT? 

A  DOtTBT  On  this  point  is  expressed  in  the  text.  Nothing  is  said  on 
the  subject  in  the  grant  of  the  pension,  and  the  circumstantial  evi 
dence  seems  to  negative  the  existence  of  such  an  office  in  his  time. 
There  is  preserved  in  the  Lansdowne  MSS.  (No.  116,  art.  3)  a  Me 
morial  presented  by  Stephen  Burrough,  an  English  seaman  of  con* 
siderable  note,  the  object  of  which  is  to  enforce  the  necessity  of 
appointing  such  an  officer.  It  appears  by  an  accompanying  docu 
ment  that  Burrough  himself  was  forthwith  appointed  "  Cheyfie  Py- 
lot"  for  life,  and  also  "  one  of  the  foure  masters  that  shall  have 
the  keepyng  and  oversight  of  our  shipps,  &c."  It  is  declared  the 
duty  of  the  Chief  Pilot  to  "  have  the  examination  and  appointing 
of  all  such  mariners  as  shall  from  this  time  forward  take  the  charge 
of  a  Pilot  or  Master  upon  him  in  any  ship  within  this  our  realm. '* 
This  is  the  duty  supposed  to  have  been  assigned  to  Cabot,  but  it 
seems  difficult  to  reconcile  the  language  of  Burrough  with  the  pre 
vious  existence  of  any  such  office.  His  memorial  recites  "  Three 
especial  causes  and  considerations  amongst  others,  wherefore  the 
office  of  Pilot-Major  is  allowed  and  esteemed  in  Spain,  Portugal, 
and  other  places  where  navigation  flourisheth."  Had  any  such  du 
ties  ever  been  exercised  in  England,  he  would  of  course  have  refer 
red  to  the  fact,  and  insisted  on  the  advantages  which  had  resulted> 
more  particularly  as  he  was  educated  in  the  school  of  Cabot,  and 
expressly  names  "  the  good  olde  and  famine  man  Master  Sebas 
tian  Cabota." 


2  0 


506 


(D.) 
(Seepage  224.) 

LETTERS  PATENT  NOW  FIRST  PUBLISHED  DATED  19  MARCH  1501,  FROM 
HENRY  VII,  TO  RICHARD  WARDE,  THOMAS  ASHEHTJRST,  AND  JOHN  THO 
MAS,  OF  BRISTOL,  AND  JOHN  FERNANDUS,  FRANCIS  FERNAWDUS,  AND 
JOHN  GUNSOLUS  OF  PORTUGAL. 

MEMORANDUM  quod  XIX  die  Marcii,  anno  regni  Regis  Henrici 
Septimi  XVI,  ista  Billa  delibata  fuit  Domino  Custodi  Magni  Sigilli 
Angliae  apud  Westmonasterium  exequenda. 

TO  THE  KYNG  OUR  SO  VERB  YNE  LORD. 

Please  it  your  Highness  of  your  most  noble  and  habundaunt  Grace 
to  graunt  unto  your  welbeloved  subjects  Richard  Warde,  Thomas 
Asshehurst  and  Johp  Thomas,  merchants  of  your  Towne  of  Bris- 
towe,  and  to  John  Fernandus,  Francis  Fernandus,  and  John  Gun- 
solus,  Squyers,  borne  in  the  Isle  of  Surrys  under  the  obeisaunce  of 
the  Kynge  of  Portingale  your  gracious  Lettres  Patentis  under  your 
Greate  Seale  in  due  forme  to  be  made  according  to  the  tenour  here 
after  ensuying,  and  that  this  Byll  sygned  with  your  gracious  hand 
may  be  to  the  Reverend  Fader  in  God  Henry  Byshop  of  Salesbury, 
Keeper  of  your  Greate  Seale,  sufficient  and  immediate  warrant  for 
the  making,  sealying,  accomplysshyng  of  your  said  Lettres  Patentes, 
and  they  shall  duryng  ther  lyves  pray  to  God  for  the  prosperous 
conty nuance  of  your  most  noble  and  ryall  astate. 

H.  R. 

Rex  universis  et  singulis  ad  quos  praesentes  Literal  Nostrae  per- 
vcnerint  Salutem:  Notum  sit  vobis  et  manifestum  quod  ex  certis 
considerationibus  nos  moventibus  de  advisamento  Consilii  Nostri, 
concessimus  et  Licentiam  dedimus,  prout  per  Praesentes  Concedimus 
et  Licentiam  damus,  pro  Nobis  et  Haeredibus  Nostris  quantum  in 
Nobis  est,  dilectis  subditis  nostro  Ricardo  Warde,  Thomae  Asshurst, 
et  Johanni  Thomas,  mercatoribus  Villae  NostraeBristolliaB  ac  dilectis 
nobis  Johanni  Fernandus,  Francisco  Fernandus  et  Johanni  Gunsolus, 
armigeris  in  Insulis  de  Surrys  sub  obediencia  Regis  Portugaliss  ori- 


307 

undis,  et  eorum  cuilibet  ac  cujuslibet  eonim  hsredibus,  attomatis, 
factoribus,  seu  deputatis  ac  eis  et  eorum  cuilibet  plenam  ac  liberam 
auctoritatem,  facultatem  et  potestatem  cdmmittimus  navigandi  etse 
transferendi  ad  omnes  partes,  regiones  et  fines  Maris  Orientalis  Oc- 
cidentalis,  Australia,  Borealis  et  Septentrionalis,  sub  Banneris,  et 
Insigniis  nostris  cum  tot  et  tantis  et  talibus  Navibus  sive  Batellis 
quot  sibi  placuerint  et  necessarise  fuerint,  cujuscunque  portagii  qui- 
libet  Navis  sive  Batella  extiteri^  cum  Magistris,  contromagistris, 
marinariis  pagettisaliisquehominibus  pro  gubernatione,  salva  custo- 
dia  et  defensione  Navium  et  Batellarum  prsedictarum  competentibus 
requisitis  et  necessariis,  ad  custus  et  onera  dicti  Ricardi  et  alioruin 
praedictorum  et  pro  hujusmodi  salariis  vadiis  et  stipendiis  prout  inter 
eos  poterunt  concordare  ad  inveniendum,  recuperandum,  descope- 
riendum  et  investigandum  Insulas,  patrias,  Uegiones  sive  provincias 
quascunque  Gentilium  et  Infidelium  in  quacunque  Mundi  parte  po- 
sitas  quae  Christianis  omnibus  ante  haec'tempora  fuerunt  et  in  prx- 
senti  sunt  incognita. 

Ac  hujusmodi  Banneras  et  insignia  nostra  in  quacunque  villa,  op- 
pido,  Castro  insula  seu  terra-firma  a  se  sie  noviter  inventis  affigendi, 
ipsasque  villas,  oppida,  castra,  inswlas  et  terras  firmas  pro  nobis  et 
nomine  nostro  intrandi  et  capiendi  et  ea  tanquam  Vasalli  nostri  ac 
Gubernatores  Locatenentes  et  Deputati  nostri,  eorumque  dominio, 
titulo,  dignitate  et  prseeminencia  eorundem  nobis  semper  reservatis, 
occupandi  possidendi  et  subjugandi. 

Et  insuper  quandocumque,  imposterum,  hujusmodi  Insulae  Patriae, 
Terras  et  Provincia3  per  praefatos  Ricardum  et  alios  praevocatos  ad- 
eptae  recuperatae  et  inventae  fuerint,  tune  volumus  et  per  praesentes 
concedimus  quod  omnes  et  singuli  tarn  viri  quam  foeminae  hujus  regni 
nostri  cceterique  subditi  nostri  et  insulas  hujusmodi  sic  noviter  in- 
ventas  visitare  et  in  eisdem  inhabitare  cupientes-  et  desiderantes, 
possint  et  valiant  licite  et  impune  ad  ipsas  patrias,  insulas  et  loca 
cum  eorum  navibus,  hominibus  et  servientibus,  rebus  et  bonis  suis 
universis  transire  et  in  eisdem  sub  protectione  et  regimine  dictorum 
Ricardi  et  aliorum  praenominatorum  morari  et  inhabitare,  divitiasque, 
fructus  et  emolumenta  patriarum,  terrarum  et  locorum  praedictorum 
adquierere  et  obtinere. 

Dantes  insuper  et  concedentes  praefatis  Ricardo,  Thomas  et  Johan- 
ni,  Francisco  et  Johanni  et  eorum  cuilibet  plenam  tenore  Prsesen- 
tium  potestatem  et  auctoritatem  omnes  et  singulos  homines  marina- 
rios  cseterasque  personas  ad  Insulas,  Patrias,  Provincias  terras  firmas 
et  loca  prsedicta  ex  causa  praedicta  se  divertentes  et  confluentes  tarn 


303 

in  comitiva  dictorum  Ricardi  et  aliorum  praenominatorum  quam  in 
comitiva  aliorum  illuc  imposterum  recursum  habere  contingentium 
tarn  supra  Mare  quam  in  Insulis,  patriis,  terris-firmis  et  locis  hujus- 
modi  post  quam  inventa  et  recuperata  fuerint  regendi  et  gubernandi 
.Legesque  Ordinationes,  Statuta  et  Proclamationes  pro  bono  et  quieto 
regimine  et  gubernatione  dictorum  hominum,  magistrorum,  marina- 
riorum,  et  aliarum  personarum  praedictarum  faciendi,  stabiliendi, 
ordinandi  et  constituendi  et  superinde  proclamationes  faciendi  ac 
omnes  et  singulos  quos  in  hac  parte  contraries  et  rebelles  ac  Legibus, 
Statutis  et  Ordinacionibus  praedictis  inobedientes  invenerint  ac  omnes 
illos  qui  furtum,  homicidia,  rapinas  commiserint  et  perpetrariunt  aut 
aliquas  mulieres  Insularum  seu  Patriarum  praedictarum,  contra  eorurn 
voluntatem  aut  aliter,  rapuerint  et  violaverint  juxta  leges  et  statute 
per  ipsos  in  hac  parte  ordinata  castigandi  et  puniendi.  Ac  etiam 
concessimus  praefatis  Ricardo,  Thomae,  Johanni,  Johanni,  Francisco 
et  Johanni  haeredibus  et  assignatis  suis  quodpostquam  aliquae  insulae, 
provinciae,  Terrae-firmae,  regio  seu  provincia  imposterum  per  ipsum 
Ricardum  et  alios  preenominatos  inventa  fuerint  tune  non  licebit  ali*> 
cui  seu  aliquibus  subdito  seu  subditis  nostris  durante  termino  decem 
annos  proximo  et  immediate  sequentes  ad  ipsas  villas  Provincias,  In* 
sulas,  Terras-firmas  et  Loca  causa  mercandisandi  ac  bona  acquirendi 
absque  licentia  nostra  regia  et  [the  words  in  italics  illegible  but 
supplied  conjecturally  from  the  corresponding  paragraph  in  the  sub 
sequent  patent  of  9th  Dec.  1502]  dictorum  Ricardi  et  aliorum  prae 
nominatorum  haeredum  et  assignatorum  suorum  cum  suis  navibus 
frequentare  aut  se  divertere  aut  in  eadem  ingredi  seu  in  eisdem  pro 
aliquibus  bonis  acquirendi  intromittere. 

Et  post  terminum  dictorum  decem  annorum  quod  nullus  ex  nostris 
subditis  ad  aliquam  Terram-firmam,  insulam,  patriam  seu  loca  per 
ipsos  Ricardum  et  Thomam  et  alios  praedictos  sic  noviter  inventa 
navigare  et  frequentare  praesumat  absque  licentia  nostra  prsedicta 
et  [the  words  in  italics  supplied  as  before]  praedictorum  Ricardi  et 
cceterorum  sub  poena  amissionis  et  forisfacturae  omnium  Bonarum, 
mercandisarum,  rerum  et  navium  quarumcunque  ad  ea  loca  sic  no 
viter  inventa  navigare  et  in  eadem  ingredi  pragsumentium  (videlicet) 
una  medietas  inde  erit  ad  opus  nostrum  et  alia  medietas  ad  opus  dic- 
toram  Ricardi  et  aliorum  prsenominatorum  et  haeredum  suorum, 

Et  ultius  ex  abundanti  gratia  nostra  concessimus  et  per  Praesentes 
concedimus  pro  nobis  et  haeredibus  nostris  quantam  in  nobis  est 
praefatis  Ricardo,  Thomae,  Johanni,  Johanni,  Francisco  et  Johanni 
et  eorum  cuilibet  haeredibus  et  assignatis  suis  quod  ipsi  et  eorum 
quilibet  mercandisas,  mercimonia,  aurum  et  argentum  in  macsa,  lapi- 


309 

des  preeiosa  et  alia  bona  quaecumque  de  creseeutia  patriarum,  insu- 
larumque  et  locorum  praedictorum  per  ipsos  sic  recuperandorum  ct 
inveniendorum  tarn  in  dictis  navibus  et  batellis  quam  aliis  quibus- 
cunque  navibus  exteris  a  dictis  patriis  insulis,  terris-firmis  et  locis 
in  hoc  regnum  nostrum  Angliae  ad  quemcunque  portum  seu  alium 
locum  ejusdem  adducere  et  cariare  et  adduci  seu  cariari  facere  possit 
et  valeat,  eaque  vendere  et  distribuere  ad  eorum  proficium  et  advan- 
tagium  aliquo  Statute  actu  ordinatione  seu  provisione  inde  in  con- 
trarium  factis  sive  ordinatis  nonobstantibus. 

Ac  nos  intime  considerantes  grandia  custus  et  onera  quae  circa  prae- 
missa  facienda  et  perimplendo  requiruntur  volentes  igitur  praefatis 
Ricardo>  Thomae  et  aliis  memoratis  personis  gratiam  provide  facere 
specialem  Concessimus  (prout)  per  Prsesente's  concedimus  eisdem, 
hseredibus  et  assignatis  suis  quod  ipsi  et  eorum  quilibet  h  redes  et 
assignati  sui  prsedicti  de  temporein  tempus  durante  termino  quatuor 
annorum  a  tempote  recuperationis  et  inventionis  Insularum,  et  pro- 
vinciarum  prsedictarum  proximo  et  immediate  sequentes,  mercandi- 
sas,  mercimonia  caeteraque  bona  in  uno  navi  tantum  cujuscunqUe 
portagii  fuerit  eskippata  et  onustata  ac  in  hoc  regnum  nostrum  An- 
gliae  adducenda  et  transportanda  in  portu  seu  loco  praedicto  ad  ter- 
ram  ponere,  eaque  vendere,  exponere  et  pro  libito  uuo  distribuere 
possint  de  tempore  in  tempus,  qualibet  viaggio,  durante  termino, 
dictorum  quatuor  annorum  absque  aliquibus  custumis,  subsidiis,  seu 
aliis  deveriis  pro  eisdem  bonis  mercimoniis  et  casteris  praemissis  in 
dicta  unica  navi  tantum  contentis  et  eskippatis  nobis  aut  haeredibus 
nostris  infra  dictuih  regnum  nostrum  Anglia?  aliqualiter  solvendis. 

Proviso  tamen  quod  nobi&  de  custumis,  subsidiis  pondagiis  et  aliis 
deveriia  Nobis  pro  caeteris  mercandisis,  mercimoniis  et  bonis  in 
omnibas  aliis  navibus  contentis  debitis  juxta  cdnsuetudinem  in  hoc 
regno  nostro  Angliae  hactenus  usitatam  fideliter  respondeatur  ut  est 
justum.  Et  Insuper  volumtis  et  concedimus  per  Prsesentes  quod 
quilibet  Capitalis  Magister,  contra  magister  et  Marinarius  cujuslibet 
NaviS  ad  aliquam  Terram-firmam  Insulam,  patriam,  provinciam  et 
locum  praedictum  frequentantis  et  pavigantishabeant  gaudeant  et  per- 
cipiant  de  bonis  et  mercimoniis  a  dictis  Insulis,  Terris-firmis  et  Pro- 
vinciis  in  hoc  regnum  Angliae  adducendis  custumas  et  subsidia  se- 
quentia,  videlicet. 

Quod  quilibet  Magister  habeat  gaudeat  et  precipiat  subsidia  et 
custumas,  quolibet  viagio,  quatuor  doliorum. 

Et  quilibet  Contramagister  vel  Quarter-Magister  custumas  et  sub 
sidia  duorum  Doliorum. 

Ac  quilibet  Marinarius  custumas  et  subsidia  unius  Dolii. 


310 

Licet  sint  caveata  et  eskippata  [the  words  in  italics  supplied  as 
befor]  lit  bona  sua  propria  aut  ut  bona  alicujus  alterius  persons  cu- 
juscunque  et  hoc  absque  aliquibus  custumis,  subditis  debitis  seu  de- 
veriis  infra  hoc  regnum  nostrum  Angliae  ad  opus  nostrum  aut  hsere- 
dum  nostrorum  pro  eisdenr  doliitf  aliqualiter  solvendis  seu  petendis. 

Et  si  contingat  aliquem  vel  aliquos  mercatorem  seu  mercatores 
hujus  regni  nostri  ad  dictas  Insulas  Patrias  et  Loca  sub  licencia  dic- 
torum  subdictorum  nostrorum  aut  absque  licencia  causa  habendi  mer- 
candisas  et  mercimonia  adventare  et  laborare  ad  bona  et  mercimonia 
ab  eisdem  partibus  in  hoc  regnum  nostrum  adducere  tune  volumus 
et  concedimus,  per  praesentes,  praefatis,  Ricardo,  Thomae,  Johanni, 
Johanni,  Francisco,  Johanni  hseredibus  et  assignatis  suis  quod  ipsi 
durante  termino  decem  annorum  antedicto  habeant  de  quolibet  hu- 
jusrnodi  rnercatore,  solutis  nobis  custumis,  subsidiis  et  aliis  deveriis 
nobis  in  hac  parte  debitis  et  consuetis,  vicesimum  partem  omnium 
hujusmodi  bonarum  et  mercimoniarum  per  ipsos  a  dictis  Insulis, 
patriis  et  Locis  quolibet  viagio  durante  dicto  termino  decem  annorum 
in  hoc  regnum  nostrum  Angliae  traducendorum  et  cariandorum  ha- 
bendam  et  capiendam  hujusmodi  vicesimam  partem  in  portu  ubi  con- 
tigerit  dicta  bona  discarcari  et  exonerarL 

Proviso  Semper  quod  praedicti  Ricardus  et  alii  praedicti,  haeredes 
et  assignati  sui  et  non  alii  omnino  imposterum  durante  dicto  termino 
decem  annorum  sint  Factores  et  Attornati  in  dictis  Insulis  Terris- 
nrmis  et  Patriis  pro  quibuscunque  hujusmodi  mercatoribus  aliisque 
personis  illuc  ex  causa  praedicta  confluentibus  in  etpro  eorum  Factis 
mercatoriis  in  eisdem. 

Proviso  etiam  quod  nulla  navis  cum  bonis  et  mercandisis  a  dictis 
partibus  sic  noviter  inventis  carcata  et  onusta  postquam  in  aliquam 
portum  hujus  [the  words  in  italics  supplied  as  before]  Regni  nostri 
adducta  fuerint  non  exoneratur  de  eisdem  bonis  et  mercandisis  nisi 
in  praesentia  praefatorum  Ricardi  et  aliorum  praedictorum  eorumvB 
hseredum  seu  deputatorum  ad  hoc  assignandum  sub  poena  forisfac- 
turae  eorumdem  bonarum  et  mercandisiarum ;  unde  una  medietas  ad 
opus  nostrum  et  alia  medietas  praefatis  Ricardo  et  aliis  praenominatis 
et  haeredibus  suis  applicentur. 

Et  *i  imposterum  aliqui  extranet  aut  alias  [the  part  in  italics  sup 
plied  as  before]  personae  ad  ipsas  partes  contra  voluntatern  ipsorum 
Ricardi  et  aliorum  praenominatorum  causa  habendi  divitias  navigare 
et  ea  vi  et  armis  ingredi  ac  dictos  Ricardum  et  alios  praedictos  aut 
hseredes  suos  ibidem  insultare  ac  eos  expellere  et  debellare  aut 
alias  inquietare  presumpserint  quod  tune  volumus  ac  eisdem  subditis 
tenore  Praesentium  damus  et  committimus  ipsos  extraneos  licet  sint 


311 

subditi  et  vasalli  alicujus  Principis  Nobiscum  in  liga  et  amicitia  totis 
suis  veribus  tarn  per  terrain  quam  per  mare  et  aquas  dulces  expugnan- 
di  resistendi  et  Gueriam  contra  eos  levandi  et  faciendi  casque  cap- 
iendi,  subpeditandi  et  incarcerandi  ibidem  quousque  Fines  et  Re- 
demptiones  eisdem  subditis  nostris  fecerint  moratur  aut  alias  secun- 
dum  sanam  discretionem  ipsorum  subditorum  nostrorum  et  haeredum 
suorum  castigandi  et  puniendi. 

At  etiam  praefatis  subditis  nostris  caeterisque  personis  praedictis 
plenam  tenore  Praesentium  potestatem  damus  et  committimus  sub  se 
quoscunque  Capitaneos,  Locatenentes  et  Deputatos  in  singulis  Civi- 
tatibus,  villis,  Oppidis  et  Locis  dictarum  Insularum  Provinciarum, 
Patriarum  et  Locorum  praedietorum  ad  regendum  et  gubernandum 
omnes  et  singulas  personas  in  eisdem  partibus  sub  regimine  et  gu- 
bernatione  dictorum  subdictorum  nostrorum  ibidem  commorantium 
ac  ad  justitiam  eisdem  secundum  tenorem  et  effectum  Ordinationum 
Statutorum  et  Proclamationum  praedictorum  debite  exequendum  et 
administrandum  per  Literas  suas  Patentes  sigillis  eonim  sigillandas, 
faciendi,  constituendi  nominandi  et  substituendi.  Et  insuper  con- 
cessimus  et  per  Praesentes  concedimus  praefatis  Ricardo,  Thomse, 
Johanni,  Johanni,  Francisco  et  Johanni  ad  terminum  vitae  suae  et 
cujuslibet  eorum  diutius  viventis  officium  Admiralli  supra  Mare  in 
quibuscunque  locis,  patriis,  et  provinces  a  se  sic  noviter  inventis  et 
imposterum  inveniendis  et  recuperandis,  ipsosque  Ricardum,  Tho- 
mam,  Johannem,  Johannem,  Franciscum,  Johannem  et  eorum  quem- 
libet  conjunctim  et  divisim  Admirallos  nostros  in  eisdem  partibus 
facimus,  constituimus,  ordinamus  et  deputamus,  per  Praesentes  dantes 
et  concedentes  eisdem  et  eorum  cuilibet  plenam  tenore  Praesentiarum 
potestatem  et  auctoritatem  ea  omnia  et  singula  quae  ad  officium  Ad- 
mirallitatis  pertinent  faciendi  ^xercendi  et  exequendi  secundum 
legem  et  consuetudinem  maritimam  in  hoc  regno  nostro  Angliae 
usitatam. 

Ac  etiam  postquam  praefati  Ricardus  Warde,  Thomas  Ashhurst  et 
Johannes  Thomas,  ac  Johannes  Fernandus,  Franciscus  Fernandus  et 
Johannes  Gunsolus  aliquas  terras-firmas,  insulas,  patrias  et  provin- 
cias,  oppida,  castra,  civitates  et  villas  per  assistentiam  nostram  sic 
jnvenerint,  obtinuerint,  et  subjugaverint  tune  volumus  et  per  Pree- 
sentes  concedimus  eisdem,  haeredibus  et  assignatis  suis  quod  ipsi  et 
haeredes  sui  habeant,  teneant  et  possideant  sibi  haeredibus  et  assignatis 
suis  omnia  et  singula  talia  et  tanta,  terras-firmas,  insulas,  patrias, 
provincias,  castra,  oppida,  fortallicia,  civitates  et  villas  qualia  et 
quanta  ipsi  et  homines  tenentes  et  servientes  sui  posstmt  inhabitare, 


312 

custodire  sustinere  et  manutere:  Habenda  et  Tenendaeadem  Terras 
Insulas  et  loca  prsedicta  sibi>  hseredibus  et  assignatis  suis  et  cujusli- 
bet  eorem  de  nobis  ethaeredibus  nostris  imperpetuum  per  Fidelitatem 
tantum  absque  aliquo  Compoto"  seu  aliquo  alio  nobis  aut  haeredibus 
nostris  proinde  reddendo  seu  faciendo,  Dignitate  Dominio,  Regali- 
tate,  Jurisdictione,  et  pre-eminentia  in  eisdem  nobis  semper  salvis  et 
omnino  reservatis. 

Et  ultius  concessimus  praefatis  Ricardo,  Thomae,  Johanni,  Johan- 
ni,  Francisco,  Johanni  quod  ipsi  haeredes  et  assignati  sui  praedicti 
dictas  terras-firmas,  insulas  et  provincias  ipsis  et  haeredibus  suis  prae- 
dictis  ut  praemittitur  sic  concessas,  postquam  iaventae  et  recuperates 
sint,  ac  cum  in  plena  possessiorie  earundem  fuerint  teneant  possideant 
et  gaudeant  libere,  quiete,  et  pacifice  absque  impedimento  aliquali 
nostri  aut'haeredum  nostrorum  quarumcunque,  Et  quod  nullus  es: 
subditis  nostris  eos  eorum  aliqUem  de  et  super  possessione  et  titulo 
suis  de  et  in  dictis  terris-firmis,  insulis  et  provinciis  se  aliqualiter 
contra  voluntatem  suam  expellat  quovis  modo  seualiquis  extranet^ 
aut  aliqui  extranei  virtute  aut  colore  alicujus  concessions  nos- 
trsB  sibi  Magno  Sigillo  Nostro  per  antea  factse  aut  imposterum 
faciendse  cum  aliquibus  aliis  locis  et  insulis 

..  .  et  contiguis  ac  membris  et  Parcellis  praefatis  Insulis 
Terris-firmis  Provinciis  et  locis  ...«».  absque  licen- 

tia subditorum  nostrorum  et  alio- 

rum  prsenominatorum  aliquo  modo  intromittat  nee  intromittant 
[Through  tbe  words  in  italics  the  pen  is  drawn  in  the  original,  and 
a  space  then  occurs,  from  which  the  writing  has  been  carefully  and 
completely  erased], 

Promittentes  bona-fide  et  in  verbo  regio  Nos  ratum  gratum  et  firm- 
urn  habituros  totum  et  quicquid  praefati  Ricardus, Thomas,  Johannes, 
Johannes  Franciscus  et  Johannes  et  eorum  quilibet  pro  praemissorum 
complemento  fecerint  fierique  procuraverint  in  hac  parte.  Et  quod 
Nos  aut  haeredes  nostri  nullo  unquam  tempore  in  future  ipsos  aut 
eorum  aliquam  hasredes  et.  assignatos  suos  in  jure,  titulo  et  possess 
ione  suis  inquietabimus,  impediemus  aut  molestium  eis  faciemus  nee 
per  alios  nostros  subditos  aut  alios  quoscunque  quantum  in  nobis 
fuerit  fieri  seu  procurari,  permittemus  seu  procurabimus,  nee  ipsos 
haeredes  et  assignatos  suos  pro*  aliqua  causa  imposterum  emergente 
seu  contingente  ab  eisdem  Terris-firmis,  provinciis  et  locis  nullo 
modo  amovebimus.aut  amoveri  seu  expelli  per  subditos  nostros  pro 
curabimus.  Et  ultius  ex  uheriori  gratia  nostra  et  mero  motu  nostro 
concessimus  et  per  Praesentes  concedimus  pro  Nobis  et  haeredibns 


313 

quantum  in  nobis  est  Johanni  Johanni  Fernandus,  Francisco  Fernan- 
dus  et  Johanni  Gunsalos,  Armigeris  de  Insulis  de  Surrys  subditos 
Regis  Portugaliaeoriundiset  eorum  cuilibetquod  ipsi  et  eorum  quili- 
bet  ac  omnes  liberi  sui  tarn  procreati  quam  procreandi  in  perpetuam 
flint  indigeni  et  ligei  nostri  et  hsereduiu  nostrorum  et  in  omnibus 
causis,  querelis,  rebus  et  materiis  quibuscumque  habeantur  pertrac- 
tarentur  teneantur,  reputentur  et  gubernentur  tanquam  veri  et  fideles 
Ligei  Nostri  infra  Regnum  nostrum  Angliae  oriundi  etnon  aliternec 
alio  mbdo.     Et  quod  ipsi  et  omnes  liberi  sui  praedicti  "omnimodo 
actiones  reales  personales  et  mixtas  in  omnibus  Curiis,  locis  et  juris- 
dictionibus  nostris  quibuscunque  habere  exercere  eisque  uti  et  gau- 
dere  ac  eas  in  eisdem  placitare  et  implacitari  respondere  et  respon- 
deri,  defendere  ac  defendi  possint  et  eorum  quilibet  possit  in  omni 
bus  sicuti  veri  et  fideles  Ligei  nostri  infra  Regnum  nostrum  prsedic- 
tum  oriundi.     Et  quod  ipsi  et  eorum  quilibet  Terras,  Tenementa, 
reditus,  reversiones,  servitia  et  alios  possessiones  quaecunque  tarn  in 
ddminio  quam  in  reversione  infra  dictum  regnum  nostrum  Angliae 
ac  alia  dominia  et  loca  sub  obedientia  nostra  perquirere,  capere,  reci- 
pere,  habere  tenere  possidere  et  haereditare  sibi,  haeredibus  et  assig- 
Ratis  sui  imperpetuum  .vel  alio  modo  quocunque  ac  ea  dare,  vendere, 
alienare  et  legare  cuieunque  personae  sive  quibus-cunque  personiis 
sibi  placuerit  libere,  qiiiete,  licite  et  impune  possint  et  quilibet  eorum 
possit  ad  libitum  suum  adeo  libere  integre  et  pacifice  sicut  possit  et 
valeat  aliquis  Ligeorum  nostroruzn  infra  regnum  nostrum  Angliae 
oriundus.     Ita  tamen  quod  prasdicti  Johannes  Fernandus,  Francis- 
eus  et  Johannes  Gunsolus  et  omnes  liberi  sui  praedicti  solvant  aut 
solvi  faciant  et  eorum  quilibet  solvat  seu  solvi  faciat  talia  custumas 
subsidia  et  alia  demandia  pro  bonis,  mercibus,  mercandisis  et  merci- 
moniis  suis  in  Regnum  nostrum  Angliae  adducendis  vel  extra  idem 
Regnum  educendis  qualia  alienigeni  nobis  solvant  aut  solvere  debe- 
rent  vel  consueverunt     Et  quod  idem  Johannes  Fernandus,  Fran- 
ciscus  et  Johannes  Gunsolus  et  omnes  liberi  sui  praedicti  de  castero 
in  futuro  colore  seu  vigore  alicujus  Statuti,  Ordinacionis  sive  con- 
ceseionis  in  Parliamento  nostro  aut  extra  Parliamenium  nostrum  facti 
vel  fiendi  non  arcteantur  seu  compellantur  nee  eorum  aliquis  arctenea- 
tur  teneatur  seu  compellatur  ad  solvendum,  dandum  vel  supportan- 
dum  nobis  vel  alicui  haeredum  nostrorum  seu  cuicunque  alteri  aliqua 
Taxas,  Tallagia  seu  alia  onera  quaecunque  pro  terris,  tenementis,  bonis 
vel  personis  suis  praeterquam  talia  et  tanta  qualia  et  quanta  alii  fideles 
Ligei  nostri  infra  dictum  Regnum  nostrum  oriundi  pro  bonis,  terris 
tenementis  seu  personis  suis  solvunt  dant  faciunt  vel  supportant  aut 
2P 


314 

solvere,  dare,  facere  vel  supportare  consueverunt  et  teneantur  sed 
quod  praedicti  Johannes  Fernandus,  Franciscus  et  Johannes  Gunso- 
lus  et  omnes  liberi  sui  praedicti  habere  et  possidere  valeant  et  possint 
et  eorum  quilibet  valeat  et  possit  omnia  et  omnimodo  alia  Libertates, 
privilegia,  franchesias  et  custumas  ac  eis  uti  et  gaudere  possint  et 
eorum  quilibet  possit  infra  dictum  Regnum  nostrum  Angliae,  jurisdic- 
tiones  et  dominia  nostra  quaecunque  adeo  plene  libere,  quiete,  integre 
et  pacifice  sicut  coeteri  Ligei  nostri  infra  idem  Regnum  nostrum  ori- 
undi  habent  utunt  et  gaudent  aut  habere,  possidere,  uti  et  gaudere  de- 
beantet  valeant  aliquo  statuto,  acto,  ordinacione  vel  aliqua  alia  causa, 
re,  vel  materia  quacunque  nonobstante, 

Proviso  semper  quod  praefati  Johannes  Fernandus,  Franciscus  et 
Johannes  Gunsolus  homagium  ligeum  nobis  faciunt  et  eorum  quili 
bet  faciat  ac  Lotto  et  Scotto  et  -  aliis  oneribus  in  Regno  nostro  pras- 
dicto  debitis  et  consuetis  contribuant  et  eorum  quilibet  contribuat 
sicut  alii  ligei  nostri  infra  dictum,  regnum  nostrum  oriundi  faciunt 
Proviso  etiam  quod  iidem  Johannes  Fernandus,  Franciscus  et 
Johannes  Gunsolus  solvant  et  eorum  quilibet  solvat  nobis  et  hseredi- 
bus  nostris  tot  et  tanta  custumas  subsidia  et  alia  deveria  pro  bonis  et 
mercandisis  suis  prout  alienigeni  nobis  solvere  et  reddere  teneantur. 
Et  ulterius  ex  uberiori  gratia  nostra  concessimus  praefatis  Ricardo, 
Thomas,  Johanni,  Johanni,  Francisco,  et  Johanni  quod  ipsi  habeant 
Praesentes  Literas  Nostras  in  Cancellaria  nostra  absque  aliquo  fine 
seu  feodo  aut  aliquibus  finibus  seu  feodis  pro  eisdem  Literis  nostri? 
aut  aliqua  parte  eorundem  aut  pro  Magno  Sigillo  nostro  ad  opiu 
nostrum  in  Hannaperio  dictae  Cancellarias  nostrae  aliqualiter  sol- 
vendis. 

Et  volumus  et  concedimus  per  Praesentes  quod  Reverendissimus 
in  Christo  Pater  Henricus  Episcopus  Salisb.  Gustos  Magni  Sigilli 
nostri  auctoritate  praesentis  Concessionis  nostrae  fieri  faciat  etsigillari 
tot  et  talia  Brevia  sub  Magno  Sigillo  nostro  sigillanda  Custodi  sive 
clerico  Hanaperii  nostri  dirigenda  pro  exoneratione  dictorum  Fini- 
um  et  Feodorum  quot  et  qualia  in  hac  parte  necessaria  fuerint  et  re- 
quisita,  absque  aliquo  alio  Warranto  aut  prosecutione  penes  Nos  in 
hac  parte  faciendis. 
In  cujus,  &c. 


315 


(See  page  276.) 

CONJECTURE    AS    TO    THE    NAME    "  DOMINIS    VOBISCUM*'    ERRONEOUSLY 

ASSOCIATED  WITH  THE  VOYAGE  OF    1527 FORSTER*S    MISTAKE   AS   TO 

NORUMBEGA — NAVARETTE,   &C.,    AS    TO  THE   PERIOD  AT   WHICH   NEW 
FOUNDLAND  WAS  FIRST  FREQUENTED  FOR  FISHING. 

WHENCE  could  have  arisen  the  misconception  of  Frobisher  as  to 
the  words  Dominus  Vobiscum  associated  with  this  enterprise  ?  As 
sured  that  he  was  wrong,  a  conjecture  may  be  hazarded.  Were 
they  the  final  adieu  and  benediction  of  Wolsey  to  his  ecclesiastical 
proteg6  and  correspondent — perhaps  as  the  vessel  passed  Greenwich^ 
Such  an  exclamation  would  linger  on  the  popular  ear.  One  of  the 
ships  was  never  heard  of,  but  all  hopes  of  her  could  not  have  been 
abandoned  for  many  years,  and  the  fate  of  those  on  board  must  have 
long  been  a  subject  of  painful  speculation,  and  to  their  relatives  of 
agonizing  suspense.  The  invocation  of  the  odious  Cardinal  may 
have  been  recalled  as  little  likely  to  propitiate  Heaven — in  fact  of 
evil  omen — and  the -impression,  coloured  highly  at  the  time  by  the 
imagination,  might  be  confusedly  traced  by  Frobisher,  half  a  century 
afterwards,  amidst  the  faded  reminiscences  of  the  Expedition. 

Forster  (p.  436,  note)  is  very  much  puzzled  at  the  name  of  No- 
rumbega,  which  occurs  in  the  heading  of  Hakluyt's  account  of  the 
yoyage,  and  supposes/*  that  some  of  the  toys  which  were  presented 
to  the  savages,  consisting  of  looking-glasses,  bells,  &c.,  were  of 
Nuremberg  manufacture,  and  that  by  the  name  given  to  the  country 
they  meant  to  preserve  the  memory  of  this  fact!"  The  name  is 
found  distinguishing  the  'country  immediately  to  the  southward  of 
Newfoundland  on  the  maps  or  descriptions  of  Ortelius,  De  Laet, 
Bertius,  and  Cluverius.  In  another  passage  of  Hakluyt,  (vol.  iii.  p; 
163)  reference  is  made  to  the  same  Norumbegain  connexion  with 
the  enterprise  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  and  in  a  way  not  te  be  mis«; 
understood.  As  to  the  origin  of  the  name,  it  might  have  occurred 
to  Forster,  from,  the  termination  Hochlega,  &c.  and  the  usual  cus 
tom  of  the  French  of  preserving  Indian  names,  that  it  was  aboriginal. 


316 

He  has  not  only  overlooked  these  considerations,  but  something  else 
of  which  his  ignorance  is  less  excusable.  The  article  which  imme 
diately  follows  the  account  of  Verrazani's  voyage  of  1524,  inRamu- 
sio,  (torn.  iii.  fol.  423,  F.)  is  ".a  Discourse  by  a  great  Sea  Captain 
of  France,"  relative  to  these  regions,  written  fifteen  years  after  the 
time  of  Verrazani.  He  describes  the  "  terra  di  Norumbega"  as 
lying  where  we  have  stated,  and  expressly  states  it  to  be  so  called  by 
the  natives,  "  la  terra  e  detta  da  paesani  suai  Norembega."  So, 
too,  Thevet,  in  his  Cosmographie  Universelle,  (Paris  ed.  of  1575, 
torn.  ii.  fol.  1010)  says  of  this  region,  "  que  aucuns  ont  appelee 
Terre  Francayse  et'ceux  du  pays  Norumbeque." 

There  is  one  incidental  point  which  the  Letter  of  Rut  conclusively 
settles.  Navarette  has  a  long  dissertation  to  prove  that  the  New 
foundland  fishery  was  not  pursued  at  so  early  a  period  as  has  been 
usually  supposed.  This  opinion  is  adopted  by  a  recent  writer,  (Dr 
Lardner's  Cyclopaedia,  History  of  Maritime  and  Inland  discovery, 
vol.  ii.  p.  24)  who  says  "  Don  M.  de  Navarette,  whose  authority 
on  this  point  seems  conclusive,  is  disposed  to  think  that  the  Bis- 
cayans  did  not  discover  Newfoundland  till  1526,  and  he  shews  that 
they  did  not  frequent  the  Banks  till  1540."  -Now  we  have  the 
positive  statement  of  the  English  Commander  to  Henry  VIII.  that 
on  entering  St  John's  on  the  3rd  of  August,  1527,  he  found  "eleven 
sail  of  Normans,  and  one  Brittaine,  and  two  Portugall  Barkes,  and 
alia  fishing."  Herrera  (Dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  iii.)  gives  this  same 
report  by  an  English  vessel  which  had  touched,  in  the  West-Indies, 
as  to  her  having  been  at  the  Baccalaos,  and  found  there  engaged  in 
fishing  fifty  vessels,  Spanish,  French,  and  Portuguese.  The  misfor 
tune  of  Don  M.  Navarette  is  that  with  no  firm  hold  of  the  History 
of  the  New  World,  even  as  found  in  the  works  of  his  own  country 
men,  he  attaches  an  importance  altogether  exaggerated,  and  sometimes 
absurd,  to  the  Documents  over  which  he  is  incumbent,  and  when  he 
finds  a  scrap  of  manuscript  exhibits  it  with  a  sort  of  triumph  and  as 
quite  decisive,  when,  in  a  majority  of  cases,  it  owes  its  origin  to 
ignorance  or  fraud*  Thus,  on  this  point,  he  gravely  cites  the  nega 
tive  testimony  of  half-a-dozen  masters  of  vessels  taken  on  a  trial  of 
which  he  has  a  MS.  account.  These  persons,  it  seems,  were  unable 
to  carry  back  further  the  history  of  the  fishery.  Infinite  discretion 
is  necessary  on  the  part  of  a  writer  circumstanced  like  Don  M.  Na 
varette.  The  eye  quickly  becomes  diseased  unless  the  microscope 
be  often  withdrawn,  and  a  healthy  look  taken  round  the  natural 
horizon 


317 


PORTRAIT  OP  SEBASTIAN  OABOT  BY  HOLBEIN. 

REFERENCE  has  already  been  made  (page  179)  to  the  Portrait  of 
Sebastian  Cabot  in  considering  the  singular  misconception  as  to  the 
meaning  of  the  epithet  "  Militis  aurati."  The  statement  of  Pur- 
chas  (vol.  iv.  p.  1812)  is  as  follows: — 

"Sir  Seb.  Cabota;  his  Picture  in  the  Privie  Gallerie  at  White- 
Hall  hath  these  words,  Effigies  Seb.  Caboti  Angll,  filii  Joannis 
Caboti  Veneti  militis  aurati,  fyc. ;  he  was  born  at  Venice,  and 
serving  Henry  VII.,  Henry  VIII.,  Edward  VI.  was  .accounted 
English — Galpano  saith  he  was  borne  at  Bristol." 

This  Picture  now  belongs  to  the  Representatives  of  the  late  Charles 
Joseph  Harford,  Esq.  of  Bristol.  The  inscription  which  Purchas 
curtails  by  an  "&c."  is  this:— 

"  Effigies  Seb.  Caboti  Angli,  filii  Johannis  Caboti  Veneti  Militis 
Aurati,  Primi  Inventoris  Terras  Novae  sub  Henrico  VIL  *ftngli& 
JRege." 

The  manner  in  which  the  Portrait  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Mr 
Harford,  and  finally  into  his  possession,  is  very  minutely  stated  in 
&  Memoir  prepared  by  him  and  left  with  his  family.  Without  need 
lessly  introducing  names  it  may  suffice  to  state  that  whilst  travelling 
in  Scotland,  in  1792,  he  saw  it  for  the  first  time  at  the  seat  of  a  no 
bleman;  and,  many  years  afterwards,  his  friend  the  late  Sir  Frede 
rick  Eden  was  enabled  to  gratify  his  anxious  wishes  by  procuring  it 
for  him. 

The  work  of  Purchas  was  published  in  1625,  at  the  close  of  the 
reign  of  James  I.  That  the  picture  was  not  in  the  Gallery  in  the 
time  of  Charles  II.,  would  appear  from  the  following  circumstances:— 

There  is  a  tract  by  Evelyn,  the  celebrated  author  of  Sylvct,  &c., 
entitled  "  Navigation  and  Commerce,  their  Original  and  Progress, 
containing  a  succinct  account  of  traffic  in  general,  its  benefits  and 
improvements;  of  discoveries,  wars,  and  conflicts  at  sea,  from  the 
original  of  Navigation  to  this  day;  with  special  regard  to  the  English 
nation;  their  several  voyages  and  Expeditions  to  the  beginning  of 
our  late  differences  with  Holland;  in  which  his  Majesty's  Title  to  the 


318 

Dominion  of  the  Sea  is  asserted  against  the  novel  and  later  preten 
ders,  by  J.  Evelyn,  Esq.  S.R.S.  London,  1674."  It  is  dedicated 
to  Charles  II.,  to  whom  the  author  expresses  his  gratitude  for  an  ap 
pointment  to  the  Council  of  Commerce  and  Plantations.  The  object 
of  it,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the  title,  is  to  shew  the  early  and  dif 
fusive  influence  of  England  at  sea.  Referring  to  the  triumphant 
conflicts  with  France  in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.  he  says,  (p.  73) 
"  see  also  that  rare  piece  of  Holbein's  in  his  Majesty's  Gallery  at 
White-Hall."  He  adverts  (p.  57)  to  Sebastian  Cabot,  "  born  with 
us  at  Bristol,"  and  hazards  a  conjecture  as  to  his  having,  with 
his  father,  "  discovered  Florida  and  the  shoars  of  Virginia  with  that 
whole  tract  as  far  as  Newfoundland  before  the  bold  Genoese."  Had 
the  portrait  in  question  been  in  the  Gallery  at  White-Hall  in  Eve 
lyn's  time,  he  would  not  have  omitted  to  notice  the  remarkable  as 
sertion  which  its  inscription  conveys. 

The  disappearance  of  the  picture,  therefore,  from  White-Hall,  and 
its  getting  into  private  hands,  may  be  referred  to  the  intermediate 
period.  It  was,  probably,  bought  at  the  Sales  which  took  place 
after  the  death  of  Charles  I.,  and  of  which  the  following,  account  is 
found  in  Walpole's  Anecdotes  of  Painting  in  England:— 

"  Immediately  after  the  death  of  the  King1,  several  votes  were  passed  for  sale  of 
his  goods,  pictures,  statues,  &c. 

««  Feb.  20,  1648.  It  was  referred  to  the  Committee  of  the  Navy  to  raise  money 
by  sale  of  the  crown  jewels,  hanging's,  and  other  goods  of  the  late  King. 

*  In  the  ensuing  month  the  House  proceeded  to  vote,  that  the  personal  estate  of 
the  late  King,  Queen,  and  Prince  should  be  inventoried,  appraised,  and  sold.  This 
vote,  in  which  they  seem  to  have  acted  honestly,  not  allowing  their  own  members 
to  be  concerned  in  the  sale,  was  the  cause  that  the  collections  fell  into  a  variety  of 
low  hands,  and  were  dispersed  among  the  painters  and  officers  of  the  late  King's 
household;  where  many  of  them  remained  on  sale  with  low  prices  affixed. 

"  All  other  furniture  from  all  the  King's  Palaces  was  brought  up  and  exposed  to 
sale;  there  are  specified,  particularly,  Denmark  or  Somerset-house,  Greenwich, 
Whitehall,  Nonsuch,  Oatlands,  Windsor,  Wimbleton-house,  St  James's,  Hampton- 
court,  Richmond,  Theobalds,  Ludlow,  Carisbrook,  and  Kenilworth  Castles;  Bewd- 
ley-house,  Holdenby-house,  Royston,  Newmarket,  and  Woodstock  manor-house. 
One  may  easily  imagine  that  suoh  a  collection  of  pictures,  with  the  remains  of  jew 
els  and  plate,  and  the  furniture  of  nineteen  palaces,  ought  to  have  amounted  to  a 
far  greater  sum  than  one  hundred  and  eighteen  thousand  pounds. 

"  The  sale  continued  to  August  9,  1653.  The  prices  were  fixed,  but  if  more 
was  offered,  the  highest  bidder  purchased;  this  happened  in  some  instances,  not  in 
many.  Part  of  the  goods  were  sold  by  inch  of  candle.  The  buyers  called  con 
tractors,  signing  a  writing  for  the  several  sums.  If  they  disliked  the  bargain,  they 
were  at  liberty  to  be  discharged  from  the  agreement  on  paying  one  fourth  of  the 
sura  stipulated.  Among  the  purchasers  of  statues  and  pictures  were  several  pain- 


319 

ters,  as  Dccritz,  Wright,  Baptist  Van  Leemput,  Sir  Balthazar  Gerbier,  &c.    The 
Cartoons  of  Raphael  were  bought  by  his  Highness  (Cromwell)  for  300/." 

The  circumstances  which  refer  this  Portrait  to  Holbein  seem  to 
be  conclusive.  Cabot  is  represented  as  in  extreme  age.  Now  he 
had  not  been  in  England  from  1517  until  his  return  in  1548.  The 
Portrait,  therefore,  must  have  been  taken  after  the  last-mentioned 
date.  Holbein  enjoyed  the  continued  patronage  of  Henry  VIII. 
after  Sir  Thomas  More  had  introduced  his  works  to  the  King's  no 
tice  in  the  manner  so  familiarly  known.  He  lived  through  the  reign 
of  Edward  VI.,  and  died  at  Whitehall  of  the  plague,  in  1554.  It 
is  not  probable,  under  such  circumstances,  that  a  Portrait  of  Cabot, 
destined  for  the  King's  Gallery,  would  have  been  taken  by  any  other 
hand. 

Such  seems  to  be  the  curious  history  of  a  Picture  in  itself  so  inter 
esting.  Painted  for  Edward  VI.,  in  compliment  to  this  great  sea 
man  and  national  benefactor,  and  the  property,  in  succession,  of  two 
Queens,  and  two  Kings  of  England,  its  retirement  to  private  life 
may  probably  be  dated  from  a  Sale  at  which  Oliver  Cromwell  was 
a  bidder. 

Cabot  was  evidently,  as  has  been  said,  at  a  very  advanced  age 
when  the  Portrait  was  taken.  His  stature,  though  somewhat  lost  in 
a  slight  stoop,  must  have  been  commanding.  Holbein  would  seem 
to  have  wished  to  catch  the  habitual,  unpremeditated  expression 
which  he  had  doubtless,  from  engagements  about  the  Court,  had  fre 
quent  opportunities  of  remarking.  It  is  that  of  profound,  and  even 
painful,  thought;  and  in  the  deeply-marked  lines,  and  dark  hazel 
eye,  there  yet  linger  tokens  of  the  force  and  ardour  of  character  of 
this  extraordinary  man.  The  right  hand  exhibits  an  admirable  spe 
cimen  of  the  painter's  minute,  elaborate  finish.  Of  the  compasses 
which  it  holds  one  foot  is  placed  on  a  great  globe  resting  on  a  table 
on  which  are  an  hour-glass  and  writing  materials.  The  rich  robe, 
and  massy  gold  chain,  are  probably  badges  of  his  office  as  Governor 
of  the  Society  of  Merchant-Adventurers.  It  is  impossible  not  to 
gaze  with  deep  interest,  on  this  memorial,  heightened,  perhaps,  by  a 
reflection  on  its  present  humble  posi'tion — emblematic,  indeed,  of  the 
slight  on  the  closing  years  of  the  great  original,* 

*  A  Catalogue  of  the  Pictures,  &c.,  belonging  to  Charles  I.,  drawn  up  in  his 
lifetime,  and  apparently  for  his  use,  is  found  amongst  the  Harleian  MSS.  No. 
4718.  Amongst  those  enumerated  as  then  in  the  Privy  Gallery  at  White-Hall 
that  of  Cabot  is  not  mentioned.  This  might  lead  to  the  inference  that  it  had  got 
into  private  hands  sooner  than  is  above  suggested,  particularly  as  it  appears  by 


320 


(G.) 

ERROR  IN  ATTRIBUTING  TO  CABOT  THB  WORK  ENTITLED  *'  NAVIGATIONS 
NELLE  PARTE  SETTENTRIONALE,"  PUBLISHED  AT  VENICE  IN  1583. 

THERE  has  been  universally  referred  to  Sebastian  Cabot  a  work  en 
titled  "  Navigatione  nelle  parte  settentrionale,"  published  at  Venice 
in  1583;  and  in  the  Catalogue  of  the  Bodleian  Library,  it  is  actu 
ally  announced  under  the  title  "  Cabot."  The  Biographic  Univer- 
selle,  adverting  to  this  circumstance,  says,  in  seeming  despair,  that 
this  work,  unknown  to  all  the  Biographers  who  had  been  consulted 
on  the  subject,  is  perhaps  imaginary.*  An  explanation  may  be* 
given,  though  somewhat  at  the  expense  of  the  Biographic  Univer- 
selle,  and  of  the  Bodleian  Catalogue. 

The  work  in  question  will  be  found  in  the  second  volume  of  Ra- 
musio  (ed.  of  1583  and  of  1606,  fol.  212).  In  the  Memoir  of  Ca 
mus  on  the  Collection  of  De  Bry  and  Thevenot,  he  takes  occasion 
to  furnish  a  list  of  the  contents  of  Ramusio,  and  in  his  account  (p.  10) 
of  the  second  volume  this  tract  is  noticed  as  the  17th  article.  The 
Biographic  Universelle  cites  this  Memoir  (art.  Ramusio),  but  of 

the  Catalogue  that  some  of  the  Pictures  had  been  recently  obtained  in  the  way 
of  exchange.  Again,  it  may  have  been  sent,  or  taken,  away  by  the  King.  In  the 
MS.  work  of  Richard  Symonds  (Harleian  MSS.  No.  991),  it  is  said,  "The  Com 
mittee  at  Somerset-house  valued  the  King's  pictures  .and  other  movable  goods  at 
200,000/.,  notwithstanding  that  both  himself  and  the  Queen  had  carried  away  abun 
dance."  The  painting  in  question  is  not  specially  mentioned  in  a  List  of  the  Sales 
during  the  Protectorate,  found  in  the  Harleian  MSS.  No.  7352,  though  this  is  by 
no  means  decisive,  as  several  of  the  entries  are  mere  charges  against  individuals 
for  "a  Picture,"  "  two  pictures,"  "  three  pictures,"  &c.  (fol.  222,  et  seq.).  Ca 
bot's  Portrait  has  recently  been  seen,  in  London,  by  the  most  eminent  artists,  and 
instantly  recognised  as  a  Holbein.  However  we  may  balance  between  probabili 
ties  as  to  its  intermediate  history,  a  doubt  as  to  its  identity  with  the  picture  referred 
to  by  Purchas,  seems  to  involve  not  only  the  necessity  of  accounting  for  the  dis 
appearance  of  the  latter,  but  also  the  extravagant  supposition  that /wo  Portraits 
of  Cabot,  bearing  the  same  remarkable  inscription,  were  executed  by  the  great- 
Artist  of  his  day. 

*  •'  Ce  livre  inconnu  a  tous  les  Bibliographes  que  nous  avons  consulted  cst 
peutetre  imaginaire"  (art.  Cabot). 


321 

course  it  could  not  have  been  read 'attentively,  or  we  should  not  have 
heard  of  the  ineffectual  inquiries  amongst  the  bibliographers.  The 
authenticity  of  the  work,  wholly  unknown  to  the  bibliographers 
consulted  by  the  Biographie  Universelle,  is  discussed  by  Foscarini 
in  his  Literatura  Veneziana,  and  by  Tiraboschi  in  the  Storia  Delia 
Literatura  Italiana.  They  denounce  the  error  of  attributing  it  to 
Cabot,  though  not  aware  of  its  real  history.  Tiraboschi  supposes  it 
a  translation  of  some  work  now  lost. 

The  truth  happens  to  be,  that  it  is  nothing  more  than  the  Journal 
of  Stephen  Burrough  during  his  two  Voyages  to  the  North-East, 
with  an  absurd  introduction  from  some  anonymous  writer  at  Venice! 
The  account  of  the  incident  at  Gravesend  which  probably  sug 
gested  to  the  Italian  the  name  of  Cabot  is  omitted,  and  the  whole  is 
disfigured,  but  the  identity  may  at  once  be  detected  by  comparing 
the  closing  paragraph  of  the  article  in  Ramusio  as  to  the  first  voy 
age  (fol.  216)  with  the  corresponding  paragraph  of  the  Journal  of 
Stephen  Burrough  (Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  283);  and,  again,  the  con 
cluding  paragraph  of  the  second  voyage  (foh  219)  with  the  corres 
ponding  part  in  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  295.  Bancroft  Librwjjl 

It  is  proper  to  remark  that  in  the  work  of  Ramusio,  as  published 
by  himself,  this  tract  is  not  to  be  found,  but  has  been  interpolated 
in  the  subsequent  editions.  The  voyage,  indeed,  was  not  com 
pleted  until  after  Ramusio's  death.  Yet  this  circumstance  rather 
aggravates  the  charge  against  the  Biographie  Universelle.  That 
work  (art.  Ramusio)  earnestly  advises  the  reader  to  consult  Camtts* 
in  selecting  a  copy  of  Ramusio,  and  Camus,  following  the  Books  on 

*  An  instance  of  the  carelessness  of  this  writer  ought  to  be  mentioned  in  justice 
to  the  Abbe  Prevost.  In  the  "  Histoire  et  Description  Generale  de  Ja  Nouvelle 
France,"  by  Charlevoix  (Ed.  of  1744,  torn.  i.  p.  100),  an  account  is  given  of  the 
memorable  expedition  of  Dominique  de  Gourgue  to  Florida,  and  use  is  made  of  a 
history  of  the  expedition  in  the  possession  of  the  family  of  de  Gourgue,  drawn 
up  by  the  chivalrous  Commander  himself.  This  statement  is  repeated  by  the 
Abbe  Prevost  (Histoire  Generale  des  Voyages,  vol.  xiv.  p.  448,  Paris  ed.  in  4to), 
with  a  reference,  such  as  he  had  before  given,  to  Charlevoix  as  the  Historian  of 
New  France.  Camus  (p.  46)  falls  into  the  error  of  supposing  that  the  reference 
of  Prevost  is  to  the  old  work  of  Lescarbot,  and  remarks,  "II  cite  pourgarant  dece 
faitPauteur  de  1'Histoire  de  la  N&uvelle  France;  je  n^ai  pu  1'y  trouver  ail  moins 
dans  Fedition  de  1609-!"  The  document  referred  to  by  Charlevoix  is  yet  in  the 
possession  of  the  Family,  and  the  Viscount  Gourgue  was  good  enough  recently, 
at  the  author's  request,  to  permit  the  collation  of  it  with  a  copy  of  the  MS.  Narra 
tive  in  the  King's  Library  at  Paris,  supposed  to  have  been  transmitted  by  Domi 
nique  de  Gourgue  to  Charles  IX. 

2  Q 


322 

Bibliography,  specially  recommends  the  perfidious  editions.  It  is 
plain,  therefore,  that  the  remarks  of  the  Biographic  Universelle  were 
made  without  consulting  the  guide  which  is  recommended  to  the 
reader. 

A  remark  cannot  be  forborne  on  the  utter  folly  which  has  con 
sented  to  repeat  the  advice  referred  to  as  to  the  selection  of  a  Ra- 
musio.  It  is  obvious  that  the  great  value  of  such  a  work  resides  in 
the  assurance  felt  by  the  reader  that  the  articles  found  there  were 
subjected,  at  an  early  period,  to  the  honest  judgment  of  the  compi 
ler,  and  that  before  admitting  them  he  satisfied  himself  that  they 
had  a  fair  claim  to  authenticity.  The  discrimination  which  Ramusio 
exercised  has  become  an  important  item  of  evidence.  Thus  he  re 
jects  the  first  and  second  of  the  alleged  voyages  of  Amerigo  Ves 
pucci,  but  republishes  the  two  last*  Though  he  speaks  in  respect 
ful  terms  of  Vespucci,  we  may  fairly  infer  that  he  considered  the  first 
Voyage  as  a  fiction,  and  the  account  of  the  second  as  suspicious  on 
account  of  the  unwarrantable  importance  assumed  by  Vespucci  for 
himself  at  a  time  when  he  was  known  to  have  been  acting  under 
the  orders  of  Hojeda.  Now  what  can  be  more  obviously  absurd 
than  to  recommend  an  edition  where  this  valuable  characteristic  is 
completely  lost  sight  of  and  new  matter  is  interpolated,  on  no  avowed 
responsibility,  yet  in  such  a  manner  as  to  have  misled  some  of  the 
most  learned  individuals  and  societies  of  the  day,  and  of  course 
fatally  deceptive  to  those  who  make  only  an  occasional  hurried  re 
ference  to  the  work? 

One  example  of  the  pernicious  consequence  of  this  proceeding  is 
too  remarkable  to  be  passed  over.  It  relates  to  that  memorable 
fraud,  the  pretended  voyage  of  Nicholas  and  Antonio  Zeno. 

The  Dedication  of  this  work,  as  originally  published  by  Marco- 
lini,  bears  date  December,  1558.  Ramusio  died  in  July  1557;  and 
of  course  it  is  impossible  that  it  could  have  been  published  by  him, 
or  that  he  could  have  marked  it  for  insertion.  It  does  not  appear 
in  the  Ramusio  of  1559,  but  was  interpolated  into  the  second  vo 
lume  in  1574,  seventeen  years  after  his  death.  This  circumstance 
is  decisive  against  its  authenticity.  Ramusio,  a  native -of  Venice, 
was  not  only  a  diligent  and  anxious  collector  of  voyages,  but,  it  ap 
pears  by  his  work,  was  familiar  with  the  family  of  the  Zeno  of  that 


•  "  In  questo  volume  non  si  fa  mentione  delJe  navigation!  fatte  da  Amerigo  Ves 
pucci  all*  Indie  Occidental!  per  ordine  de  gli  Re  de  Castiglia,  ma  solanaente  di 
quelle  due  che  el  fece  di  Commissionie  del  Re  di  Fortogallo"  (torn.  i.  fol.  130). 


323 

city,  and  he  speaks  with  pride  (Ed.  of  1559,  torn.  ii.  foL  65,  D.) 
of  the  adventurous  travels  of  Caterino  Zeno  in  Persia.  Had  the 
materials  for  such  a  narrative  existed  he  wouid  have  eagerly  seized 
the  opportunity  of  embodying  them,  and  it  is  plain  that  the  impos 
ture  dared  not  make  its  appearance  in  his  lifetime.  Yet,  from  the 
subsequent  interpolation,  this  tract,  by  almost  unanimous  consent, 
has  been  considered  to  bear  the  high  sanction  of  Ramusio's  name. 

"  This,"  says  Forster  (p.  180),  "  is  the  account  given  of  the  affair 
by  Ramusio"  The  Biographic  Universelle  (art.  Zeno)  says  "  Cette 
Relation  a  etc  reimprime  par  Ramusio."  And  the  Quarterly  Re 
view  (vol.  xvi.  p.  165,  note)  speaks  of  certain  things  known  "  before 
Ramusio  published  the  Letters  of  the  two  Zeni."  ID  short,  the 
misconception  has  been  uirversal, 

Nor  is  it  merely  from  the  silence  of  Ramusio  that  an  inference  is 
drawn  against  this  pretended  voyage. 

He  declares  in  the  Preface  to  the  Third  Volume,  that  he  considers 
it  not  only  proper,  but  in  the  nature  of  a  duty,  to  vindicate  the  truth 
in  the  behalf  of  Columbus,  who  was  the  first  to  discover  and  bring 
to  light  the  New  World.* 

He  answers  in  detail  the  calumny  that  the  project  was  suggested 
to  Columbus  by  a  Pilot  who  died  in  his  house,  and  refers  for  a  re 
futation  of  the  idle  tale- to  persons  yet  living  in  Italy,  who  were 
present  at  the  Spanish  Court  when  Columbus  departed.  He  recites 
the  circumstances  which  had  conducted  the  mind  of  Columbus,  as  an 
able  and  experienced  mariner  and  Cosmographer,  to  the  conclusion 
that  his  project  was  practicable. 

"  Such,"  he  declares  in  conclusion,  "  were  the  circumstances  that 
led  to  his  anxiety  to  undertake  the  voyage,  having  fixed  it  in  his 
mind  that  by  going  directly  West  the  Eastern  extremity  of  the  In 
dies  would  be  discovered,  "f 

He  breaks  into  an  apostrophe  to  the  rival  city  of  Genoa  which 
had  given  birth  to  Columbus,  a  fact  so  much  more  glorious  than  that 
about  which  seven  of  the  greatest  cities  of  Greece  contended.  J 

•  ft  No  pure  e  convene  vole,  ma  par  mi  anco  di  essere  obligate  a  dire  alquate 
parole  accompagnate  dalla  verita  per  diffesa  del  Signer  Christoforo  Colombo,  Uqual 
fu  ilprimo  inventore  di  discoprire  etfar  venire  in  luce  qucsta  meta  del  mondo." 

t  "  Tutte  queste  cose  lo  inducevano  a  voler  far  questo  viaggio,  havendo  fisso 
nelP  animo  che  andando  a  dritto  per  Ponente  esso  troverebbe  le  parti  di  Levant! 
ove  sono  Tlndie." 

t  "  Genoua  si  vanti  et  glorii  di  cosi  excellente  huomo  cittadin  suo  et  mettasi  £ 
paragone  di  quatunque  altra  citta  percioche  costui  non  fu  Poeta,  come  Homero 


324 

The  full  force  of  this  evidence  cannot  be  understood  without  ad 
verting  to  the  strength  of  Ramusio's  prejudices  in  favour  of  his  native 
City.  He  honestly  acknowledges  that  their  influence  may  mislead 
him  when  he  is  disposed  to  rank  the  enterprize  of  Marco  Polo,  of 
Venice,  by  land,  as  more  memorable  than  even  that  of  the  great 
Genoese  by  sea.* 

Yet  this  is  the  writer  who  is  said  to  have  given  to  the  world  un 
deniable  evidence  not  only  that  the  Venetian  Zeno  knew  of  these 
regions  upwards  of  a  century  before  the  time  of  Columbus,  but  that 
traces  had  been  discovered  proving  that  the  Venetians  had  visited 
them  long  before  the  time  of  Zeno.  And  in  a  work  of  the  present 
day  we  have  these  monstrous  assertions: 

They  [theZeni]  "added  a  Relation  which,  whether  true  or  false, 
contained  the  positive  assertion  of  a  continent  existing  to  the  West 
of  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  This  Relation  was  unquestionably  known 
to  Columbus.'^ 

The  professed  author  of  the  book,  Marcolini,  was  a  bookseller  and 
publisher  of  Venice.  It  bears  his  well-known  device,  of  which  Dr 
Dibdinj:  has  given  a  fac-simile.  The  motive  for  getting  it  up  is 
pretty  well  disclosed  in  the  concluding  remarks  which  allude  to  the 
prevailing  appetite  of  the  public  for  such  works.  It  is  stated  that 


del  qual  sette  citta  dell  maggiori  che  havesse  la  Grecia  contesero  insieme  affer- 
mando  ciascuna  che  egli  era  su  Cittadino,  ma  fa  un  huomo  il  quale  hafatto  nascer 
al  mondo  un  altro  mondo  che  €  effetto  incomparabilment  molto  maggiore  del  detto 
di  sopra."  The  terms  in  which  he  denounces  the  effort  to  disparage  Columbus, 
on  the  ground  of  pretended  hints  from  the  Pilot,  assure  us  of  the  manner  in  which 
he  would  have  treated  the  subsequent  imposture  absurdly  attributed  to  himself; 
"  questa  favola  laqual  malitiosamente  dopo  suo  ritorno  fu  per  invidia  finta  dalla 
gente  bassa  et  ignorante."  Again:  "una  favola pieno  di  malignita  et  di  tristitia." 
He  loftily  denounces  the  baseness  with  which  a  low  envy  had  seized  on  and  dressed 
up  this  tale,  "  ad  approvar  la  detta  favola  et  dipingerla  con  mille  colori." 

•  "  Et  se  1'affettione  della  patria  non  m'inganna,  mi  par  che  per  ragion  probabile 
si  possa  aflfermare  che  questo  fatto  per  terra  debba  esser  anteposto  a  quello  di 
mare,"  Pref.  torn.  ii. 

|  Dr  Lardner's  Cabinet  Cyclopaedia,  History  of  Maritime  and  Inland  Discovery, 
voL  i.  p.  225. 

$  Bibliographical  Decameron,  vol.  ii.  p.  244-5.  In  Singer's  learned  "Researches 
iuto  the  History  of  Playing  Cards,  with  Illustrations  of  the  origin  of  Printing  and 
Engraving  on  Wood,"  is  an  account  (p.  64-65)  of  Marcolini's  beautiful  volume, 
entitled  Le  Sortl.  "The  decorative  woodcuts  are  very  numerous,  and  many  of 
them  very  beautiful ;  great  numbers  of  them  afterwards  served  to  decorate  the 
Capriccios  of  that  odd  genius  Doni,  who  seems  to  have  been  employed  by  Marcolini 
to  write  some  of  his  whimsical  productions  as  vehicles  for  these  Woodcuts.'* 


325 

the  slight  materials  extant  had  been  put  together  that  they  might  not 
be  altogether  lost  at  a  period  "most  studious  of  new  narratives,  and 
of  the  discoveries  of  strange  countries,  made  by  the  bold  and  indefati 
gable  exertions  of  our  ancestors"  ("  studiosissima  delle  Narrationi 
nuovi  et  delle  discoperte  de  paesi  non  conosciuti  fatte  dal  grande  an- 
imo  et  grande  industria  de  i  nostri  moggiori"). 

A  full  exhibition  of  the  evidence  which  establishes  this  produc 
tion  to  be  a  rank  imposture  would  require  more  space  than  can  here 
be  justifiably  devoted  to  a  topic  purely  incidental.  As  it  is  likely 
to  engage  attention,  anew,  in  connexion  with  the  rumoured  disco 
veries  in  East  or  Lost  Greenland,  such  a  degree  of  interest  may  be 
thrown  round  it  as  to  warrant,  hereafter,  in  a  different  form,  a  de 
tailed  examination. 

Reverting  to  the  immediate  subject  under  consideration — the  al 
terations  of  Ramusio  in  recent  editions — an  example  occurs  in  refer 
ence  to  this  voyage  of  the  Zeni,  which  shews  not  only  that  new 
matter  has  been  unwarrantably  introduced,  but  that  the  text  has  been 
corrupted,  without  hesitation,  to  suit  the  purposes  of  the  moment. 

It  has  been  made  a  charge  against  Hakluyt,  that  in  translating  the 
work  of  Marcolini,  he  has  interpolated  a  passage  representing  JEsto- 
tiland,  the  Northern  part  of  the  new  Region,  as  abounding  in  gold 
and  other  metals: 

"In  Hakluyt's  Collection  of  Voyages,  it  is  added,  they  have  mines  of  all  manner 
of  metals,  but  especially  they  abound  in  gold.  This  passage,  however,  is  not  to 
be  found  in  the  Italian  original  of  Ramusio.  "* 

The  English  Translator  of  Forster,  referring  (p.  189)  to  the  al 
leged  infidelity  of  Hakluyt,  says, 

"  From  many  circumstances,  it  appears,  that  Hakluyt's  collection  was  made 
principally  with  a  view  to  excite  his  countrymen  to  prosecute  new  discoveries  in 
America,  and  to  promote  the  trade  to  that  quarter  of  the  globe.  Considering  it  in 
this  light,  and  that  hardly  any  thing  was  thought  worthy  of  notice  in  that  age  but 
mines  of  silver  and  mountains  of  gold,  we  need  not  wonder  at  flte  interpolation  /" 

Thus  has  Hakluyt  been  made,  alternately,  the  theme  of  extrava 
gant  eulogium  and  groundless  denunciation  !  The  passage  about 
gold  is  in  the  original  (fol.  52)  precisely  as  he  translates  it:  "  Han- 
no  lingua  et  lettere  separate  et  cavano  Metalli  d'ogni  sorte  et  sopra 
tutto  abondano  d'Oro  et  le  lor  pratiche  sono  in  Engroneland  di 
dove  traggono  pellerecie,  &c."  The  misconception  of  later  writers 

•  Forster's  Northern  Voyages,  p.  189,  note 


326 

is  due  to  a  complex  piece  of  roguery  running  through  the  several 
editions  of  Ramusio. 

The  story  of  Nicolo  and  Antonio  Zeno  gains  a  footing,  for  the 
first  time,  in  the  second  volume  of  the  Venice  edition  of  1574,  of 
which  there  is  a  copy  in  the  Library  of  the  British  Museum  The 
passage  of  the  original  representing  Estotiland  to  abound  in  Gold 
is  found  there  (fol.  224  A.).  But  before  the  next  edition  came  out, 
the  well-known  result  of  Frobisher's  magnificent  hopes  was  calcu 
lated  to  throw  ridicule  on  such  representations.  The  passage,  there 
fore,  disappears  from  the  editions  of  1583  and  1606  (fol.  232  A.)» 
The  suppression  is  executed  in  rather  an  awkward  manner.  On 
turning  to  the  passage  indicated  of  the  more  recent  editions,  there 
will  be  discovered,  at  the  eleventh  line  from  the  top  of  the  page,  a 
chasm  in  the  sense  between  "cavano"  and  "di  dove.'5  The  sup 
pression  of  the  intermediate  words,  which  are  marked  in  italics  in 
our  quotation  from  the  original,  constitutes  the  fraud,  and  renders 
what  remains  unintelligible.  Hakluyt  made  his  translation  from  the 
Ramusio  of  1574,  and  not  from  the  original  work  of  Marcolini. 
This  is  evident  from  the  fact,  that  in  his  translation  (vol.  iii.  p.  124) 
immediately  after  the  death  of  Nicolo  Zeno,  there  follows  a  deduc 
tion  of  descent  from  him  to  "  the  other  Zenos  that  are  living  at  this 
day,"  of  which  there  is  not  a  syllable  in  the  original  (fol.  51),  but  it 
is  interpolated  into  the  Ramusio  of  1574.  He  escaped  the  falsifica 
tion  of  the  edition  of  15S3,  because  his  translation  was  made  prior 
to  that  time,  it  having  appeared  in  his  early  work  "  Divers  Voyages, 
&c."  published  in  1582.  The  matter,  then,  stands  thus.  Hakluyt 
followed  a  vicious  copy,  but  one  which  had  reached  only  the  first 
stage  of  depravation.  Those  who  denounce  him  merely  happen  to 
have  got  hold  of  a  subsequent  edition  which  has  been  further  tam 
pered  with.  Neither  party  went  back  to  the  Original,  though  by 
no  means  a  rare  book;  and  it  is  curious  that  the  critics  of  Hakluyt, 
while  talking  of  the  "original,"  had  before  them  neither  the  original 
Marcolini,  nor  the  original  Ramusio,  nor  even,  if  the  expression 
may  be  used,  the  original  counterfeit  of  Ramusio.  In  this  last  par 
ticular  Hakluyt  has  the  advantage  over  them. 

It  has  been  ascertained  from  Oxford  that  the  tract  which  figures 
in  the  Catalogue  of  the  Bodleian  Library  is  not  to  be  found  in  a  se 
parate  form,  but  only  as  an  item  of  the  second  volume  of  Ramusio. 
The  person  who  prepared  the  Catalogue  was  doubtless  caught  by  the 
attractive  name  of  Cabot,  and  unfortunately  gave  to  it  this  deceptive 
prominence. 


327 

The  erroneous  citation  by  Hakluy  t  (vol.  iii.  p.  6)  of  the  second 
volume  of  Ramusio,  instead  of  the  first,  was  probably  occasioned 
by  this  tract.  Eden  had  said  that  the  passage  containing  the  Conver 
sation  of  Butrigarius  was  to  be  found  in  the  Italian  History  of  Navi 
gations.  Hakluyt,  in  looking  over  the  first  and  third  volumes  of 
Ramusio,  found  no  leading  title  to  catch  his  attention,  whilst  the  spu 
rious  article  in  the  second  volume  has  the  name  of  Cabot  running 
ostentatiously  at  the  top  of  the  page.  He  probably  conjectured  that 
it  was  to  be  found  there.  Purchas  (Pilgrims,  vol.  iii.  p.  807)  impli 
citly  follows  Hakluyt,  and  repeats  the  citation  of  the  second  volume. 

It  is  remarkable  that  in  «  The  History  of  Navigation,"  found  in, 
Churchill's  Collection  (vol.  i.  p.  Ixxiv.)  and  usually  attributed  to 
Locke,  there  is  an  account  of  the  contents  of  Ramusio,  and  this  item 
of  the  second  volume  is  represented  as  a  description  of  Cabot's  Voy 
age  « to  The  North-West!" 

Another  instance  of  unwarrantable  liberty  taken  with  the  text  of 
Ramusio,  occurs  in  a  passage  which  has  already  been  cited.  In  that 
Conversation,  usually  connected  with  the  name  of  Butrigarius,  the 
speaker  is  described  in  the  edition  of  1554  (vol.  i.  fol.  413,  A.) 
merely  as  a  gentleman,  "  un  gentil'huomo,"  but  in  the  editions  of 
1583,  1606,  and  1613  (fol.  373),  the  expression  is  altered  to  "un 
gentil'huomo  Mantovano,"  doubtless  from  mere  conjecture. 

The  fact  is  remarkable,  that  owing  to  the  deceptive  instructions 
given  for  the  purchase  of  this  work,  there  is  rarely  found  in  the  most 
carefully  selected  Libraries  an  uncorrupted  copy — one  which  can 
be  taken  up  without  peril  to  the  reader,  at  every  turn,  of  being  the 
dupe  of  rash,  or  fraudulent,  alteration  by  an  unknown  editor. 


Additional  matter  appearing  in  2nd  London  Edition 
at  Pages  77-78  and  mentioned  in  Preface.  To  para 
graph  in  Text  ending  "was  first  discovered  by  an 
expedition  commissioned  to  'set  up  the  banner'  of 
England."  The  following  Note  is  appended: 

"A  passage  in  the  Interlude  of  the  Nature  of  the  Four  Elements"  given  in 
Mr.  Collier's  recent  'Annals  of  the  Stage,'  supplies  a  curious  allusion  to  this 
fact.  The  Interlude  is  by  some  antiquarians  referred  to  the  year  1510,  and  by 
others  to  1517: 

"And  also  what  an  honorable  thynge. 
Both  to  the  Realme  and  to  the  Kynge, 
To  have  had  his  domnynyon  extendynge 
There  into  so  far  a  grounde 
Whiche  the  noble  Kynge  of  late  memory. 
The  most  wyse  prynce,  the  VII  Kerry 
Caused  furst  for  to  bee  founde". 


